Cookies help us run our site more efficiently.

By clicking “Accept”, you agree to the storing of cookies on your device to enhance site navigation, analyze site usage, and assist in our marketing efforts. View our Privacy Policy for more information or to customize your cookie preferences.

GoGreenNation News

Learn more about the issues presented in our films
Show Filters

Swapping out red meat and creamy pasta sauce could significantly cut household emissions, Australian research finds

Researchers looked at more than 25,000 everyday items available at supermarkets like Aldi, Coles, Woolworths, Harris Farm and IGAGet our afternoon election email, free app or daily news podcastSimple grocery swaps – including substituting red meat for chicken or plant-based alternatives, opting for dairy-free milk and yoghurt and choosing fruit toast instead of muffins – could substantially cut household greenhouse gas emissions, new research has found.A report by the George Institute for Global Health found switches could reduce a household’s climate pollution by 6 tonnes a year, which it said was roughly equivalent to the emissions from an average household’s grid-based electricity use.Sign up for the Afternoon Update: Election 2025 email newsletter Continue reading...

Simple grocery swaps – including substituting red meat for chicken or plant-based alternatives, opting for dairy-free milk and yoghurt and choosing fruit toast instead of muffins – could substantially cut household greenhouse gas emissions, new research has found.A report by the George Institute for Global Health found switches could reduce a household’s climate pollution by 6 tonnes a year, which it said was roughly equivalent to the emissions from an average household’s grid-based electricity use.Researchers estimated the emissions for more than 25,000 everyday grocery items available at supermarkets including Aldi, Coles, Woolworths, Harris Farm and IGA.They found replacing 1kg of beef mince with chicken each week could cut more than 2 tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions annually, while switching to a meat alternative would save 2.5 tonnes.Switching one creamy pasta sauce to a tomato-based option each week could remove 270kg CO2 over a year.Prof Simone Pettigrew, the George Institute’s head of health promotion and a professor at UNSW Sydney, said food was a necessity that contributed to about 30% of global emissions.“Australians are deeply concerned about the climate, and many people want to do the right thing. But it’s hard to know which products are more sustainable when that information is not available on pack.”While researchers had known for some time that meat was worse in terms of emissions, and that vegetables were better, Pettigrew said there was a “mountain of products that sit in the middle, and they tend to be the types of packaged foods that sit on our supermarket shelves”.To make it easier for consumers, the institute has translated its findings into a “planetary health rating” ranging from 0 (worse for the planet) to 5 stars (better). Individual product ratings are available via a free ecoSwitch app, which also suggests alternatives with lower emissions.If consumers found some swaps too challenging – such as cutting coffee or chocolate – there were plenty of options across other categories like snack bars, pasta sauce or salad dressing, Pettigrew said.“There are quite substantial amounts of difference that people can make through relatively minor switches as part of their grocery shopping.”In Australia, there was currently no requirement for companies to include greenhouse gas emissions information on food labelling, something the George Institute would like to see change.skip past newsletter promotionSign up to Afternoon Update: Election 2025Our Australian afternoon update breaks down the key election campaign stories of the day, telling you what’s happening and why it mattersPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotion“In the future, we hope that the data and ratings we use in ecoSwitch could inform a national front-of-pack labelling system to provide more information for all consumers, and to incentivise industry and supermarkets to meet the demand for more sustainable foods.”Research by the Consumer Policy Research Centre previously found nearly half (45%) of Australians considered sustainability “always” or “often” when deciding what to buy.But the centre’s chief executive, Erin Turner, said “greenwashing”, in the form of unsubstantiated, vague or misleading environmental claims, made it more challenging for people to make better choices.“We think about the solution to greenwashing in two ways; you’ve got to get rid of the bad information, and get good quality information in front of people,” she said.Independent, science-backed information – such as the George Institute’s data – was helpful, along with clearer definitions for commonly used terms like compostable, biodegradable and recyclable, she said.“Consumer action does matter, and the choices you make can reduce your individual emissions. But also, we want to think about ways that our systems can encourage companies to do more and do better.”

Green groups sue Trump administration over climate webpage removals

The White House has pulled federal webpages tracking climate and environmental justice dataUS politics live – latest updatesGreen groups have sued the Trump administration over the removal of government webpages containing federal climate and environmental justice data that they described as “tantamount to theft”.In the first weeks of its second term, the Trump administration pulled federal websites tracking shifts in the climate, pollution and extreme weather impacts on low-income communities, and identifying pieces of infrastructure that are extremely vulnerable to climate disasters. Continue reading...

Green groups have sued the Trump administration over the removal of government webpages containing federal climate and environmental justice data that they described as “tantamount to theft”.In the first weeks of its second term, the Trump administration pulled federal websites tracking shifts in the climate, pollution and extreme weather impacts on low-income communities, and identifying pieces of infrastructure that are extremely vulnerable to climate disasters.“The public has a right to access these taxpayer-funded datasets,” said Gretchen Goldman, president of the science advocacy non-profit Union of Concerned Scientists, which is a plaintiff in the lawsuit. “From vital information for communities about their exposure to harmful pollution to data that help local governments build resilience to extreme weather events, the public deserves access to federal datasets.”“Removing government datasets is tantamount to theft,” Goldman added.Filed in a Washington DC district court on Monday, the litigation was brought against federal agencies by the Union of Concerned Scientists, the Sierra Club and the Environmental Integrity Project climate groups; the consumer advocacy group Public Citizen; and the anti-pollution group California Communities Against Toxics.It identifies six crucial government-run sites that have been pulled, arguing they must be restored. They include a Biden-era screening tool created to identify disadvantaged communities that would benefit from federal climate and clean energy investments, and an Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) mapping tool called EJScreen which showed the disparate burdens of pollution alongside socioeconomic indicators.The lawsuit also highlights the Department of Energy’s map of resources for energy affordability in low-income communities, and a Department of Transportation Equitable Transportation Community interactive map of transportation insecurity, climate risk and economic vulnerability. Another now defunct tool it spotlights: the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s future risk index, meant to help cities, states and businesses prepare for worsening extreme weather, which was re-created by the Guardian last month.“Simply put, these data and tools save lives, and efforts to delete, unpublish or in any way remove them jeopardize people’s ability to breathe clean air, drink clean water, and live safe and healthy lives,” said Ben Jealous, executive director of Sierra Club.skip past newsletter promotionSign up to This Week in TrumplandA deep dive into the policies, controversies and oddities surrounding the Trump administrationPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionThough publications including the Guardian, as well as advocacy groups, have published some recently pulled datasets on newly created webpages, in the absence of resources to continue gathering and publicizing new data, these datasets cannot be updated.Last month, groups also sued the Trump administration over the US Department of Agriculture’s removal of climate data.The lawsuit comes as federal officials also fire swaths of federal employees working on climate, environmental and justice-related initiatives, and enact sweeping rollbacks of green policies and regulations.“The removal of these websites and the critical data they hold is yet another direct attack on the communities already suffering under the weight of deadly air and water,” said Jealous.The EPA, one of the agencies named in the suit, declined to comment on the litigation.

Mattresses releasing dangerous chemicals in children's bedrooms: Studies

Invisible chemicals rising from children’s mattresses may be harming their brains and bodies. That’s according to a pair of studies published on Tuesday, which found troubling levels of plastic-like “phthalate” chemicals and flame retardants in the bedrooms of children under four. "Parents should be able to lay their children down for sleep knowing they are safe and...

Invisible chemicals rising from children’s mattresses may be harming their brains and bodies. That’s according to a pair of studies published on Tuesday, which found troubling levels of plastic-like “phthalate” chemicals and flame retardants in the bedrooms of children under four. "Parents should be able to lay their children down for sleep knowing they are safe and snug,” said co-author Arlene Blum, Executive Director of the Green Science Policy Institute, in a statement. While there are some steps that parents can take to help keep their kids safe, the problem is pervasive, researchers argued. The Canadian scientists found that found that the weight and temperature of the sleeping child helped create a plume of trace chemicals that filled their bedrooms. These chemicals can harm the nervous and reproductive system. They also mimic and interfere with systems of hormones, or chemical messengers that help control virtually all bodily functions. The researchers from the University of Toronto argued that much of the responsibility lies with manufacturers and policymakers. Decades-long campaigns have sought to ban phthalates and plasticizers in children’s toys and furniture, with limited success. Even where these efforts have been successful, manufacturers don’t always follow them, and government regulators often don't enforce them. Tuesday’s study found several mattresses containing chemicals that were banned in Canada — suggesting manufacturers weren't testing for compounds known to be harmful. This controversy is particularly fierce around flame retardants, which Blum noted “have a long history of harming our children’s cognitive function and ability to learn.” Similar chemicals are required by law in the interior of cars — where a 2024 study found that they increased cancer risks for tens of millions of commuters.  Those requirements remain despite repeated findings that so-called flame retardants do little to slow the spread of fire. They do, however, make those fires “smokier and more toxic,” as a spokesperson from the International Association of Firefighters said last year. Mattresses across North America may pose a similar threat, Tuesday’s findings found.  Despite some benefits in reducing flammability, federal research from the National Institute of Environmental Health Service (NIEHS) has found flame retardant chemicals cause widespread, insidious harms as they slough off mattresses and furniture. These include links to impaired attention, cognition and fine motor skills in school age children. And for phthalates, which are used to make plastic-derived compounds more supple, researchers have found that there may be no safe level of exposure. Phthalates alone caused nearly $70 billion in added health costs just in 2018, a 2024 study found. Copious research has found that exposure to phthalates and flame retardants is harmful to people of all ages.  But NIEHS notes that the risk is particularly stark for children. That’s because children breathe up to ten times faster than adults — allowing them to take in far more airborne contaminants. Their skin is also more permeable to toxins than adults', and they frequently put potentially toxic objects from their homes into their mouths. In Tuesday’s findings, scientists focused on manufacturers and North American governments, who they said had to do more to ban dangerous plasticizers and flame retardants from mattresses and toys. But there are some things that parents and caregivers can do, they said. First, wash and change a child’s sheets and blankets frequently, because these offer the best shield against the mattress. Second, they continued, declutter the sleeping area by removing excess blankets and toys — which are likely sources of contamination themselves. Finally, they advised avoiding bright-colored sheets and blankets, which often include chemicals meant to block the assault of ultraviolet light — compounds which pose an additional threat. But the researchers emphasized that this was not a problem parents could solve for themselves. The study is “a wake-up call for manufacturers and policymakers to ensure our children’s beds are safe,” coauthor Miriam Diamond of University of Toronto said in a statement.

