Cookies help us run our site more efficiently.

By clicking “Accept”, you agree to the storing of cookies on your device to enhance site navigation, analyze site usage, and assist in our marketing efforts. View our Privacy Policy for more information or to customize your cookie preferences.

Interstate 27 has divided Lubbock for decades. North and east side residents want that to change.

News Feed
Friday, July 19, 2024

Subscribe to The Y’all — a weekly dispatch about the people, places and policies defining Texas, produced by Texas Tribune journalists living in communities across the state. LUBBOCK — For more than 30 years, Interstate 27 has connected Lubbock in the South Plains to Amarillo in the northern Panhandle. The concrete structure has stood as a key transportation method for residents, businesses and people driving through the area. And yet, some see it as a lasting reminder of segregation, and a physical barrier that has isolated the east and north sides from the rest of Lubbock. Neighborhoods with majority Black and Hispanic residents are stuffed away, surrounded by industrial zoning and factories releasing emissions into the air. People who call the area home say it’s behind a wall — a signal for people to stop while they can. “Anything behind a wall has a negative connotation to it,” said Robert Baxter, a Lubbock native. “But we’re humans on the other side of that. Not the boogeyman or just criminals. There are kids, elderly people, families, business owners behind that wall.” East Lubbock advocates are working on a seemingly never-ending mission — stitching their neighborhoods back into Lubbock’s fabric. As the city grows, communities behind the interstate have been left behind. While the city adds grocery stores to nearly every corner west of I-27, residents on the east side have one supermarket to get fresh food in the area. A few gas stations and corner markets sparsely placed have less fresh, but convenient, options. While crews actively work on repairing streets in the city, East Lubbock roads remain unpaved in some areas. Businesses have closed and not been replaced, leaving empty, decrepit buildings. There isn’t an emergency room or health clinic in sight for the vulnerable neighborhoods. The interstate has cemented their conditions, and advocates say it’s a problem that’s nearly impossible to dismantle. Lubbock is not the only city facing this issue. The construction of the national highway infrastructure in the U.S. deepened segregation for communities of color nationwide. Karen Wolf at the University of Washington’s Infrastructure Planning and Management program, said the nation’s history of highways is not pretty. “These highways cut through neighborhoods and separated them,” said Wolf, interim academic director for the program. “It was traditionally communities of color or poor neighborhoods, and in some cases, those communities were destroyed.” Segregation was deeply-seeded in big cities and quaint towns alike — cities like Lubbock that are now booming and seeing a ripple effect from mistakes of the past. Fixing the problem, however, can be a costly and complicated process. Earlier this year, President Joe Biden announced $3.3 billion in 41 states to reconnect and rebuild communities that were divided by transportation infrastructure. Nearly $235 million was awarded to six projects in Texas. The Texas Tribune is committed to transparency and integrity, especially as new technologies are on the rise.That's why we want to hear your thoughts about how we use artificial intelligence in our work. Take our Survey The projects awarded funds include efforts in Austin to reconnect East Austin to downtown, a project by the Harris County Toll Road Authority to redesign Westpark Tollway and bridge the Alief community back in, a transportation feasibility study in El Paso, a study focusing on equitable solutions to fix disadvantages caused by Interstate 37 to San Antonio’s east side, a project dedicated to walkability and climate-resiliency for two Houston neighborhoods, and construction on pedestrian caps in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. The issue remains unresolved in Lubbock, nearly a year after a group of residents filed a federal civil rights complaint against the city for its zoning policies. Residents are still in an uphill battle on their mission toward environmental justice and fair zoning laws. Meanwhile, advocates worry that if city leaders don’t do something about it now, East Lubbock will suffer more as the city grows away from it. Industrial zoning isolates community  Baxter, who is Black, said living in Lubbock has always been rough for Black and Hispanic residents. When he was growing up, his friends were told by their parents to not go past I-27. As an adult, he advocates for the north and east sides as they are left behind in favor of shiny, new developments on the other side of town. “Other parts of the city have businesses, nice homes are being built, ones with brick,” Baxter said. “In North and East Lubbock, we have matchbox houses. We want to have brick, too.” More than 100 years ago, the Lubbock City Council approved an ordinance that forced Black residents to the east side of town. The ordinance said Black people could not own property or live in other areas of the city, unless they were servants, and would be fined every day they were in violation. The council then created an industrial zone around them. The ordinance was repealed in 2006, but in reality, little has changed, residents say. With few good paying jobs and amenities on the east side, it's difficult to live. And few can afford to move. A Texas Tribune analysis of U.S. Census data shows roughly 24% of the population in East Lubbock is impoverished, which is higher than the 19% rate for the city overall. “These communities are disconnected from economic drivers, the job market, retail, all the benefits coming to our city,” said Joshua Shankles, president of Lubbock Compact, a local advocacy group. Wolf at the University of Washington said industrial zoning attracts industries that come with big buildings and parking lots, and they cause noise and air pollution, which is a concern for residents in Lubbock. According to the North and East Lubbock Coalition’s complaint, 57% of Lubbock’s Black residents and 38% of its Hispanic residents live within one mile of the industrial zone. By comparison, only 17% of white residents live within the same proximity. The industrial buildings have contributed to public perception of the community on the east side. Earlier this year, the city held a public meeting to discuss a new solid waste transfer station on the southwest side of town. Residents were against the location, citing health impacts and property values — the same concerns people in East Lubbock have described for years. One resident said to put it on the east side because it’s “pretty trashy” and to “leave the nicer areas alone.” “Industrial zoning can isolate a community,” Wolf said. “It creates chasms — you can’t walk through it, buses can’t really go there. It disrupts natural