Amendment to Peru Law Raises Fears of Amazon Rainforest Destruction

A recent amendment to Peru’s Forestry and Wildlife Law has sparked intense backlash from environmental groups and Indigenous organizations

BOGOTA, Colombia (AP) — A recent amendment to Peru’s Forestry and Wildlife Law is drawing fierce backlash from environmental groups and Indigenous groups that warn it could accelerate deforestation in the Amazon rainforest under the guise of economic development.The amendment eliminates the requirement that landowners or companies get state authorization before converting forested land to other uses. Critics say the change could legitimize years of illegal deforestation.“To us, this is gravely concerning,” said Alvaro Masquez Salvador, a lawyer with the Indigenous Peoples program at Peru’s Legal Defense Institute. Masquez added that the reform sets a troubling precedent by “effectively privatizing” land that Peru's constitution defines as national patrimony. “Forests are not private property—they belong to the nation,” he said.Supporters of the amendment, enacted in March, say it will stabilize Peru’s agricultural sector and provide farmers with greater legal certainty.The Associated Press sought comment from multiple representatives of Peru’s agribusiness sector, as well as Congresswoman Maria Zeta Chunga, a vocal supporter of the law. Only one person in the agribusiness sector responded, saying they did not want to comment. A legal reversal and unconstitutional amendments Peru holds the second-largest share of Amazon rainforest after Brazil, with over 70 million hectares—about 60% of Peru's territory, according to nonprofit Rainforest Trust. It’s one of the most biodiverse regions on the planet and home to more than 50 Indigenous peoples, some living in voluntary isolation. These communities are vital guardians of ecosystems and the rainforests they protect help stabilize the global climate by absorbing large quantities of carbon dioxide, a greenhouse gas that is the main driver of climate change. Passed in 2011, the original Forestry and Wildlife Law required state approval and environmental studies before any change in forest land use. But recent reforms have steadily weakened those protections. The latest amendment allows landowners and companies to bypass that approval, even retroactively legalizing past deforestation.Peru’s Constitutional Court upheld the amendment after a group of lawyers filed a constitutional challenge. Although the court struck down some parts of the amendment, it left intact the law’s final provision, which validates past illegal land-use changes. Legal experts say this is the most dangerous part.In its ruling, the court acknowledged that Indigenous communities should have been consulted on reforms to the law and affirmed the Environment Ministry’s role in forest zoning. Environmental lawyer César Ipenza summed it up like this: “The court admits the law violated Indigenous rights and (tribes) should have been consulted but it still endorses the most harmful part.” Support from powerful alliances in agribusiness The push behind the reform mirrors dynamics seen under former President Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, where political and economic forces aligned to weaken environmental protections to favor agribusiness. While Brazil’s effort was led by a highly organized, industrial agribusiness lobby, Peru’s version involves a looser but powerful coalition.In Peru, support comes from agribusiness interests, land grabbers and figures linked to illegal mining and drug trafficking. Small and medium farmers with concerns about securing their land have also been swept into the effort.“What we’re seeing is a convergence of both legal and illegal interests,” said Vladimir Pinto, the Peru field coordinator for Amazon Watch, an environmental advocacy group. Was amendment push to comply with EU regulations? Julia Urrunaga, Peru director at nonprofit Environmental Investigation Agency, warned that the Peruvian government is now “falsely arguing” that the amendments are necessary to comply with the European Union’s regulations, which will soon require companies importing products like soy, beef, and palm oil to prove their goods were not sourced from illegally deforested land.If products tied to illegal deforestation are later legalized and allowed into the market, that will weaken the effectiveness of demand-side regulations like those in the EU, she said.“This sends the wrong message to global markets and undercuts efforts to curb deforestation through trade restrictions,” Urrunaga said. Olivier Coupleux, head of the Economic and Trade Section of the EU in Peru, has denied that recent changes to the law are linked to the EU’s deforestation-free regulation.In interviews with Peruvian media, Coupleux has said the regulation aims to prevent the purchase of products linked to deforestation and does not require legal reforms, but rather traceability and sustainability in goods like coffee, cocoa, and timber. Peru's Indigenous communities say their communities are threatened With no further recourse in domestic courts, civil society groups are preparing to take the case to international tribunals, warning that the ruling sets a dangerous precedent for other countries seeking to circumvent environmental law under the banner of reform.For many Indigenous leaders, the law represents a direct threat to their territories, communities, and ways of life. Julio Cusurichi, board member of the Interethnic Association for the Development of the Peruvian Rainforest, said the measure will embolden land-grabbing and worsen environmental oversight in already vulnerable areas.“Our communities have historically protected not just our lands but the planet,” Cusurichi said.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Feb. 2025

Miners Are Pulling Valuable Metals from the Seafloor, and Almost No One Knows about It

The owners of a controversial mining license have begun extracting valuable metals from the ocean floor