travel patterns for communities.” Wolf said highways are important for faster travel and hauling heavy freight. However, she said the highways were built without recognition to the communities they are in, and sometimes, in spite of them. “The most important piece now is to make sure that any new segments don't bisect communities or isolate more neighborhoods,” Wolf said. Advocates and residents alike have been determined to improve East Lubbock for decades, but it has not been an easy task. City leaders, Shankles said, have failed to recognize there is inequity. “It’s difficult for people to even hear criticism of anything in Lubbock, they think it’s an insult or personal assault,” Shankles said. “It’s more difficult to be receptive to new ideas than to say ‘Let’s just keep doing what we’ve been doing.’” A resistance to change has been seen over decades as residents and activists alike have advocated for better conditions in East Lubbock. Baxter, who sits on the city’s Urban Renewal Agency and Neighborhood Redevelopment Commission, wants to be an example for future generations to be active in the community. But, he still admits it’s hard talking about a pressing issue with no resolution in sight. “You get tired trying to show someone it’s a problem,” Baxter said. “It’s been a problem for decades. People before me talked about it, now I am, and it’s like no one is listening.” False hopes Natalie Miller was excited to move back to Lubbock in 2013. Her hometown was set for a boom in growth and development. Her excitement waned as she made her way to East Lubbock, where she grew up. “Conditions here got worse,” Miller said. “Growing up, you don’t understand the history behind the conditions here. You start to ask those questions as an adult.” Miller joined other residents as they advocated for better conditions, and called for two practices to be added to Lubbock’s development code. The first was amortization, a process that allows the city to rezone property and prevent businesses from practicing operations that are a nuisance or health hazard after zoning laws have changed. Residents want this used to keep industrial practices away from their homes. The other method is down zoning, which allows the city to change the zoning of an area to a less intensive use, such as going from a commercial land to residential. Residents want this because it would stop new industrial businesses from moving in. For advocates, seeking either option has been a long road full of empty promises. At the end of 2022, the North and East Lubbock Coalition, a group of residents, began emailing city leaders about the impact of its zoning laws. The city’s development code would be reviewed soon, and they wanted to get ahead of the discussion. When the city council passed the code without significant changes, the group filed a federal civil rights complaint last summer against the city with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The council later organized a committee to study the use of amortization and down zoning, and the extent and negative effect of abandoned industrial properties on nearby residents. The committee included industry executives who managed companies near the neighborhoods in question. None of the residents who petitioned Lubbock for the changes were part of the committee. “It’s one of those situations where they give us this to say they did something,” Miller said of the committee’s creation. In January, the committee recommended the city analyze Lubbock’s zoning map to fix areas that need to be rezoned. The committee was against adapting an amortization policy in the city’s code, because the process exists in state law. The committee never answered the question about the negative impact on nearby residents. The city council later accepted the findings without the answer. “They’re not willing to address the issues of how we got here,” Miller said. “We need to talk about that in order to get to the core of our concerns and fix this.” Adam Pirtle, a lawyer with Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas representing the coalition, said down zoning is a good first step. However, he said there’s more to do. “They’re not looking at existing facilities that are operating, that are industrial and causing problems for residents,” Pirtle said. “They’re shying away from that.” There’s other ways Lubbock could improve the situation, including changing the notification process. Currently, Pirtle said, when an industrial business applies to rezone a property, people who live within 400 yards get notified. Pirtle said emailing residents would be easier for the public to get this information. Pirtle also pointed to the environmental commission in Dallas. The group advises the city council on environmental matters and has brought residents affected by industrial facilities to Texas Commission on Environmental Quality public hearings. Federal review ongoing  Residents are now back to square one. According to Pirtle, the HUD’s Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity office in Washington, D.C. is reviewing the North and East Lubbock Coalition's complaint. The coalition is hoping the HUD will make the city remedy the zoning policies for both districts. In the meantime, Pirtle said, his clients are willing to meet with the city at any time to work toward a solution. Baxter said changing the zoning in North and East Lubbock, so it’s not surrounded by industrial buildings near I-27, would help them flourish. As is, he said, zoning is a monster that has hindered the community’s ability to bring in new businesses or housing developments. “No one wants to put up a restaurant or a set of brick condos near a toxic release site,” Baxter said. Baxter also said more members of the community need to get involved, including being placed on city boards that review zoning requests. Miller will continue showing up to meetings and pushing for the city to change. What they have right now — a few Dollar General-type stores, unpaved roads, and no pharmacies — leaves Miller frustrated. “It makes me feel as if we are neglected,” Miller said. “Just as we have been over the last 80 to 100 years here.” Wolf said reconnecting communities that were separated by infrastructure is possible — albeit, expensive. City leaders also have to be willing to learn from past mistakes, and work with the people who are directly affected. “It needs to be done with meaningful involvement from the community members from the very beginning,” Wolf said. “You have to work with them, you have to listen to them, and you have to understand what’s important to them.” In an email from a spokesperson, City Manager Jarrett Atkinson said he does not believe I-27 has had an impact on zoning laws. Mayor Mark McBrayer declined to be interviewed by the Tribune for this story. The HUD is expected to have an answer to the complaint this year. Big news: director and screenwriter Richard Linklater; NPR President and CEO Katherine Maher; U.S. Rep. Pete Aguilar, D-California; and Luci Baines Johnson will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!

After repeated attempts to convince the City Council to make zoning changes, residents asked the federal government to intervene.

Subscribe to The Y’all — a weekly dispatch about the people, places and policies defining Texas, produced by Texas Tribune journalists living in communities across the state.


LUBBOCK — For more than 30 years, Interstate 27 has connected Lubbock in the South Plains to Amarillo in the northern Panhandle. The concrete structure has stood as a key transportation method for residents, businesses and people driving through the area.

And yet, some see it as a lasting reminder of segregation, and a physical barrier that has isolated the east and north sides from the rest of Lubbock. Neighborhoods with majority Black and Hispanic residents are stuffed away, surrounded by industrial zoning and factories releasing emissions into the air. People who call the area home say it’s behind a wall — a signal for people to stop while they can.

“Anything behind a wall has a negative connotation to it,” said Robert Baxter, a Lubbock native. “But we’re humans on the other side of that. Not the boogeyman or just criminals. There are kids, elderly people, families, business owners behind that wall.”

East Lubbock advocates are working on a seemingly never-ending mission — stitching their neighborhoods back into Lubbock’s fabric. As the city grows, communities behind the interstate have been left behind. While the city adds grocery stores to nearly every corner west of I-27, residents on the east side have one supermarket to get fresh food in the area. A few gas stations and corner markets sparsely placed have less fresh, but convenient, options. While crews actively work on repairing streets in the city, East Lubbock roads remain unpaved in some areas. Businesses have closed and not been replaced, leaving empty, decrepit buildings. There isn’t an emergency room or health clinic in sight for the vulnerable neighborhoods.

The interstate has cemented their conditions, and advocates say it’s a problem that’s nearly impossible to dismantle. Lubbock is not the only city facing this issue. The construction of the national highway infrastructure in the U.S. deepened segregation for communities of color nationwide.

Karen Wolf at the University of Washington’s Infrastructure Planning and Management program, said the nation’s history of highways is not pretty.

“These highways cut through neighborhoods and separated them,” said Wolf, interim academic director for the program. “It was traditionally communities of color or poor neighborhoods, and in some cases, those communities were destroyed.”

Segregation was deeply-seeded in big cities and quaint towns alike — cities like Lubbock that are now booming and seeing a ripple effect from mistakes of the past. Fixing the problem, however, can be a costly and complicated process. Earlier this year, President Joe Biden announced $3.3 billion in 41 states to reconnect and rebuild communities that were divided by transportation infrastructure. Nearly $235 million was awarded to six projects in Texas.

The Texas Tribune is committed to transparency and integrity, especially as new technologies are on the rise.

That's why we want to hear your thoughts about how we use artificial intelligence in our work.

Take our Survey

The projects awarded funds include efforts in Austin to reconnect East Austin to downtown, a project by the Harris County Toll Road Authority to redesign Westpark Tollway and bridge the Alief community back in, a transportation feasibility study in El Paso, a study focusing on equitable solutions to fix disadvantages caused by Interstate 37 to San Antonio’s east side, a project dedicated to walkability and climate-resiliency for two Houston neighborhoods, and construction on pedestrian caps in the Dallas-Fort Worth area.

The issue remains unresolved in Lubbock, nearly a year after a group of residents filed a federal civil rights complaint against the city for its zoning policies. Residents are still in an uphill battle on their mission toward environmental justice and fair zoning laws. Meanwhile, advocates worry that if city leaders don’t do something about it now, East Lubbock will suffer more as the city grows away from it.

Industrial zoning isolates community 

Baxter, who is Black, said living in Lubbock has always been rough for Black and Hispanic residents. When he was growing up, his friends were told by their parents to not go past I-27. As an adult, he advocates for the north and east sides as they are left behind in favor of shiny, new developments on the other side of town.

“Other parts of the city have businesses, nice homes are being built, ones with brick,” Baxter said. “In North and East Lubbock, we have matchbox houses. We want to have brick, too.”

More than 100 years ago, the Lubbock City Council approved an ordinance that forced Black residents to the east side of town. The ordinance said Black people could not own property or live in other areas of the city, unless they were servants, and would be fined every day they were in violation. The council then created an industrial zone around them. The ordinance was repealed in 2006, but in reality, little has changed, residents say. With few good paying jobs and amenities on the east side, it's difficult to live. And few can afford to move. A Texas Tribune analysis of U.S. Census data shows roughly 24% of the population in East Lubbock is impoverished, which is higher than the 19% rate for the city overall.

“These communities are disconnected from economic drivers, the job market, retail, all the benefits coming to our city,” said Joshua Shankles, president of Lubbock Compact, a local advocacy group.