In hindsight, I am still not sure why the operators of the Danish-flagged MV Coco allowed me onboard. By the time I arrived last June, the vessel had been sailing for several weeks in the Bismarck Sea, a part of Papua New Guinea’s territorial waters, digging chunks of metal-rich deposits out of the ocean floor with a 12-ton hydraulic claw. The crew was testing the feasibility of mining seafloor deposits full of copper and some gold. It was probably the closest thing in the world to an operational deep-sea mining site. And the more I learned about the endeavor, the more surprised I became about the project’s very existence.On that summer morning, I arrived on a red catamaran after rolling over six-foot swells in the South Pacific for two hours, and I clambered up a metal ladder hanging down on the Coco’s starboard side. The 270-foot, 4,000-ton vessel towers at its prow, its vast aft deck full of cranes, winches and a remotely operated submersible. I was there at the invitation of Richard Parkinson, who founded Magellan, a company that specializes in deep-sea operations. At the top of the ladder, two crew members hauled me onboard the ship, which was roughly 20 miles from the closest shore, and a British manager for Magellan named James Holt greeted me, his smile sun-creased from more than two decades at sea. After a safety briefing, he ushered me through a heavy door into a dark, windowless shipping container on the rear deck that served as a control room.Inside the hushed cabin was a young Brazilian named Afhonso Perseguin, his face lit by screens displaying digital readings and colorful topographic charts. Gripping a joystick with his right hand, he delicately maneuvered a big, boxy remotely operated vehicle, or ROV, over a patch of seafloor a mile below. I watched on monitors as a robotic arm protruded from the ROV toward a monstrous set of clamshell jaws suspended from a cable that rose all the way up to the ship. Perseguin used the ROV’s arm to steer the jaws as a colleague beside him radioed instructions to a winch operator on deck.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Hydraulics drove the open clamshell into a gray chunk of flat seafloor ringed by rocky mounds and jagged slopes. The opposing teeth dug in, throwing up clouds of silt that filled the video feeds from the ROV. The robotic arm released, and the winch started hauling the jaws, clamped shut around their rocky cargo, on an hour-long journey up to the ship.Within minutes Perseguin reversed the ROV to survey the wider scene, revealing chimneys of rock looming up from the seafloor, pale yellow and gray in the submersible’s powerful lights. Small mollusk shells dotted their surface; a crab scuttled out of frame. “Quite amazing, really, isn’t it?” murmured John Matheson, a shaven-headed Scot supervising the ROV team. As Perseguin steered the ROV slowly around a column, the cameras suddenly captured a glassy plume of unmistakably warmer water spewing up from a hidden crevice.Hydraulics drove the monstrous clamshell jaws into a gray chunk of seafloor, throwing up clouds of silt that filled the video feeds from the remotely operated vehicle.That hydrothermal vent marked the edge of a tectonic plate in the Bismarck Sea. The metal-rich magma ejected over millennia from several such vents—some dormant, some still active like this one—was Magellan’s prize. The teams on the ship, hired by a company called Deep Sea Mining Finance (DSMF), were conducting bulk seafloor mining tests under a 2011 mining license issued by the Papua New Guinea (PNG) mining regulator. I was the only reporter onboard to witness the operation.Worldwide, oceanographers have found three distinct types of mineral deposits on the deep seafloor. Manganese crust is an inches-thick, metal-rich pavement that builds up over millions of years as dissolved metallic compounds in seawater gradually precipitate on certain seafloor regions. Polymetallic nodules are softball-size, metal-rich rocks strewn across enormous seafloor fields. And massive sulfide deposits, such as the ones being mined by the crew of the Coco, are big mounds and stacks of rock formed around hydrothermal vents. Over the past decade several companies have developed detailed but still hypothetical plans to profit from these deposits, hoping to help meet the world’s surging demand for the valuable metals necessary for batteries, electric cars, electronics, and many other products. Scientists have warned that these efforts risk destroying unique deep-sea habitats that we do not yet fully understand, and governments have been reluctant to grant exploration licenses in their territorial waters. But from what I saw during my two days and one night onboard the Coco, DSMF was digging in, and a new era of deep-sea mining had all but begun.Holt, one of Magellan’s offshore managers, said the aim was to test the physical requirements and environmental impacts of pulling up sulfide deposits. What would soon become unclear, however, was why the operators were stockpiling mounds of excavated rock on the seabed, and who in PNG knew the Coco was there.I was back outside on the rear deck as the sun dipped below the horizon when the cables finally brought the locked clamshell with its heavy contents to the sea surface. The giant yellow jaws emerged from the waves, gleaming under the ship’s floodlights. As they swung over the rear deck, water and small stones dripped from them; apparently the hydraulic system had failed to fully shut the contraption.A handful of us stood watching as it opened, dumping the load with a loud thud onto a massive metal weighing tray. The scales showed that some of the anticipated material was missing, presumably dropped during the mile-long journey to the surface. Crew members who had already completed dozens of similar lifts said this loss was an unusual occurrence. But the failure highlighted just one of the dangers of underwater mining: clouds of sediment leaked during these hauls to the surface or kicked up when the seafloor is ripped apart could suffocate sea creatures or unintentionally disperse harmful minerals.The Coco had been bringing up a jaw-load roughly every 12 hours. Just before this latest cache was swung onboard, an Australian marine scientist named Josh Young had been preparing to drop his testing equipment over the ship’s side. After each haul, he or his Papua New Guinean colleague Nicole Frani tried to measure the size and spread of the silt plume directly underneath the vessel. Using another winch, Young lowered a ring of long plastic cylinders known as Niskin tubes into the surf. Each sampling tube was set to open at a different depth as the ring passed down through the water column for several thousand feet. The scientists wanted to know how widely the cloud of silt “is spreading out and how it can affect the sea life below,” Frani explained.After less than an hour, Young hoisted the ring of tubes back up onto the deck. Peering over his shoulder, I watched an electronic screen reveal the water’s temperature, acidity, salinity, density, cloudiness and oxygen content, as well as its oxidizing capacity and conductivity—proxies for water cleanliness—at each depth.Like many offshore projects, the Coco operation was globalization incarnate. Frani and Young work for Erias, an Australian environmental consultancy that Magellan hired as a contractor for the summer’s endeavor. Magellan also hired the South African and British deckhands helping Young, plus the ROV team and a number of Malaysian hydrographic surveyors. Itself headquartered in Guernsey, an island between the U.K. and France, Magellan had chartered the Coco from a Danish firm, with sailors from the North Atlantic’s Faroe Islands and pursers from the Philippines. Much of the venture’s financing—for daily costs topping tens of thousands of dollars over several months—came from Russian and Omani investors, who had registered DSMF in the tax-friendly British Virgin Islands.Up on the ship’s bridge, Holt told me this enormously expensive exercise was to better understand the speed and power requirements of this mining technique, which relied on off-the-shelf commercial equipment Magellan had modified for underwater use. His remit was also to quantify the environmental impacts that a future vessel even larger than the 270-foot Coco might generate through similar extraction cycles. He told me that before the excursion had started he had been “totally in two minds” about seafloor mining. “But now I’ve seen how rich the deposit is and how little we’ve been disturbing the seabed,” he said. “We haven’t got huge clouds of sediment that are drifting off down in the current, smothering coral reefs, or all this sort of stuff that people are worried about.”I observed the same 12-hour extraction cycle twice during my time onboard. Holt told me that over nearly two months Magellan’s teams were focusing on four separate locations in a wider area collectively designated Solwara 1. In each location, the crew would excavate a number of square plots 33 feet on edge and up to 23 feet deep. He said PNG’s Mineral Resources Authority, or MRA, had approved the extraction of about 200 tons of material—from an ore body estimated at more than two million tons—for removal and further testing on shore. He also explained that to maximize the clamshell jaws’ productivity on the seafloor between each long descent and ascent, Magellan had decided to stockpile more material than the 200 tons permitted for testing—up to 600 tons from each of the four sites—perhaps for collection at a later date. I realized this meant Magellan and DSMF might be digging up more of the seabed than the regulator had anticipated.As with any mining endeavor, Solwara 1’s long-term economic viability would live and die on global metal prices, and in this case the ore’s copper concentration was a crucial factor. Two local geologists onboard seemed enthralled by their initial readings. Leaning over the pile of dark-gray rock that had been dumped onto the rear deck—after it had been smashed into pieces by a large drill—Paul Lahari grabbed some samples and carried them into a cramped prefab shipping container that served as a laboratory. “Anything to do with 0.5 or 1 percent, we’re already excited,” said the Papua New Guinean, who had decades of onshore and offshore mining experience.He was referring to the typical copper concentrations in ore mined on land. Inside the lab he wielded a small instrument that measures x-ray fluorescence, which he said would reveal the elemental composition of each sample. Soon, on its small digital screen, the instrument began to show matches to elements in the periodic table, as well as their estimated concentration in the sample. For copper, it was 12.33 percent. “That’s 10 times more than we get on land,” Lahari said, his voice rising. He noted that the sampling averages so far on the trip had hovered around 7 percent.All 200 tons the Coco recovered and carried onboard would eventually reach an Australian facility, where the rock would be further pulverized. Much smaller samples would then pass through a gauntlet of geochemical tests—heating, fusing, leaching—and the entire batch would be assigned an industry-recognized average copper concentration, or “grade,” alongside a report on the other metals found, including gold.Oceanographers have identified massive sulfide deposits across the Atlantic, Pacific, Indian and Arctic Oceans. Small-scale sample drilling has shown that they often contain similarly high concentrations of copper, alongside zinc and lead. Deposits form close to, if not on, the seafloor surface, meaning there’s far less “overburden”—the valueless material that must be removed to access the ore—than in most land-based mines.Other prospectors have been interested in Solwara’s potential for years. In 2011 executives from Nautilus Minerals, headquartered in Canada, leased the Solwara 1 site from PNG as a 20-year underwater-mining concession. Authorities in the perennially cash-strapped country invested $120 million in the project through a state-owned entity. The country’s taxpayers thus became a junior partner with Nautilus.At the time, Nautilus was hailed as a pioneer—the only company in the world to hold a license for deep-sea mining. But as the project progressed, things went sideways. A coastal nation controls resource exploitation in the waters constituting its exclusive economic zone, which reaches 200 nautical miles out from its shoreline in all directions. Any activities in the international waters between nations’ economic zones, such as deep-sea mining, are regulated by the International Seabed Authority, or ISA, a body established through a treaty sponsored by the United Nations.A Papua New Guinea governor wrote in a statement that he considered the “presence of any [mining] vessel or activity in the area to be illegal.”When PNG issued Nautilus’s license in 2011 for operations in its national waters, it had no specific underwater-mining legislation. The MRA, the country’s mining regulator, issued the license under rules for land-based mining after Nautilus had carried out impact assessments to earn a separate environmental permit. After false starts in sourcing a ship, in 2014 Nautilus commissioned a Chinese shipyard to build a mining vessel, and Nautilus contracted engineers to develop three enormous, tracked vehicles to break up, churn up and then suck up material from a massive sulfide deposit through a mile-long slurry hose connected to the surface vessel. The technique would mean dumping mining water back into the sea—something other mining operators were planning to do, too.But Nautilus began burning through up to $2 million a month, according to 2018 financial disclosures, eventually defaulting on payments to the Chinese shipyard before filing for bankruptcy in 2019. Its remaining assets included the mining permit, a few promising core samples, and the three tracked vehicles, only ever tested in shallow waters, that sat rusting on the edge of PNG’s capital, Port Moresby. After its insolvency, PNG Prime Minister James Marape told a local newspaper that the country had wasted tens of millions of dollars on a “concept that is a total failure.” In 2020 the head of the MRA ruled out any chance of reviving the Solwara project.I disembarked from the Coco less than a day and a half after I had boarded. In blazing afternoon sunshine, a much smaller skiff ferried me back to a remote, pebbly beach on the PNG island of New Ireland. I wanted to know how PNG’s officials and citizens felt about the Coco pulling up their seafloor. A local driver I had hired drove me in the dark over bumpy coastal roads to a guesthouse in the village of Kono.The following morning I sat outside at a rickety wood table, sharing a breakfast of fish, yams and crackers with some of the local men. One of them, Jonathan Mesulam, was a spokesperson for the Alliance of Solwara Warriors, a group that has long demanded a ban on deep-sea mining in the Bismarck Sea. A Fiji-based environmental campaigner had introduced me to him via an encrypted messaging app. As I described what I had seen onboard the Coco, Mesulam shifted from initially incredulous to increasingly agitated. He walked to the home of Kono’s chief, Chris Malagan, to discuss what I had told him ahead of a weekly public meeting Malagan presides over, which attracts many of the village’s 700 residents.Malagan began that afternoon’s meeting underneath large shoreline trees. Nearby, children waded out from the beach to cast lines for small fish in the shallows close to more than a dozen mud and straw huts. Adults sitting among the trees listened intently to Mesulam’s description of the Coco’s operations, which was based on my eyewitness account. Several people stood up to angrily denounce activities they considered threatening to their fish-centered livelihoods.“People are surprised—they are shocked after learning that the new company’s coming back,” Mesulam told me as villagers drifted away. “After all our efforts on campaigning against seabed mining, we thought it was a dead issue now,” he continued, becoming occasionally tearful. “We don’t want to be used as guinea pigs for trial and error,” he said. “These metals that are going to be dug out of our ocean will not benefit anyone from here because nobody here is using electric cars.”The lack of local awareness and the Coco’s stockpiling of seafloor material seemed unusual for a 21st-century extraction project. To better understand the political support and permitting process for deep-sea mining, I left New Ireland on a plane headed to Port Moresby. The capital, with its sprawling neighborhoods, is built around a spectacular natural harbor. In a hilltop hotel, I told a lawyer named Peter Bosip that I had recently been onboard a deep-sea-mining vessel. He seemed upset. He told me neither Nautilus’s 25-year environmental permit nor the MRA’s subsequently issued mining license for Solwara 1 had ever been made public—despite a constitutionally mandated transparency requirement and a decade-long legal battle waged by good-governance and environmental groups. (Parkinson sent me the cover page of the license, but neither he nor Magellan nor PNG regulators provided a full copy.)Such opaqueness was common in PNG, Bosip told me, but meant it was difficult for local communities to hold international companies to account for potential environmental infractions. Bosip is executive director of the Center for Environmental Law and Community Rights in PNG, a public-interest law firm that sued the government for access to the Solwara permit documents. “In PNG,” he told me, “the system is such a way that the responses are not forthcoming.” He apparently meant that government ministries, agencies and regulators rarely shared information willingly.DSMF provided the struggling Nautilus with high-interest loans, and during the 2019 bankruptcy proceedings, the company took possession of Nautilus’s Solwara 1 license. A document from the Supreme Court of British Columbia shows that DSMF’s listed representatives during those proceedings were Christopher Jordinson, an Australian who’d previously pled guilty to insider trading, and Matthias Bolliger, a Swiss national who was subsequently barred from directorships on the Isle of Man. Documents from the bankruptcy proceedings show the pair are listed as points of contact for DSMF’s largest shareholders: Omani tycoon Mohammed Al Barwani, whose family firm owns oil, gas and mining subsidiaries, and Alisher Usmanov, who is among Russia’s wealthiest pro-Putin oligarchs. Usmanov had been involved in Solwara-based mining for almost 20 years, but now—after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022—he tops worldwide sanctions lists.In July 2022 DSMF joined forces with SM2, another company founded by Parkinson, who in turn hired his firm Magellan to operate in PNG waters under Nautilus’s original license. Parkinson told me that in November 2023 he, Bolliger and Jordinson met with New Ireland’s governor. Sometime later various PNG agencies, including the MRA, approved the new mining technique.I spent days chasing down officials across Port Moresby, trying to get clarity on this approval process. After unanswered e-mails and unreturned phone calls, I finally reached the MRA’s managing director, Jerry Garry, by video call. He was in a remote highland region that was slated to host a gold mine, he said, but he told me his officials should be onboard any deep-sea-mining vessel in PNG to monitor operations. When I noted none had been onboard the Coco, he insisted he had no idea the Coco was even in the Bismarck Sea. Garry never again answered my calls.PNG’s attorney general, Pila Kole Niningi, didn’t reply to interview requests. I did reach Fiona Pagla, the PNG Department of Justice’s acting director for the national oceans office, who was at a conference in Bali. She told me that she knew nothing about the Coco but that if it was conducting marine scientific research, a committee inside her department should have been asked for approval. Hours later, when I pressed her for details in WhatsApp messages, Pagla replied, “No comment.”The country’s environment minister, Simon Kilepa, didn’t make himself available for an interview. Jude Tukuliya, head of the PNG Conservation and Environment Protection Authority, and officials at the country’s National Fisheries Authority did not respond to calls and written questions about the Coco and DSMF. Prime Minister Marape’s chief of staff insisted the premier would not discuss deep-sea mining.After returning to London, where I live, I continued my attempted outreach from afar. Late last summer DSMF’s website was taken down and replaced with a fresh one featuring a new entity called Sustainable Mining Solutions (SMS), billed as a joint venture between DSMF and Parkinson’s SM2. The site repeatedly mentioned Nautilus’s mining license and environmental permits—still not public—and said PNG would gain from Solwara 1’s profits and mining royalties, with benefits for local people “currently being negotiated.” Parkinson had told me soon after I’d left the Coco that Magellan and SM2 were not “cutting corners” and were “operating within the laws of that country.” He had also said the Australian lab readings indicated Solwara 1 is “a credible source of copper.” In response to a request for comment I sent in March by e-mail, DSMF wrote that the results “will be provided to the relevant regulatory authorities in due course, once the analyses by internal and third-party experts are completed.”This past January I finally, and unexpectedly, heard from Julius Chan, a PNG prime minister turned New Ireland governor with a national parliamentary seat. He’d previously said deep-sea miners should engage with islanders to provide confidence that a project wouldn’t affect their livelihoods. He wrote in a statement that those involved in Solwara “certainly do not have my government support and approval” and that he considered the “presence of any vessel or activity in the area to be illegal.” He died three weeks later at age 85. In its e-mail response, DSMF wrote, “The Solwara 1 project is compliant with the regulations, having secured a valid mining license as defined in the PNG Mining Act, and is a fully permitted project having met license requirements under relevant Papua New Guinea laws and regulations.” It also noted that “the allowable impacts of mining at Solwara 1 are regulated, managed and conducted in accordance with the Mining Law and Environmental Act (2000).”The Magellan team onboard the Coco had told me it was operating with permission from the MRA, and Parkinson told me before and after my visit to PNG that government officials were aware and supportive of their large-scale extraction tests. Perhaps some people inside the government had not shared details of the Coco’s mission as widely as they could have, I reasoned. But when I was onboard, there seemed to be little stopping the Solwara 1 project from scaling up significantly—unless steep capital costs somehow dissuaded deep-pocketed investors or public uproar in PNG forced a rethink among national politicians, who perhaps might have been hoping to recoup the sizable state investment Nautilus once blew through.What is clear is that deep-sea mining on a commercial scale will begin soon somewhere. Norway, the Cook Islands, Japan and Sweden have approved deep-sea mining in their exclusive economic zones. Norway’s offshore-resources agency says the country’s waters contain manganese crusts, as well as sulfide deposits, and the government had considered awarding exploitation licenses this year. Authorities in the Cook Islands have issued exploration licenses to three operators surveying for polymetallic nodules. Scientists at the University of Tokyo and collaborating institutions recently confirmed a vast nodule field close to Japan’s easternmost island, a tiny atoll called Minamitorishima. Estimates indicate the field contains more than 600,000 tons of cobalt—much more than the total 2023 output from the Democratic Republic of Congo, by far the largest global cobalt producer.A consortium of government agencies, academic institutions and private enterprises plans to extract Japan’s underwater resources in the decades ahead. With enormous deep-sea regions still unmapped, scientists say similar opportunities exist elsewhere. But after a 2023 study found that some polymetallic nodules emitted enough radiation that inappropriate handling could pose health risks, questions have increased about the wisdom of nodule mining. Citing limited scientific data on long-term environmental impacts, many nations, including Germany, Spain and Chile, have called for a pause. Palau and Fiji have advocated for a moratorium, and France wants an outright ban.The ISA has granted more than 30 exploration licenses for international waters, some for each of the three kinds of deposits. It has repeatedly delayed a framework for exploitation licenses, though, to the frustration of some people in the mining industry. The authority’s new secretary-general, Brazilian oceanographer Leticia Carvalho, took charge in January 2025, promising to end what she considers cozy relations between ISA and potential commercial operators. She has also suggested that the new subsea-mining code should be finalized by late this year.Unlike in the early years of, say, coal mining, environmental scientists are deeply involved in the development of seafloor extraction. But much remains unknown about the impacts. Scant studies exist on the consequences for marine life of sulfide-deposit mining like the Coco was carrying out. A case study involving Japanese state entities digging sulfides at a similar depth, several thousand miles north in the Pacific Ocean, gives some idea of what to expect. Researchers assessed the impact on nearby ocean flora and fauna for three years after a brief mining session. They found that populations of organisms less than a tenth of an inch in size may return to normal levels within a year, but larger species may remain depleted more than three years later. That mining lasted only six hours.In its statement, DSMF wrote, “Extensive scientific studies have enabled SMS to assess the risks to marine ecosystems and carefully weigh them against the damage caused by terrestrial mining.” The new SMS website says mining in Solwara 1 “will not adversely affect the marine life habitat” and that with recolonization efforts, three years after mining ends, the environment around any vents will “resemble the pre-mining condition of biomass and diversity.” Marine scientists I spoke to questioned that assertion. The ecosystem will not recover “unless the chemistry and the substrate and the texture and the morphology of the bottom, and the temperature and everything else, are what they were” before a location was disturbed, says Lisa Levin, professor emerita of biological oceanography and marine ecology at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in San Diego. “It couldn’t possibly be.” She says certain species exist only near these vents, and after mining it’s “highly likely” those species will become extinct. “People have to be willing to give up the seafloor ecosystems if they want to mine them,” Levin says. She adds that the contamination of fish stocks by chemicals from the seafloor should reasonably concern local societies.Throughout the world’s deep ocean zones, where scientists estimate thousands of species remain undiscovered, heavy mining equipment may harm organisms that are unable to quickly move out of its way. Leaks from mining equipment or mining water dumped from surface vessels could also threaten open-ocean fisheries, and noise and light pollution could impact reproduction or feeding patterns of species already threatened by other human actions. The environmental team onboard the Coco was clearly aware of some of these potential consequences.The juxtapositions I experienced at sea and on land were jarring. The extraordinary scale and power of the Coco’s technology, backed by distant billionaires, were in sharp contrast to subsistence communities where villagers paddle canoes into the surf to fish by hand. The informational asymmetry was striking, too: hydrographers, geologists and environmental scientists with millions of data points designed to gauge surroundings—and profits to be realized thousands of miles away—were set against local residents who seemed to lack access to attested Solwara permits, let alone details of possible environmental drawbacks. For the people who live there, short-term benefits—new local jobs, perhaps, or increased government revenues—might never outweigh stress to the ecosystem and a way of life that depends on it.As this article was going to press, senior PNG officials—including one in the country’s Department of Justice—told me the questions I had asked during my reporting had prompted action. In late February the government introduced new mining legislation that, for the first time, includes specific rules for deep-sea mining. The country’s Marine Scientific Research Committee, which comprises almost two dozen government entities, passed guidelines that will require future deep-sea-mining licenses to have committee approval. Because the legislation is open to public comment, it is not yet clear whether a new mining law will have retroactive force. If it does, officials told me, DSMF might have to reapply for its environmental permits and mining license and publish a fresh environmental impact assessment.Some of the reporting for this story was originally done while Willem Marx was on assignment for PBS.