Wolf at the University of Washington said industrial zoning attracts industries that come with big buildings and parking lots, and they cause noise and air pollution, which is a concern for residents in Lubbock. According to the North and East Lubbock Coalition’s complaint, 57% of Lubbock’s Black residents and 38% of its Hispanic residents live within one mile of the industrial zone. By comparison, only 17% of white residents live within the same proximity.

The industrial buildings have contributed to public perception of the community on the east side. Earlier this year, the city held a public meeting to discuss a new solid waste transfer station on the southwest side of town. Residents were against the location, citing health impacts and property values — the same concerns people in East Lubbock have described for years. One resident said to put it on the east side because it’s “pretty trashy” and to “leave the nicer areas alone.”

“Industrial zoning can isolate a community,” Wolf said. “It creates chasms — you can’t walk through it, buses can’t really go there. It disrupts natural travel patterns for communities.”

Wolf said highways are important for faster travel and hauling heavy freight. However, she said the highways were built without recognition to the communities they are in, and sometimes, in spite of them.

“The most important piece now is to make sure that any new segments don't bisect communities or isolate more neighborhoods,” Wolf said.

Advocates and residents alike have been determined to improve East Lubbock for decades, but it has not been an easy task. City leaders, Shankles said, have failed to recognize there is inequity.

“It’s difficult for people to even hear criticism of anything in Lubbock, they think it’s an insult or personal assault,” Shankles said. “It’s more difficult to be receptive to new ideas than to say ‘Let’s just keep doing what we’ve been doing.’”

A resistance to change has been seen over decades as residents and activists alike have advocated for better conditions in East Lubbock. Baxter, who sits on the city’s Urban Renewal Agency and Neighborhood Redevelopment Commission, wants to be an example for future generations to be active in the community. But, he still admits it’s hard talking about a pressing issue with no resolution in sight.

“You get tired trying to show someone it’s a problem,” Baxter said. “It’s been a problem for decades. People before me talked about it, now I am, and it’s like no one is listening.”

False hopes

Natalie Miller was excited to move back to Lubbock in 2013. Her hometown was set for a boom in growth and development. Her excitement waned as she made her way to East Lubbock, where she grew up.

“Conditions here got worse,” Miller said. “Growing up, you don’t understand the history behind the conditions here. You start to ask those questions as an adult.”

Miller joined other residents as they advocated for better conditions, and called for two practices to be added to Lubbock’s development code. The first was amortization, a process that allows the city to rezone property and prevent businesses from practicing operations that are a nuisance or health hazard after zoning laws have changed. Residents want this used to keep industrial practices away from their homes.

The other method is down zoning, which allows the city to change the zoning of an area to a less intensive use, such as going from a commercial land to residential. Residents want this because it would stop new industrial businesses from moving in. For advocates, seeking either option has been a long road full of empty promises.

At the end of 2022, the North and East Lubbock Coalition, a group of residents, began emailing city leaders about the impact of its zoning laws. The city’s development code would be reviewed soon, and they wanted to get ahead of the discussion. When the city council passed the code without significant changes, the group filed a federal civil rights complaint last summer against the city with the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

The council later organized a committee to study the use of amortization and down zoning, and the extent and negative effect of abandoned industrial properties on nearby residents. The committee included industry executives who managed companies near the neighborhoods in question. None of the residents who petitioned Lubbock for the changes were part of the committee.

“It’s one of those situations where they give us this to say they did something,” Miller said of the committee’s creation.

In January, the committee recommended the city analyze Lubbock’s zoning map to fix areas that need to be rezoned. The committee was against adapting an amortization policy in the city’s code, because the process exists in state law. The committee never answered the question about the negative impact on nearby residents. The city council later accepted the findings without the answer.

“They’re not willing to address the issues of how we got here,” Miller said. “We need to talk about that in order to get to the core of our concerns and fix this.”

Adam Pirtle, a lawyer with Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas representing the coalition, said down zoning is a good first step. However, he said there’s more to do.

“They’re not looking at existing facilities that are operating, that are industrial and causing problems for residents,” Pirtle said. “They’re shying away from that.”

There’s other ways Lubbock could improve the situation, including changing the notification process. Currently, Pirtle said, when an industrial business applies to rezone a property, people who live within 400 yards get notified. Pirtle said emailing residents would be easier for the public to get this information.

Pirtle also pointed to the environmental commission in Dallas. The group advises the city council on environmental matters and has brought residents affected by industrial facilities to Texas Commission on Environmental Quality public hearings.

Federal review ongoing 

Residents are now back to square one. According to Pirtle, the HUD’s Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity office in Washington, D.C. is reviewing the North and East Lubbock Coalition's complaint. The coalition is hoping the HUD will make the city remedy the zoning policies for both districts.

In the meantime, Pirtle said, his clients are willing to meet with the city at any time to work toward a solution.

Baxter said changing the zoning in North and East Lubbock, so it’s not surrounded by industrial buildings near I-27, would help them flourish. As is, he said, zoning is a monster that has hindered the community’s ability to bring in new businesses or housing developments.

“No one wants to put up a restaurant or a set of brick condos near a toxic release site,” Baxter said.

Baxter also said more members of the community need to get involved, including being placed on city boards that review zoning requests.