A New Bee Crisis Could Make Your Food Scarce and Expensive

Scientists are racing to stop a tiny mite that could devastate the pollinators and agriculture

Sammy Ramsey was having a hard time getting information. It was 2019, and he was in Thailand, researching parasites that kill bees. But Ramsey was struggling to get one particular Thai beekeeper to talk to him. In nearby bee yards, Ramsey had seen hives overrun with pale, ticklike creatures, each one smaller than a sharpened pencil point, scuttling at ludicrous speed. For each parasite on the hive surface, there were exponentially more hidden from view inside, feasting on developing bees. But this quiet beekeeper’s colonies were healthy. Ramsey, an entomologist, wanted to know why.The tiny parasites were a honeybee pest from Asia called tropilaelaps mites—tropi mites for short. In 2024 their presence was confirmed in Europe for the first time, and scientists are certain the mites will soon appear in the Americas. They can cause an epic collapse of honeybee populations that could devastate farms across the continent. Honeybees are essential agricultural workers. Trucked by their keepers from field to field, they help farmers grow more than 130 crops—from nuts to fruits to vegetables to alfalfa hay for cattle—worth more than $15 billion annually. If tropi mites kill those bees, the damage to the farm economy would be staggering.Other countries have already felt the effects of the mite. The parasites blazed a murderous path through Southeast Asia and India in the 1960s and 1970s. Because crops are smaller and more diverse there than in giant American farms, the economic effects of the mite were felt mainly by beekeepers, who experienced massive colony losses soon after tropilaelaps arrived. The parasite spread through northern Asia, the Middle East, Oceania and Central Asia. And now Europe. That sighting sounded alarms on this side of the Atlantic because the ocean won’t serve as a barrier for long. Mites can stow away on ships, on smuggled or imported bees. “The acceleration of the tropi mite’s spread has become so clear that no one can deny it’s gunning for us,” said Ramsey, now an assistant professor at the University of Colorado Boulder, on the Beekeeping Today podcast in 2023.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Ramsey, who is small and energetic like the creatures he studies, had traveled to Thailand in 2019 to gather information on techniques that the country’s beekeepers, who had lived with the mite for decades, were using to keep their bees alive. But the silent keeper he was interviewing was reluctant to share. Maybe the man feared this nosy foreigner would give away his beekeeping secrets—Ramsey didn’t know.But then the keeper’s son tapped his father on the shoulder. “I think that’s Black Thai,” he said, pointing at Ramsey. On his phone, the young man pulled up a video that showed Ramsey’s YouTube alter ego, “Black Thai,” singing a Thai pop song with a gospel lilt. Ramsey, who is Black—and “a scientist, a Christian, queer, a singer,” he says—had taught himself the language by binging Thai movies and music videos. Now that unusual hobby was coming in handy.Without bees the almond yield drops drastically. Other foods, such as apples, cherries, blueberries, and some pit fruits and vine fruits, are similarly dependent on bee pollination.The reticent keeper started to speak. “His face lit up,” Ramsey recalls. “He got really talkative.” The keeper described, in detail, the technique he was using to keep mite populations down. It involved an industrial version of a caustic acid naturally produced by ants. Ramsey thinks the substance might be a worldwide key to fighting the mite, a menace that is both tiny and colossal at the same time.Ramsey first saw a tropilaelaps mite in 2017, also in Thailand. He had traveled there to study another damaging parasite of honeybees, the aptly named Varroa destructor mites. But when he opened his first hive, he instead saw the stunning effect of tropilaelaps. Stunted bees were crawling across the hive frames, and the next-generation brood of cocooned pupae were staring out of their hexagonal cells in the hive with purple-pigmented eyes, exposed to the elements after their infested cell caps had been chewed away by nurse bees in a frenzy to defend the colony. At the hive entrances, bees were trembling on the ground or wandering in drunken circles. Their wings and legs were deformed, abdomens misshapen, and their bodies had a greasy sheen where hairs had worn off. The colony was doomed. “I was told there was no saving that one,” Ramsey says. He had never seen anything like it.When he got home, he started reading up on the mites. There was not much to read. Somewhere in Southeast Asia in the middle of the last century, two of four known species of tropilaelaps (Tropilaelaps mercedesae and T. clareae) had jumped to European honeybees from Apis dorsata, the giant honeybee with which it evolved in Asia. Parasites will not, in their natural settings, kill their hosts, “for the same reason you don’t want to burn your house down,” Ramsey said at a beekeeping conference in 2023. “You live there.”A tiny tropi mite (on bee at left) crawls on a bee.The giant honeybees in Asia, a species not used in commercial beekeeping, long ago had reached a mutual accommodation with the mites. But the European bees that Asian beekeepers raised to make honey were entirely naïve to the parasites. When the mites encountered one of those colonies, they almost always killed it. Because beekeepers cluster their beehives in apiaries, moving them en masse from one bee yard to the next, the mite could survive the loss of its host colony by jumping to a new one. “It would normally destroy itself,” Ramsey said at the conference, “if not for us.”Kept alive by human beekeepers, the mite moved through Asia, across the Middle East and, most recently, to the Ukraine-Russia border and to the country of Georgia. “It is westward expanding, it is eastward expanding, it is northward expanding,” says University of Alberta honeybee biologist Olav Rueppell. This move into Europe is ominous, Ramsey and Rueppell say. Canada has, in the past, imported queen bees from Ukraine. If the mite arrived in Canada on a Ukrainian bee, it could be a matter of only weeks or months before it crossed the northern U.S. border.Today between a quarter and half of U.S. bees die every year, forcing keepers to continually buy replacement “packages” of bees and queens to rebuild.The almond industry would be especially hard-hit by the mite. Two thirds of the national herd of commercial bees—about two million colonies—are trucked to California’s Central Valley every February to pollinate nearly 1.5 million acres of almond trees. Without bees the almond yield drops drastically. Other foods, such as apples, cherries, blueberries, and some pit fruits and vine fruits, are similarly dependent on bee pollination. We wouldn’t starve without them: corn, wheat and rice, for instance, are pollinated by wind. But fruits and nuts, as well as vegetables such as broccoli, carrots, celery, cucumbers and herbs, would become more scarce and more expensive. Because the cattle industry depends on alfalfa and clover for feed, beef and dairy products would also cost a lot more.Damage from tropilaelaps, many experts say, could vastly exceed the harm seen from its predecessor pest, the V. destructor mite. The varroa scourge arrived in the U.S. in 1987, when a Wisconsin beekeeper noticed a reddish-brown, ticklike creature riding on the back of one of his bees. Like tropilaelaps, varroa mites originated in Asia and then swept across the world. At first beekeepers were able to keep managed colonies alive with the help of easy-to-apply synthetic pesticides. But by 2005 the mites developed resistance to those chemicals, and beekeepers suffered the first wave of what has become a tsunami of losses. Today between a quarter and half of U.S. bees die every year, forcing keepers to continually buy replacement “packages” of bees and queens to rebuild. This past winter keepers saw average losses ranging upward of 70 percent. Scientists believe varroa mites are culprits in most of those losses, making bees susceptible to a variety of environmental insults, from mite-vectored viruses to fungal infections to pesticides. “In the old days we were shouting and swearing if we had an 8 percent dud rate; now people would be happy with that,” says beekeeper John Miller. He serves on the board of Project Apis m. (PAm), a bee-research organization that is a joint venture of the beekeeping and almond industries and was one of Ramsey’s early funders.When Ramsey joined the University of Maryland’s bee laboratory as a grad student in 2014, he began working on varroa. He discovered that the mites fed not on the bloodlike hemolymph of adult bees, as generations of scientists before him had assumed, but on “fat bodies,” organs similar to the liver. “For the past 70 years research done around varroa mites was based on the wrong information,” Ramsey says. (Recently published research indicates that the mites also feed on hemolymph while reproducing in a developing brood.)Ramsey’s finding helped to explain how varroa mites make the effects of all the other insults to honeybee health—pesticides, pathogens, poor nutrition—so much worse. Honeybees’ detoxification and immune systems reside in the fat bodies, which also store the nutrients responsible for growth and for protein and fat synthesis. Bees’ livers protect them from pesticides, Ramsey says. But when varroa mites attack honeybee livers, the pollinators succumb to pesticide exposures that would not ordinarily kill them.Entomologist Sammy Ramsey says such mites can destroy the American bee population.Now Ramsey is going after tropilaelaps as well as varroa mites. He continues his research into countermeasures and teaches both entomology and science communication classes in Boulder. In the years since he first sang as Black Thai, he has also become “Dr. Sammy,” a popular science communicator who is using his growing social media platform to sound the alarm about the parasites.In April 2024 I was watching him lead a graduate seminar when his watch chimed. “There’s a freezer alert in my lab,” he said. The temperature appeared to be off. We climbed the stairs to his lab overlooking the university’s soccer fields and examined the freezer, which didn’t seem to be in any immediate danger. Inside, stacked in boxes, lay an extensive archive of honeybees and mites that prey on them. Ramsey pulled out a tube of tropi mites.It was easy to see the enormity—or rather the minusculity—of the problem. The mites are about half a millimeter wide, one-third the size of varroa—“on the margins of what we are capable of seeing with the unassisted eye,” Ramsey says. Seen on video, they crawl so quickly that it looks as if the film speed has been doubled or tripled. Unlike varroa mites, which are brownish-red and relatively easy to spot, to the naked eye tropi mites are “almost devoid of color,” says Natasha Garcia-Andersen, a biologist for the city of Washington, D.C., who traveled to Thailand in January 2024 with a group of North American apiary inspectors to learn about the mites. “You see it, and you can’t tell—Is that a mite or dirt or debris?”Auburn University entomologist Geoff Williams led that Thailand mission. “There’s a decent chance that inspectors might be the first ones to identify a tropi mite in North America,” Williams says. The Thailand journey allowed them to see firsthand what they might soon be contending with. “It was eye-opening, watching these bee inspectors saying, ‘Holy crap, look at these tiny mites. How are you supposed to see that?’”Daniel P. Huffman; Source: Mallory Jordan and Stephanie Rogers, Auburn University. November 5, 2024, map hosted by Apiary Inspectors of America (reference); Data curated by: Rogan Tokach, Dan Aurell, Geoff Williams/Auburn University; Samantha Brunner/North Dakota Department of Agriculture; Natasha Garcia-­Andersen/District of Columbia Department of Energy and the EnvironmentRather than looking for the mites, Thai beekeepers diagnose tropilaelaps infestations by examining the state of their bees, says Samantha Muirhead, provincial apiculturist for the government of Alberta, Canada, and another of the inspectors on the Thailand expedition. “You see the damage,” she says—uncapped brood cells, chewed-up pupae, ailing adults. An unaccustomed North American beekeeper, however, would probably attribute the destruction to varroa mites. “You have to change the way you’re looking,” she says.Williams and his team at Auburn are also investigating alternative ways of detection. They are working to develop environmental DNA tests to identify the presence of tropilaelaps DNA in hives. Inspectors would swab the frames or bottom boards of “sentinel hives”—surveillance colonies—to detect an invasion. But any systematic monitoring for tropi mites using this kind of DNA is still years away.For now scientists are struggling to formulate a plan of action against a menace they don’t fully understand. “We have this huge void of knowledge,” says California beekeeper and researcher Randy Oliver. Scientists don’t know how the mites spread between colonies. Where do they go when colonies swarm? No one has any idea. Can they infect other vulnerable bee species? Do they feed on fat bodies, hemolymph, some combination of the two, or something else entirely? Studies show that tropi mites carry at least two of the same viruses as varroa mites. How many more might they carry? “Part of the rush to action now is the paucity of information,” Rueppell says.Existing varroa research does provide some knowledge by analogy, but there are several differences between the two mites. Varroa mite populations double in a month, for instance, but tropilaelaps populations do so in a matter of days. Varroa mites tend to bite their bee victims only once; tropi mites feed from multiple entry wounds, creating disabling scar tissue. And for many years scientists thought tropi mites couldn’t survive in colder climates like that of the northern U.S., because the parasites appeared to have a significant evolutionary disadvantage compared with varroa: Tropi mites can feed only on developing bees because their small mouths can’t penetrate adult bee exoskeletons. Queens stop laying eggs in cold weather, so in theory tropi mites shouldn’t have enough food to last the winter. But about a decade ago the mites were found in colder regions of Korea—and then in northern China and Georgia. “We thought they wouldn’t survive in colonies that overwinter,” says Jeff Pettis, a former U.S. Department of Agriculture research scientist who now heads Apimondia, an international beekeeping federation. “We know they get through the winter now,” he says. Scientists just don’t know how.“It’s worse than varroa, and I don’t think we’ll ever be prepared fully.” —John Miller, beekeeperOne theory is that the mites disperse onto mice or rats that move into beehives during the cold months—the 1961 paper that first described tropilaelaps noted there were mites on rats in the Philippines. Scientists are exploring other overwintering theories as well. Perhaps the mites feed for brief, broodless periods on other pests in the hive, such as hive beetles and wax moths.Another possibility, highlighted by Williams’s recent research, is that more bee larvae may persist in colder climates than previously thought, perhaps enough to feed the mites. His team has found small amounts of brood snug in wax-covered cells in hives as far north as New York State and Oregon in the winter. “My gut feeling is that these colonies might have a little bit of brood through the winter,” Williams says.In 2022 Ramsey returned to Thailand and set up several research apiaries for what he calls his “Fight the Mite” initiative, testing different treatments to kill tropi mites. It isn’t easy. Whereas varroa mites live on adult bees for much of their life cycle, tropi mites live mostly inside brood cells, safe from most pesticides, which can’t penetrate the wax-capped hexagons.A close-up view of a tropi mite.But Ramsey learned from the Thai beekeepers he met on his 2019 visit that many of them had been using formic acid, the compound produced by ants that can get into capped cells. The beekeepers had been dipping paint stirrers in industrial-grade cans of the stuff and sticking the blades under hive entrances. Fumes then seeped through the wax caps and killed the mites. Ramsey experimented with various formulations and applications in 2022 and found that this method worked, although the chemical is highly volatile, caustic and difficult to apply. It’s hard on both bees and beekeepers. “Heat treatments”—heating hives to more than 100 degrees Fahrenheit for two-plus hours—also took a dent out of mite populations in Ramsey’s tests.Williams, meanwhile, has been studying “cultural techniques” for controlling the mites, such as strategic breaks in brood cycles. Beekeepers in Thailand typically keep fewer bees in relatively small colonies, much tinier than the thousands or tens of thousands that some North American commercial outfits maintain. And when mite loads get bad, some Thai beekeepers also will discard their brood completely and start over. “They’re not afraid to quite literally throw away brood frames when they have mites,” Williams says.These strategies are difficult to apply at the scale of North American industrial apiculture. But large commercial outfits, which can keep anywhere from dozens to tens of thousands of colonies, may be able to adopt other tactics such as “indoor shedding”—storing all their hives in refrigerated sheds for a number of weeks to force an extended brood break. It’s likely that an effective approach will employ not one silver bullet but rather some combination of strategies—chemicals, heat, brood breaks—to avoid developing resistance. “You want to be able to rotate treatments to pound away at the mite,” Oliver says.Honeybees crawl over a comb of hexagonal hive cells, some filled with honey and pollen.These different techniques highlight the need for both varied approaches and, Ramsey believes, a varied group of scientists attacking the problem. “To study insects is to study diversity,” Ramsey says. “It is not a glitch in biology that the most successful group of animals on this planet is the most diverse group of animals. One of the key features of diversity is the capacity to solve problems in different ways.” To stave off the tropi mite, scientists will need to attack the problem from every angle they can conceive.On an afternoon in late May 2024, Ramsey, clad in a protective suit, opened a test hive in a holding yard on the east side of Boulder. The last cold day of spring was behind us, and everything had come into bloom at once—a riot of flowering locust, linden, lilac; glowing hay fields; distant, rock-spiked mountains curving northward out of sight. Massive bumblebees flew from flower to flower on a black locust tree above us, hovering like dark blimps in the sky.These were supposed to be Ramsey’s “pampered” bees, a control group to compare with more infested hives. They had, of course, been spared the ravages of tropi mites, which were still an ocean away. But they had been given frequent treatments for varroa mites. On the first frame Ramsey pulled, however, he saw sick bees everywhere. “This young lady clearly has a virus,” he said, noting a female’s “greasy,” prematurely bald abdomen. He pointed to a sinister dot the color of dried blood between another bee’s wings: a varroa mite. The bees were cranky, swooping and dive-bombing, and there weren’t enough brood cells on the frame. Ramsey sang to the bees in his gospel-tinged tenor, puffing at the hive with his smoker. “It seems like some of our best treatments for varroa mite are failing,” he said, examining another frame.The American practice of beekeeping is built on abundance—stacks of bee boxes, fields of flowers, vats of honey, teeming hives and expanses of wax-capped brood. But in Thailand, where tropilaelaps has been established for decades, beekeeping often is an exercise in scarcity—small colonies, meager honey production, uncapped pupae. Beekeepers there think far less about varroa mites than they worry about tropilaelaps, which outcompeted varroa years ago.There are so many threats facing modern honeybees—a daunting diversity, and we are ready for none of them. In 2023 the Georgia Department of Agriculture confirmed the presence of the yellow-legged hornet—Vespa velutina—in the U.S. Like the northern giant “murder” hornet found in Washington State in 2019 and declared eradicated in the U.S. last year, the yellow-legged insect is a “terrible beast,” says PAm executive director Danielle Downey. It hovers in front of beehives—a behavior called hawking—and rips the heads, abdomens and wings from returning foragers like a hunter field-dressing game. Then the hornet takes the thorax back to its nest. When the hornet first arrived in Europe, beekeepers lost 50 to 80 percent of their colonies. “The thing eats everything. One nest can eat 25 pounds of insects,” Downey says. “We’ve identified a lot of problems. How many crises can we handle?”In the spring of 2024, when the research paper confirming tropi mites were in Europe was published, Canada suspended all imports of Ukrainian hives and queens. For now that means this route for the mite’s arrival in North America is off the table. But trade—legal or surreptitious—could start again, and with the mites’ ferocious reproduction rates, it takes only one female to infect an entire continent. So this reprieve is probably only temporary. “We know the pathway and the threat it poses,” Downey says.A beekeeper with an infestation could spread the mite across the continent within a year; beehive die-offs would probably begin several months later. “It’s worse than varroa, and I don’t think we’ll ever be prepared fully,” Miller says.But Ramsey and his colleagues are racing to make sure they know every option available to them—formic acid, heat treatments, rotation, brood breaks—so that when the tropilaelaps mite does, at last, inevitably arrive, they will be ready. Researchers and beekeepers, Ramsey says, are trying to murder these parasites.

There Is No Such Thing as a Climate Haven

Climate change is everywhere. Moving to a new place because it seems less affected is a fool’s errand

There Is No Such Thing as a Climate HavenClimate change is everywhere. Moving to a new place because it seems less affected is a fool’s errandBy The Editors In September 2024 Hurricane Helene flooded the mountain town of Asheville, N.C., which had once been called a climate haven, a place less prone to the toll of climate change. In March 2025 fires coursed throughout the state. Fires also claimed Myrtle Beach, on the South Carolina coast. From sea to sky, the Carolinas have been grappling with disaster.All the while, people make lists of places in the U.S. that are supposedly more resistant to climate change. They lie farther north, presumed to be better insulated from global warming, or near rivers or lakes that would ballast drought. Buffalo, N.Y., Ann Arbor, Mich., Burlington, Vt. Not to mention Asheville.But what befell Asheville illustrates how no place in the U.S.—in the world, really—is safe from the ravages of the climate crisis. There are no climate havens. Places touted as less prone to heat, such as Asheville, are subject to floods and more intense snowfall. Those close to water face rising sea levels or floods. Population growth would strain water supplies, eventually spoiling these places as the rest of the country continues to endure more intense wildfires, more destructive hurricanes and tornadoes, prolonged droughts, and intensifying heat waves. There is nowhere to run to get away from climate change.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Earth’s temperature is increasing, polar ice is melting, and the northern U.S. is seeing summer heat like never before. Winter freezes are crippling the power grid in Texas and other southern regions. Migration is not a quick fix for the climate crisis, and it certainly isn’t the most equitable. We must recognize that in addition to curbing our fossil-fuel use, adequately fortifying and restructuring the spaces we already have will give us and the next generations the best possible chance of survival.How every level of government chooses to respond to this crisis will matter.First and foremost, we need governance at all levels to accept not only that climate change is real but that it is something we must both adapt to and mitigate. These two ideas are not mutually exclusive—choosing adaptation, or changing our local environments to make them more resilient to climate change, doesn’t mean we no longer try to slow that change.Perhaps on top of its favorable location and weather, Asheville was considered a climate haven because its local government has accepted the reality of climate change. Before the floods came, the city had approved its Municipal Climate Action Plan, setting goals for renewable energy, more sustainable infrastructure and reduced waste production in the city. The plan states that one of its goals is an increase in renewable energy generation, including the use of solar panels to power city-owned properties and adherence to sustainable practices for new construction and retrofits. But with the loss of tree cover and the demands of a growing population making Asheville more vulnerable to landslides, the city will have to continue to adjust—as will the state, which has its own climate resiliency plan.But will North Carolina be able to use disaster relief to push through a sustainable recovery under threat from the politicization of climate change? The state’s resiliency office is underfunded even though the new governor, Josh Stein, campaigned in part on building a state better able to withstand the effects of climate change. It’s not immediately clear how his slew of disaster-related executive orders about temporary housing and rebuilding roads and bridges will factor into adaptation efforts.What is clear is that the idea that people will be able to up and move to some cities or states that seem more able to withstand our climate crisis is profoundly unjust. The median home price in Washtenaw County, Michigan, where Ann Arbor is located, is about $380,000. That makes it the second-most expensive county in the state. Other Michigan counties are significantly cheaper, but few are prepared, or even preparing, for permanent population increases. Winter is getting shorter along the Great Lakes, and not only is flooding becoming more of an issue, but the weather is getting hotter. Even housing prices in Buffalo are increasing.The bottom line is that historically mild weather, historically agreeable climates and historically responsive governments have made some places in the U.S. seemingly more resistant to the effects of climate change. But the crisis knows no boundaries—Canadian wildfires blew smoke into New York City last summer and blanketed Buffalo the year before. Even adaptation won’t completely solve the problem.In the end, how every level of government chooses to respond to this crisis will matter. Individual cities can’t manage this problem alone, and neither can states. How will cities such as Austin, Tex., make meaningful adaptations in one of the U.S. states most susceptible to global warming if its governor and legislature largely downplay climate concerns and actively thwart efforts to reduce fossil-fuel use? Texas’s water supply is in dire straits, and far too many people there and in places such as Arizona will be left behind in this great migration north.And how will we fare as a nation under an administration that denies climate change is real? One that is actively rolling back environmental protections, throwing out environmental justice cases, and promoting the production of more and more fossil fuels?The idea that any one place in any nation is more resistant or more resilient to forces that are global in nature is clever marketing and nothing else. The message might make people feel better by letting them believe they can just escape the climate crisis by moving to a different city, but this is a bill of goods. Our entire planet is in the throes of warming. Rather than trying to outrun it, we must demand leadership that will help fund our efforts to adapt, look to state and local leaders to make those adaptation plans reality, and continue to seek ways to change the very things that started this climate-haven conversation in the first place—burning fossil fuels and abusing our forests, farmlands and good fortune.

Looking to create effective climate change policy? Ask the community.

In Seattle, community assemblies are gathering frontline community members to set their own policies around extreme weather.