Miller will continue showing up to meetings and pushing for the city to change. What they have right now — a few Dollar General-type stores, unpaved roads, and no pharmacies — leaves Miller frustrated.

“It makes me feel as if we are neglected,” Miller said. “Just as we have been over the last 80 to 100 years here.”

Wolf said reconnecting communities that were separated by infrastructure is possible — albeit, expensive. City leaders also have to be willing to learn from past mistakes, and work with the people who are directly affected.

“It needs to be done with meaningful involvement from the community members from the very beginning,” Wolf said. “You have to work with them, you have to listen to them, and you have to understand what’s important to them.”

In an email from a spokesperson, City Manager Jarrett Atkinson said he does not believe I-27 has had an impact on zoning laws. Mayor Mark McBrayer declined to be interviewed by the Tribune for this story. The HUD is expected to have an answer to the complaint this year.


Big news: director and screenwriter Richard Linklater; NPR President and CEO Katherine Maher; U.S. Rep. Pete Aguilar, D-California; and Luci Baines Johnson will take the stage at The Texas Tribune Festival, Sept. 5–7 in downtown Austin. Buy tickets today!

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Tribes Celebrate the End of the Largest Dam Removal Project in US History

The largest dam removal project in U.S. history has been completed near the California-Oregon border

The largest dam removal project in U.S. history was completed Wednesday, marking a major victory for tribes in the region who fought for decades to free hundreds of miles of the Klamath River near the California-Oregon border.Through protests, testimony and lawsuits, local tribes showcased the environmental devastation due to the four towering hydroelectric dams, especially to salmon, which are culturally and spiritually significant to tribes in the region.“Without that visioning and that advocacy and activism and the airplane miles that they racked up … to point out the damage that these dams were doing, not only to the environment, but to the social and cultural fabric of these tribal nations, there would be no dam removal,” said Mark Bransom, chief executive of the Klamath River Renewal Corporation, the nonprofit entity created to oversee the project.Power company PacifiCorp built the dams to generate electricity between 1918 and 1962. But the structures halted the natural flow of the waterway that was once known as the third-largest salmon-producing river on the West Coast, disrupting the lifecycle of the region’s salmon. At the same time, the dams only produced a fraction of PacifiCorp’s energy at full capacity — enough to power about 70,000 homes. They also didn’t provide irrigation, drinking water or flood control, according to Klamath River Renewal Corporation.Since breaching the dams, anadromous fish regained access to their habitat, water temperature decreased and its quality improved, explained Michael Belchik, senior water policy analyst for the Yurok Tribe.But tribal advocates and activists see their work as far from finished, with some already refocusing their efforts on revegetation and other restoration work on the Klamath River and the surrounding land.Here’s a look at just a few of the many tribal members at the center of this struggle for dam removal:When Karuk tribal member Molli Myers took her first major step into the fight for Klamath dam removal, she was six months pregnant, had a toddler in tow and was in a foreign country for the first time. It was 2004 and she had organized a group of about 25 tribal members to fly to Scotland for the annual general stockholders meeting for Scottish Power, PacifiCorp’s parent company at the time.For hours, they protested outside with signs, sang and played drums. They cooked fish on Calton Hill over a fire of scotch barrels and gave it out to locals as they explained why they were there.“I really felt an urgency because I was having babies,” said Myers, who was born and raised in the middle Klamath in a traditional fishing family. “And so for me I was internalizing the responsibility to take care of their future.”The initial trigger for her to act came two years before that when she saw some of the tens of thousands of salmon die in the river from a bacterial outbreak caused by low water and warm temperatures.“Looking back on it now I wonder where would we be if that hadn’t happened," said Myers, 41. "Looking back on it now I can say, ‘Was this our creator’s call to action?’”She spent the next two decades protesting and flooding state and federal meetings with tribal testimony, including waiting with other tribal members at the doors of a Berkshire Hathaway shareholder meeting at 4 a.m. in 2007 to ask Warren Buffett what he was going to do about the dams. PacifiCorp was at that point part of Buffett’s Berkshire Hathaway Inc. conglomerate.Today, those same children with her in Scotland are 21 and 19, and with the dams gone Myers said she sees the hope they and her other three children have about the future.“They can do whatever needs to get done because they saw it happen, they lived it, so now there’s no impossible for them," she said.For Yurok elder Jacqueline Winter, her feelings on the newly free-flowing river are more complicated. The 89-year-old’s son, Troy Fletcher, was the tribe’s point person for dam removal for two decades, testifying in front of the U.S. Congress and presenting to state and federal regulatory committees. But his true power came through his ability to bring people with radically conflicting viewpoints — from farmers to commercial fishers to tribal members — together. Winter said that came from his belief that everyone living along the river are relatives and deserve to be heard. “We’re all family. None of us can be left hurting and all of us have to give a little,” she said was his message.But at 53, the former executive director for the Yurok Tribe died unexpectedly from a heart attack, nearly a decade before that vision of a free-flowing river would finally be realized. Winter said when she saw the dams breached last month, it felt like his spirit was there through those he touched and she could finally let him go.“His vision became reality and I think he never doubted it,” she said. “He never doubted it. And those who worked closely with him never doubted it.”Former Klamath Tribes Chairman Jeff Mitchell’s work since the 1970s for dam removal came out of the belief that the salmon are their relatives.“They were gifted to us by our creator and given to us to preserve and to protect and also to help give us life,” said Mitchell, chair of the tribe’s Culture and Heritage Committee. “As such, the creator also instructed us to make sure that we do everything in our power to protect those fish.”The Klamath River’s headwaters lie on the tribe’s homelands in Oregon, and members once depended on salmon for 25% of their food. But for more than a century their waters have not held any salmon, he said.Mitchell and other tribal members’ fight to bring them back has cycled through several forms. There were the years of protesting, even gathering carcasses of fish after the 2002 fish kill and leaving them on the doorsteps of federal office buildings. There were his days of walking the halls of the state Legislature in Salem, Oregon, meeting with lawmakers about the millions in funding needed to make dam removal happen. Today, he said he feels like they achieved the impossible, but there’s still more work to do.“I’m happy that the dams are gone and we have passage,” he said. “But now I’m thinking about what are those fish coming home to? And that’s really the focus now, is how do we get the parties to start taking restoration actions and making that the top priority in all of this?”Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Newsom and state court judge throw wet blanket on Inland Empire warehouse boom