For Peter Hasegawa, it all started with the heat dome. The labor organizer remembers the 2021 extreme heat event that killed more than 400 people in the state of Washington. That disaster woke up residents and union members to how deadly climate change can be. Although Seattle had passed climate action legislation in 2019, it became clear to Hasegawa and the union members he represented that even though the city was preparing to wean itself off fossil fuels, it was still ill-prepared to deal with the impacts of a warming planet. This led Hasegawa last fall to South Seattle College, the setting for MLK Labor’s community assembly on extreme weather and worker rights. One October evening, a lecture hall filled with union workers, including teachers, firefighters, home health care workers, postal workers, and more, ready to try out the Community Assembly model. Community Assemblies are participatory spaces where people come together to learn, deliberate, and make collective decisions on programs and policies that influence the actions of government and community action. Hasegawa watched closely as the assembly unfolded. After years of making policy for communities of color, workers, and other communities on the frontlines of climate change, lawmakers and city officials are now shifting towards making policies with constituents — particularly those who historically have been harmed by local policy. In Seattle, these Community Assemblies are part of a pilot program in partnership with the City of Seattle — one of the latest efforts in a larger trend of more inclusive governance around climate change. In that room, 50 union members came together for three assembly sessions over three weeks to test a new tool for co-governance. Members of the community assembly that was led by MLK Labor. MLK Labor Assemblies have been implemented across the U.S. and around the world, including in Hawai’i after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic; in Jackson, Miss., to bring community-based perspectives into the city’s contracting process; and in the Bronx, N.Y., to advocate for stronger policies on housing, economic inequality, and health. While not government-funded or directly initiated with officials, these assemblies create opportunities for deeper collaboration between communities and policymakers.  “This is a model that has always existed — the assembly, a deep form of engagement — and it exists across the globe in different variations, demonstrating how structured public participation can inform policies and decisions that directly impact people’s lives,” said Faduma Fido, Lab Leader with Seattle partner organization People’s Economy Lab.  One thing that distinguishes Washington’s Community Assemblies is that they’re funded by government entities.MLK Labor’s assembly, along with an assembly led by the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle, were funded by the City of Seattle Office of Sustainability and Environment in partnership with Seattle’s Green New Deal Oversight Board. The oversight board will use recommendations from community assemblies to inform Seattle’s Climate Action Plan update and future climate policies and priorities. With all of this in mind, it was important for the sustainability office and the oversight board to wisely choose the organizations that would lead these community assemblies. The Green New Deal legislation funded this program with $100,000 set aside to invest in participatory decision-making.  Members of the community assembly that was led by the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle. Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle Choosing MLK Labor and the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle came after lengthy research, according to Elise Rasmussen, Climate and Environmental Justice Associate at Seattle’s sustainability office. Most importantly, both organizations prioritized communities disproportionately affected by climate change. For MLK Labor’s Community Assembly, this included individual union members who had voiced past concerns about climate change and workers in roles that would put them in the path of extreme weather events. For the Urban League’s, which was focused on community resilience in the face of climate change, participants were chosen for their connection and lived experience to climate change and equity. This group included 25 members from Indigenous communities, as well as other communities of color, immigrants, unhoused people, elders, and youth who were engaged in efforts to fight climate change locally.  In the South Seattle College lecture hall, Hasegawa saw the type of camaraderie common in unions, but this time solidarity formed around facing climate change. “People found that they were not alone in having to deal with extreme weather,” he said, “and [workers were] not being given the tools or the protections from their managers to do what they needed to do.” Firefighters talked about having to work in extreme heat, home health care workers described elderly and vulnerable patients struggling without air conditioning, and teachers detailed sweaty days in classrooms, burst pipes, and mold.  Members of the MLK Labor community assembly in a working group on extreme weather and worker rights. MLK Labor The point, according to Fido, is to ensure that no one gets left behind in Seattle’s climate planning. Community Assemblies are a way for frontline community members to share their experiences and expertise, discuss issues and collaborate on solutions, and make their voices heard through policy recommendations. And community assemblies are gaining traction throughout the state. The Washington State Department of Social and Health Services is also funding a series of Community Assembly pilots.  Longtime organizer Rosalinda Guillen had advocated for the model locally, after working with numerous farmworker organizations and advocates from Washington State to South America. She was a community organizer with the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition, helping organize the first farmworker union in the state’s history. “Every state agency needs to replace their community engagement plan with the community assembly model,” Guillen said on a 2023 panel.  Another goal of Community Assemblies is to support Black, Brown, Indigenous, and low-income communities to participate more fully in the process of policymaking. “We’re working with frontline communities to be able to build and sustain a civic muscle where they are active participants in the conversation of better policies, better investments, and more targeted programming,” said Fido.  Members of the Urban League community assembly in a working group on community resilience to climate change. Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle For Camille Gipaya, the process has already had immediate, visible effects. Gipaya is a community outreach organizer at the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle. While the issues their assembly addressed were broad — food and water, land use, pollution, and redlining — she says that bringing people together has very literally changed how they show up. “We [went] to Olympia [to] talk to legislators, and we had individuals that we met at the Community Assembly that were there who were not interested in talking to politicians beforehand, but [then] they felt empowered to be more engaged,” she said.  Using this model is important to Gipaya, because it prioritizes the communal lived experiences of people who will be most affected by climate change. Instead of trying other methods to determine the best way forward, this initiative simply asks people to determine the best path themselves. “When looking at policy, it has to be more than just data and numbers,” she said. “Oftentimes, having seen [how policy has worked] in the past, we really have to connect with community members. We cannot afford to be disconnected with frontline communities.” This story was produced in partnership with Communities of Opportunity, a growing partnership that believes every community can be a healthy, thriving community. Communities of Opportunity is a unique community-private foundation-government partnership that invests in the power of communities in King County, Washington. LEARN MORE This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Looking to create effective climate change policy? Ask the community. on Apr 15, 2025.

Why is it so expensive to build affordable homes in California? It takes too long

Guest Commentary written by Jason Ward Jason Ward is co-director of the RAND Center on Housing and Homelessness. He is also an economist at RAND and a professor of policy analysis at Pardee RAND Graduate School. The spiraling cost of housing in California has affected virtually every facet of life. California has the nation’s largest […]

Guest Commentary written by Jason Ward Jason Ward is co-director of the RAND Center on Housing and Homelessness. He is also an economist at RAND and a professor of policy analysis at Pardee RAND Graduate School. The spiraling cost of housing in California has affected virtually every facet of life. California has the nation’s largest unsheltered homeless population and among the highest rates of cost-burdened renters and overcrowded homes. One reason for the seemingly endless upward trajectory of rents is how expensive it is to build new apartments in California. Those costs are a major contributor to “break-even rents,” or what must be charged for a project to be financially feasible.  I recently led a study that compared total apartment development costs in California to those in Colorado and Texas. The average apartment in Texas costs roughly $150,000 to produce; in California, building the same apartment costs around $430,000, or 2.8 times more. Colorado occupies a middle ground, with an average cost of around $240,000 per unit. For publicly subsidized, affordable apartments — a sector that California has spent billions on in recent years — the gap is even worse. These cost over four times as much as affordable apartment units do in Colorado and Texas. There’s no single factor driving these huge differences. Land costs in California are over three times the Texas average. “Hard costs,” or those related to improving the land and constructing buildings, are 2.2 times those in Texas. California’s “soft costs,” which include financing, architectural and engineering fees, and development fees charged by local governments, are 3.8 times the Texas average.  There are some unavoidable California-specific costs, like ensuring buildings are resilient to shaking from earthquakes. But the truly lifesaving seismic requirements explain only around 6% of hard-cost differences, the study estimated. The state’s strict energy efficiency requirements add around 7%. California’s high cost of living may drive up the price of labor, but we found that construction wage differences explain only 6% to 10% of hard cost differences for market-rate apartments. However, for publicly subsidized apartment projects, which are often mandated to pay union-level wages, labor expenses explain as much as 20% to 35% of the total difference in costs between California and Texas.  “Soft costs” in California are a major culprit. California property developers pay remarkably high fees for architectural and engineering services — triple the average cost in Texas. It’s five times as much or more if you’re building publicly funded, affordable apartments in the Los Angeles and San Francisco metro areas.  Read Next Explainers Californians: Here’s why your housing costs are so high by Ben Christopher and Manuela Tobias Seismic engineering requirements play a role. The bigger factor are complex and burdensome design requirements for affordable housing. These are dictated by state and local funding sources, and have little to do with habitability or safety but contribute substantially to these astonishing differences.  Development fees to local governments make up the largest soft-cost difference in California. Such fees, which were the subject of a 2024 U.S. Supreme Court case, average around $30,000 per unit. In Texas, the average is about $800. (Again, Colorado occupies a middle ground at around $12,000.)  In San Diego, for example, these fees on average eat up 14% of total development costs per apartment. But the biggest thing driving up California apartment costs? Time.  A privately financed apartment building that takes just over two years to produce from start to finish in Texas would take over four years in California. It takes twice as long to gain project approvals and the construction timeline is 1.5 times longer.  That means land costs must be carried for longer, equipment and labor are on jobsites longer, and that loans are taken out for a longer term, and so on.  Most of the differences that the study uncovered stem from policy choices made by state and local governments. Many are legacies of the so-called “slow growth movement” in California, which has shaped housing production since the 1980s.  Those efforts worked. Population growth in the state went negative for a few years after 2020, due primarily to the high cost of housing. Even more recently, California’s growth was half the numbers seen in Texas and Florida, with younger and higher earners disproportionately leaving.  These departures have dire implications for the state’s fiscal future and political influence nationally. California recently lost a congressional seat for the first time in its history. If current national population trends hold, it could lose four or five seats in 2030. The California Legislature has become increasingly focused on reducing the cost of living, but meeting this goal requires substantial progress on lowering housing costs. New proposals to exempt urban infill housing production from state environmental law and a package of permitting reforms are steps in that direction.  Will policymakers also take lessons from Texas and Colorado’s cheaper housing methods? That remains to be seen. But the future of California may well hinge on it.

Take back the night: Establishing a "right to darkness" could save our night skies

Dark sky proponents mull the rights of nature to battle light pollution. Here's how it would work