A judge tosses San Bernardino County's approval of a warehouse complex and Gov. Gavin Newsom reins in warehouse development with a new law.

In summary A judge tosses San Bernardino County’s approval of a warehouse complex and Gov. Gavin Newsom reins in warehouse development with a new law. It’s been a rough couple weeks for warehouse developers in the Inland Empire. Two weeks ago a San Bernardino Superior Court overturned the county’s approval of a massive warehouse complex on more than 2 million acres in the community of Bloomington. Then on Sunday Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a bill that reins in warehouse development statewide by tightening building standards and restricting diesel truck routes in neighborhoods.  The new law is likely to have a big impact in the Inland Empire, which already includes 4,000 warehouses that sprawl over nearly 40 square miles. Those facilities bring jobs, but also air pollution, noise and traffic. Environmental activists applauded the court case reversing the Bloomington warehouse approval. Developers of the Bloomington warehouse complex proposed building three new distribution centers, including a cavernous facility of more than a million square feet. Their plan involved buying and demolishing more than 100 homes. A coalition of nonprofits sued San Bernardino County and the developer in 2022, saying officials missed the mark on environmental standards. On Sept. 17 Superior Court Judge Donald Alvarez agreed. He overturned the project approval and its environmental impact report, ruling that it failed to offer reasonable alternatives or properly analyze impacts on air quality, noise, energy and greenhouse gas emissions. “We are very happy that the judge has looked at all the evidence and agreed” the environmental review was inadequate, said Alondra Mateo, a community organizer with the San Bernardino-based People’s Collective for Environmental Justice, which sued to stop the project. The demolition of homes that carved away a swath of the community goes beyond typical development concerns, Mateo said: “It’s not just an environmental impact; it’s a cultural impact, it’s a mental health impact.”  Then on Sunday Newsom approved the warehouse law authored by Inland Empire Democratic Assemblymembers Eloise Gómez Reyes and Juan Carillo. The law passed in the final hours of the legislative session in August, provoking criticism from all sides. While advocates for the logistics industry panned the law as a job-killer, community groups say its public health protections aren’t strict enough. Paul Granillo, president and CEO of the Inland Empire Economic Partnership, described the law as bad policy “created in a smoke-filled room without experts.” He predicted it will hurt jobs in  the Inland Empire and other parts of Southern California. Environmental groups weren’t any happier. The law requires warehouse loading docks be set back 300 to 500 feet from to sensitive sites, including homes, schools and playgrounds. That’s not enough of a buffer to protect nearby residents, Mateo said, arguing that the ideal distance should be about one kilometer, which is more than 3,280 feet. Reyes has said the law offers a starting point that local governments can expand on to protect public health. Mateo maintained it gives developers an out, enabling them to comply with the letter of the law by meeting minimum limits. Lawmakers acknowledged the law will require amendments. The critics are ready to go. Industry groups say they’ll press for more flexible rules, while environmental groups want stricter ones. “If anything we’re going to push even harder,” Mateo said.

Who Are the 2024 MacArthur ‘Genius Grant’ Fellows?

The John D

The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation announced Tuesday its 2024 class of fellows, often known as recipients of the “genius grant."The 22 fellows will each receive a grant of $800,000 over five years to spend however they want. They were selected from nominations in a yearslong process that solicits input from their communities and peers. Fellows do not apply and are never officially informed that they’ve been nominated unless they are selected for the award.The interdisciplinary award seeks to “enable” people with a track record and the potential to produce additional extraordinary work, said Marlies Carruth, director of the MacArthur Fellows Program.Loka Ashwood, 39, Lexington, Kentucky, a sociologist at the University of Kentucky who studies how environmental issues, corporations and state policy intersect to harm rural communities and reduce their trust in democracy.Ruha Benjamin, 46, Princeton, New Jersey, a transdisciplinary scholar and writer at Princeton University who studies how new technologies and medical research often reinforce social and racial inequality and bias.Justin Vivian Bond, 61, New York, an artist and performer who, in their long career as cabaret singer, has stood up for civil rights, offered solace and humor to members of the gay community and inspired other transgender artists.Jericho Brown, 48, Atlanta, a poet at Emory University whose lyrical work explores contemporary culture in part through vulnerable self-reflection and experimentation in form.Tony Cokes, 68, Providence, Rhode Island, a media artist at Brown University whose video works often use text and fragments from contemporary culture to communicate social critique, including of police violence and torture.Nicola Dell, 42, New York, a computer and information scientist at Cornell Tech, who has studied how technology can be used for intimate partner abuse and has developed tools and programs to help survivors of such abuse. Johnny Gandelsman, 46, New Paltz, New York, a violinist and producer who has revisited classical works using different styles and techniques while also elevating the work of contemporary composers. Sterlin Harjo, 44, Tulsa, Oklahoma, a filmmaker whose work, including the television series “Reservation Dogs” that he co-created, is grounded in the daily lives of Native American communities.Juan Felipe Herrera, 75, Fresno, California, a poet, educator and writer dedicated to expressing the shared experiences of the Mexican-American community through often bilingual work that crosses genres and draws on both contemporary events and the cultures of pre-colonial societies. Ling Ma, 41, Chicago, a fiction writer whose often surreal or speculative stories build from and shed light on contemporary experiences of alienation, immigration and materialism. Jennifer L. Morgan, 58, New York, a historian at New York University whose work focuses on enslaved African women, revealing how the wealth of slaveowners and the growth of the economy was built on their exploitation and reproductive labor. Martha Muñoz, 39, New Haven, Connecticut, an evolutionary biologist at Yale University whose research investigates what factors drive the rates and patterns of evolution. Shaikaja Paik, 50, Cincinnati, a historian of modern India at the University of Cincinnati whose work explores caste discrimination and its intersection with gender and sexuality in the lives of Dalit women. Joseph Parker, 44, Pasadena, California, an evolutionary biologist studying rove beetles at the California Institute of Technology and the evolutionary origins of their symbiotic relationship with other species. Ebony G. Patterson, 43, Kingston, Jamaica and Chicago, a multimedia artist who has created intricate, layered, immersive works using a wide range of materials to explore social histories, sometimes juxtaposing vibrant landscapes with objects of mourning. Shamel Pitts, 39, Brooklyn, New York, a dancer and choreographer whose collaborative work with the artist group TRIBE, which he founded, imagines futures free from oppression, especially for members of the African diaspora. Wendy Red Star, 43, Portland, Oregon, a visual artist who draws on archival material to challenge colonial narratives and center the perspective of Native Americans. Jason Reynolds, 40, Washington, D.C., a children's and young adult writer, whose genre-crossing books often reflect the experiences of Black children and who encouraged children to tell their own stories as a former National Ambassador for Young People’s Literature.Dorothy Roberts, 68, Philadelphia, a legal scholar and public policy researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, who researches the racial inequities in child welfare systems and health systems that have denied agency to especially Black women over their bodies. Keivan G. Stassun, 52, Nashville, Tennessee, a science educator and astronomer at Vanderbilt University who has championed the recruitment of science students from diverse backgrounds, including neurodiverse students, in addition to his research on star evolution. Benjamin Van Mooy, 52, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, an oceanographer at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution who studies plankton and the critical role they play in sustaining marine life.Alice Wong, 50 San Francisco, a writer, editor and disability justice activist who founded the Disability Visibility Project in 2014, among other campaigns, to bring attention to the experiences of disabled people and the discrimination and obstacles they face. Associated Press coverage of philanthropy and nonprofits receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content. For all of AP’s philanthropy coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/philanthropy.Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Mexico's Sheinbaum Takes Office, Making History as First Woman President

By David Alire GarciaMEXICO CITY (Reuters) - When Claudia Sheinbaum takes her oath of office on Tuesday, formally becoming Mexico's first woman...

MEXICO CITY (Reuters) - When Claudia Sheinbaum takes her oath of office on Tuesday, formally becoming Mexico's first woman president, she will adopt a new government logo that nods to the aspirations of young girls."A young Mexican woman will be the emblem of Mexico's government," Sheinbaum wrote a day earlier in a post on social media, unveiling the logo showing a young woman in profile hoisting a Mexican flag, her hair pulled back into a ponytail not unlike the incoming president's signature look.Sheinbaum has embraced her historic feat in one of Latin America's more socially conservative countries, which until now has been ruled by a series of 65 men since winning its independence from Spain two centuries ago.The former mayor of the sprawling Mexican capital, Sheinbaum has been bolstered by the popularity of outgoing leftist President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, her political benefactor going back nearly a quarter century.But as the former climate scientist steps out of her predecessor's shadow to lead the world's largest Spanish-speaking nation, Sheinbaum will also face doubts and opposition from critics alarmed by the outgoing president's 11th-hour reform drive.Enacted last month, the reforms included a judicial overhaul that will over the next three years replace all of the country's judges with new jurists elected by popular vote."Our hard-won democracy will be transformed, for all practical purposes, into a one-party autocracy," wrote former President Ernesto Zedillo in a Sunday guest essay for Britain's Economist Magazine.Critics of Lopez Obrador and Sheinbaum fear their ruling Morena party has too much power, and that democratic checks on executive power will be undermined.The judicial overhaul's implementation will fall to Sheinbaum, who will also face a widening government budget deficit that could crimp popular welfare spending and costly crime-fighting initiatives at a time when the economy is only expected to grow modestly.The 62-year-old Sheinbaum promised continuity on the campaign trail, and now faces the balancing act of advancing Lopez Obrador's state-centric economic polices, especially over natural resources such as oil and minerals, while also making progress on issues seen as his weak points like the environment and security.She also makes history as the first president of Jewish heritage in the overwhelmingly Roman Catholic country.Sheinbaum's inauguration caps an unlikely four-decade climb that has taken the daughter of activist academics to the presidential palace.Six years ago, she made history as Mexico City's first elected woman mayor. Until she stepped down last year to run for president, Sheinbaum was known as a data-driven manager, winning plaudits for reducing the megacity's homicide rate by half, by boosting security spending on an expanded police force with higher salaries.She has pledged to replicate the strategy across Mexico, where drug cartels exert widespread influence.Sheinbaum has also promised to continue generous social spending on old-age pensions and youth scholarships, even though the government's 2024 fiscal deficit is estimated at nearly 6% of gross domestic product.While she has expressed interest growing renewable energy projects, she has also said she will ensure the dominance of Mexico's state-owned oil and power companies while opposing any privatizations.In 1995, Sheinbaum earned her doctorate in energy engineering from the National Autonomous University of Mexico, and then pursued an academic career, including a stint on the U.N.'s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which later shared a Nobel Peace Prize with former U.S. Vice President Al Gore.She launched her political career in 2000, when Lopez Obrador, then-Mexico City's newly elected mayor, tapped her to be his environmental chief, tasked with improving the smoggy capital's air quality, highways and public transport.Sheinbaum served as the chief spokesperson for Lopez Obrador's first campaign for president in 2006, which he narrowly lost.In 2015, she was elected to run Mexico City's largest borough, Tlalpan, and became the capital's mayor three years later. That was the same year that Lopez Obrador's third bid for the presidency ended in his own triumph, winning by a margin of more than 17 million votes.Last June, Sheinbaum bested her mentor's margin of victory, polling more than 19 million votes ahead of her closest competitor, who was also a woman.(Reporting by David Alire Garcia; Editing by Christopher Cushing)Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters.

To Save the Sea review – Brent Spar oil rig resounds with song in a Greenpeace musical

Tron, GlasgowNearly 30 years on, environmental activists’ occupation of the North Sea fuel store gets an ambitious, heartfelt musical treatmentThis time last year, Just Stop Oil protestors interrupted a performance of Les Misérables. They reasoned a musical about rebellion was the right place to protest about the impending climate catastrophe. To Save the Sea is also a musical about resistance, but there is no cause for a skirmish. It makes the environmental point brilliantly enough on its own.Written and directed by Isla Cowan and Andy McGregor for Sleeping Warrior, it is a through-composed tribute to the Greenpeace occupation of the Brent Spar oil store in 1995. In today’s pessimistic age, the action stands as a beacon of climate activism; for all its precariousness and near defeat, it made a difference. Continue reading...

This time last year, Just Stop Oil protestors interrupted a performance of Les Misérables. They reasoned a musical about rebellion was the right place to protest about the impending climate catastrophe. To Save the Sea is also a musical about resistance, but there is no cause for a skirmish. It makes the environmental point brilliantly enough on its own.Written and directed by Isla Cowan and Andy McGregor for Sleeping Warrior, it is a through-composed tribute to the Greenpeace occupation of the Brent Spar oil store in 1995. In today’s pessimistic age, the action stands as a beacon of climate activism; for all its precariousness and near defeat, it made a difference.After Brent Spar had fulfilled its purpose, Shell had intended to dump its toxic remnants in the North Sea. Prime minister John Major was on side. The German chancellor, Helmut Kohl, was not. The Greenpeace occupation captured the imagination of consumers. Shell had the muscle to dispense with the protesters but not the resources to deal with a boycott. The people won out.To Save the Sea. Photograph: Mihaela BodlovicSpotting the potential of this David-and-Goliath conflict, complete with its high-seas drama, Cowan and McGregor field an eight-strong company in a show that bulges with ambition. Where the activists belt out strident musical-theatre anthems with titles such as One Foot in Front of Another and Bring It On, their opponents trade in comic show tunes, the better to send up their roles as villains of the piece. The songs are clear and catchy, giving not only emotional heft to the activists’ commitment but also a sense of jeopardy – not to mention the sting of satire.It would be great to see the show taken up a scale: it calls out for a live band. But as it stands, it is a galvanising ensemble piece. Staged on a rugged gantry designed by Claire Halleran and dramatically lit by Simon Wilkinson, it has heart, humour and political nous.

Suggested Viewing

Join us to forge
a sustainable future

Our team is always growing.
Become a partner, volunteer, sponsor, or intern today.
Let us know how you would like to get involved!

CONTACT US

sign up for our mailing list to stay informed on the latest films and environmental headlines.

Subscribers receive a free day pass for streaming Cinema Verde.
Thank you! Your submission has been received!
Oops! Something went wrong while submitting the form.