The technicolor Florida sunset had faded into darkness, and my extended family, assembled from two continents and three countries, gathered on the beach at Longboat Key to look at the stars. We were incredibly lucky that night in 1984, when I was seven, because a satellite came into view. With no clouds and few lights, it moved steadily like a bright little star across the dark, dark sky. We oohed. We ahhed. Today, some laypeople may still gather to watch a gaggle of newly-launched Starlink satellites, each designed for a lifetime of about 5 years, as they move through the sky like a string of pearls, or a long ellipse of unblinking stars. But the satellites are common enough these days that they often zip through the field of view of astronomers' telescopes, and their radio signals interfere with the signals used by those telescopes. With sunlight reflecting off their solar sails, at times satellites can be brighter than the stars that, from our viewpoint, surround them, and there are enough of them to brighten the night sky. There is little regulation of such space sources of light pollution. And work to better regulate and limit terrestrial, or ground-based, light pollution, while showing some promising results, is still in its infancy. Could an increasingly popular, intermittently successful legal argument involving what's called the Rights of Nature or more-than-human rights possibly reclaim our planet's dark skies? It sounds like a goth dream, but do we have a legal right to darkness? Is light pollution really that bad? It's a small step from annoyance to menace. While satellites offer many benefits, including environmental data gathering, with hundreds of thousands satellites expected to swarm the skies within the decade, we are looking at a genuine threat to the nighttime darkness within which we, and all living things, evolved over hundreds of thousands, in fact millions, of years. Not that satellites are the only concern. Light pollution from terrestrial sources has been a gradually growing menace to dark skies since the Industrial Revolution, as electrical lighting, explosive population growth, and dramatic increases in industry over the years have steadily brightened the sky while dimming the stars, especially near large urban centers. Since the advent of LEDs, though, the problem has become dramatically worse. The low cost, perceived environmental benefit, and abundant availability of LEDs has led to lights being used in entirely unnecessary ways. "Ground-based light pollution has been growing with urbanization, but there's an inflection point just a couple of years ago due to the arrival of LED lights, which have made it much easier to make much more light with less energy," astronomer James Lowenthal, also a dark skies advocate and professor of astronomy in Northampton, Massachusetts, told Salon in a video interview. "And not only are they bright, they're very blue ... It looks white to your eyes, it looks sparkling while, like an emergency room, operating room kind of light". "We see the stars less and less than we did just ten, twenty years ago." White light with that cool, bright white appearance, like intense moonlight, actually contains a higher proportion of short-wavelengths, the blue and green part of the visible spectrum. This cool blueish light is said to have a high temperature (the higher the temperature of light, the bluer it looks to us). In fact, the original LEDs that hit the market around 15 years ago had such a high temperature that when cities and towns installed them in street lights, people were horrified, Lowenthal said, describing "many cases of cities where citizens just revolted against what their city had done."  As most late-night computer users know by now, probably thanks to someone nagging at them, informatively but in vain, to get off the damn screen, blue light has effects on animal and human eyes, especially on older humans. "Just as blue sunlight scatters in the Earth's atmosphere and makes the sun look slightly less blue, light from a strong blue, rich white street light enters your eyeball, scatters around in your eyeball and causes a sort of gauzy veil of glare," Lowenthal explained.  There's more, though. The short wavelength blue light of LEDs bounces around more in the sky, intensifying the brightness of light pollution more than an equivalent amount of less blue light energy. To add insult to injury, our eyes' sensitivity shifts towards the blue end of the spectrum at night. That's why moonlight looks bluish, when it's actually the same color as sunlight. "And that's actually one of the main reasons that we see the stars less and less than we did just ten, twenty years ago," Lowenthal said. A few steps short of regulation As a result of these twin Earth-based and sky-based threats to the skies under which we all evolved, dark sky advocacy became a thing. So have dark-sky preserves, where light pollution is restricted; dark sky certification, which echoes programs such as the UNESCO World Heritage Sites; and dark skies as a marketing attraction.  The Dark and Quiet Skies report, a 2021 report commissioned by the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, notes from the first paragraphs the wide scope of dark sky advocacy — from the importance of that astronomical research for protecting the Earth from asteroids or for advancing scientific research that benefits all humanity, to the cultural significance of dark skies. Many Indigenous peoples use the stars for orientation as their ancestors did, and the panorama of stars serves as a "library" of Indigenous knowledge. Want more health and science stories in your inbox? Subscribe to Salon's weekly newsletter Lab Notes. "We are adapted to darkness. But I would say not just in a physiological way," Aparna Venkatesan, an astronomer at University of San Francisco, told Salon in a video interview, citing numerous studies on human creativity at night, the rich history of references to darkness in human languages and storytelling, and the prevalence of human origin stories — including the scientific account of the Big Bang — that begin with total darkness. Venkatesan, with astronomer and dark sky consultant John Barentine, coined the term "noctalgia," meaning "sky grief," to describe "the accelerating loss of the home environment of our shared skies." It's a loss that affects all of us but has intense implications for Indigenous people, for whom access to dark night skies is a vital factor in preserving traditions around navigation and calendaring. It even impacts food sovereignty, as pollinators are impacted by light pollution. "There's individual rights and community rights, including the rights of future generations and freedom of religion," Venkatesan said. "All of that is true, but I also want to advocate that we are part of the continuum, that darkness lives in our language, our storytelling, our identity, our science, our creativity. Really, much of our human identity rests with darkness." In response to concerns about terrestrial light pollution, dark sky preserves or parks have been springing up around the world (there are more than 120 in the U.S.), offering a distinct attraction for tourism as well as residents — and the ecosystems that are able to enjoy a kind of life that has become largely endangered, life where circadian rhythms follow the same schedule as our ancestors' did. Comparison showing the effects of light pollution on viewing the sky at night (Jeremy Stanley/Flickr/Wiki Commons)International Dark Sky Places is an international program of independent third-party certification of particular areas that apply to become IDSPs. Starting with Flagstaff, Arizona's appointment as the first Dark Sky City in 2001, the organization has certified dark sites, which can be communities, parks or protected areas, on six continents, 22 countries. There are now some 200 of them around the globe, representing 160,000 square kilometers of land on Earth from which you can see clear night skies, glittering heavens, the full starry span of the Milky Way rarely visible from cities or even the average over-illuminated suburb. Some of these are in the remote, austere sites that often serve as ideal sites for astronomical observatories. But not all of them.  There are practices of light pollution mitigation that can be learned and adopted if everyone in a given community is on board — or brought on board through policy decisions. But getting agreement and motivation to pursue dark sky certification status by working to achieve light pollution reduction targets is easier said than done. "There are no binding treaties that have to do with the night sky, with that type of environmental protection," Barentine told Salon in a video interview along with Venkatesan. That's even though certain U.N. instruments do mention it—the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the underlying treaties establishing the United Nations Environment Programme are among these, he said. "At best, what we might get is a series of recommendations to members states of these different conventions that they could choose to enact if they wanted to."  "Much of our human identity rests with darkness." But voluntary standards for light pollution, like voluntary standards for much else where profit and community or ecosystem well-being might be at odds, have a habit of failing to meet the need, of being inconsistently applied, and of simply being ignored. In fact, Ben Price, director of education at the Community Environmental Legal Defence Fund, which assisted in establishment of the world's first community rights of nature legislation, notes that the establishment of minimum protected areas tends to be supported or even promoted by the corporations that cause greatest environmental harm, effectively maximizing the amount of harm that can be done everywhere else.  The federal Clean Air and Clean Water acts, and similar state laws, likewise set out in law just how much degradation or destruction of the natural world corporations or others can get away with. Partly as a result, environmental damage is far, far worse and natural habitats are far smaller and more fragmented than they were half a century ago, before these pieces of legislation existed. Price told Salon in a video interview that he enjoyed amateur astronomy as a child and plans to travel to a noted dark sky preserve in the Pennsylvania wilds. "But really, do you have to travel hours and hours to see the stars the way they actually come through?" he asked rhetorically. "Do we really need to have every damn thing on the surface of the Earth lit up?" Or in the sky — Price has also watched satellites and has memories of seeing Sputnik overhead. Legislation, Price believes, is the answer to bringing back the dark — as opposed to carving the Earth up into little pieces, a few fragments of which might achieve protected status. But with over two decades of work to advance rights of nature at the community level in the United States — nearly 200 communities have adopted CELDF-drafted community bill of rights laws including rights of nature — he believes that the entrenched domination of property rights in the U.S. means that it's going to be an uphill battle.   The damage done by bright skies In the law, reparations are often thought of in terms of damages. Well, there's plenty of damage to be redressed. Remember how our eyes naturally become more sensitive to the blue end of the visible spectrum at night? That's just one of the many known and other likely unrecognized ways in which even daylight-waking creatures like us have been conditioned by millions of years of evolving in a world with roughly equal hours of daylight and darkness.  Nocturnal animals obviously depend on having adequate darkness for the kind of eyesight they've evolved and the nighttime behavior they've evolved to carry out in the dark of night. But diurnal animals like humans, and crepuscular animals, like cats, that are naturally at their most active at dawn and at dusk, also have exquisitely calibrated chronobiology, with hormone patterns that change according to the light and processes that take place during either daytime, when the sun is out, or nighttime, when it's not.  Research demonstrating the negative health impacts of messing too much with our bodies' ingrained expectations about light and darkness has accumulated over decades. Light pollution is linked to a host of health harms. Exposure to artificial light when we should be asleep alters our production of the important hormone melatonin, increasing risks of obesity, reproductive problems, certain cancers such as breast and prostate cancer, and mood disorders, and negatively affects immune function. Seine et Marne on march the 6th 2021 at night. Taurus constellation. On this image we can see the effect of the movements of artificial satellites through the sky. On the left we can see the planet Mars, on the right the famous stars cluster the Pleiades (M45). From the bottom right the luminous trail of the satellite STARLINK-1269, and from the top the luminous trail of the satellite STARLINK-1577. (Christophe Lehenaff / Getty Images)It's even worse for animals, who aren't able to make choices like dimming the lights at a decent hour, using a red shift filter on their phones, or installing blackout curtains. Exposure to constant bright light causes pigeons to lose their regular locomotor and feeding patterns, and goldfish that are normally active in daytime likewise lose their own consistent patterns of activity and rest. Abnormal patterns of light and darkness reduce reproductive capacity in male sheep. Both sunlight and moonlight play roles in regulating the spawning and migration of Japanese eels. Outdoor lighting can trap migratory birds and moths. In fact, even kingdoms of life beyond Animalia depend on darkness. Plants, linked in our minds with light thanks to their ability to turn it into energy through photosynthesis, require darkness, too. Artificial light that hampers nocturnal pollinators reduces plant reproductive success and fruit production. It also puts trees' schedules out of whack, affecting the dates of when leaves bud and how and when temperature triggers leaves to change color (though it also might delay plants' schedules for flowering, budding and leap-dropping otherwise moved forwards as a result of global heating-induced changes in seasonal temperatures.) Even fungi need darkness, as they evolved to use patterns of light to interact with the world. They sense light with photoreceptors, and while they use them to avoid too much of it so as not to dry out, that's not all they're for. Fungi can have white collar proteins and cryptochromes for detection of blue light, opsins that detect green light, and phytochromes for red light. These photoreceptors also regulate things like sexual and asexual development and metabolism, accumulation of protective pigments and proteins, and growth. Artificial light seems to reduce the diversity of both fungi and beneficial ("good") bacteria living on grassland plant species, destabilize natural bacteria communities in soil, and may cause harmful algal blooms of blue-green algae in freshwater lakes.  And it isn't just darkness, but specifically the clear view of the stars that dark skies provide that is key to wellbeing for some species. Songbirds that migrate at night calibrate their magnetic compass to the setting sun, then use the stars as a compass. Bull ants use stars to find their way home. The dung beetle, which disperses seeds as it rolls its dung balls, fertilizing topsoil and enhancing biodiversity and engineering its environment, normally orients itself using the Milky Way and the moon. When light pollution or skyglow (light pollution from elsewhere reflected downwards) dims it, the beetle is forced to orient itself by sources of light on Earth. This increases competition within the species as all the dung beetles are attracted to the same artificial light source, or results in them becoming disoriented when they can't find a replacement for the stars. Either way, the result is less of that dispersal that's so important for soil health and biodiversity. Suing for dark skies "Now, of course, there is no legal precedent in U.S. courts for non-human entities having rights in and of themselves. When we talk about laws like the Endangered Species Act, it's always about the value of those species to humans, even if it is only our curiosity or our wonder," Price said, noting that momentum is building in other countries towards a less anthropocentric approach.  "We should draft and enact local [and] state laws," Price argued, "that recognize the right to dark skies as belonging intrinsically to nocturnal life, and not just nocturnal because what happens to life at night, if it's diminished or wiped out is going to have absolutely devastating effects on those creatures and on [that] plant life and so forth that is more active in daylight. It's all connected, and that's the very point of it all." A rights of nature argument would be about "conveying enough legal recognition to those natural systems that they can at least compete with the Western view of humans being at the legal and environmental apex," where the purpose of the nature is framed as being the benefit of humans, and nature is to be made subservient to us, Barentine said. He has scoured the global legal literature for examples that could serve as precedents for applying legislation to dark skies. "There has to be a change in paradigms that are at the foundation of how we run our society and the kinds of laws we create." Some countries have subjected light pollution to law and to judicial review, Barentine said. "And I found some examples of countries that have given a level of consideration to these natural systems that are at least close enough to that, to where you can make the jump and say, if you would protect a river, for example, under rights of nature by giving it [legal] standing ... that there's really no reason that you cannot apply exactly the same logic to light pollution." But the more foundational idea of a legal right to darkness — or, complimentarily, a right to starlight — has not been tested in courts. But rights of nature arguments more generally have found favor with courts in enough jurisdictions that it's definitely no longer a fringe or symbolic legal concept, despite Price's reluctance to be over-optimistic about how quickly change can be achieved. And the framing of darkness or starlight as a right is not entirely new. In 2009, the general assembly of the International Astronomical Union passed "Resolution 2009-B5", which among other related points, states that "an unpolluted night sky that allows the enjoyment and contemplation of the firmament should be considered a fundamental socio-cultural and environmental right, and that the progressive degradation of the night sky should be regarded as a fundamental loss." And since this resolution built on a 2007 conference called the "International Conference in Defence of the Quality of the Night Sky and the Right to Observe Stars held jointly by UNESCO and the IAU, the idea that it's a sociocultural right might seem to be endorsed by UNESCO, the global body dedicated to such rights. But there are limits to how far international bodies are willing to go. Noting a "growing number of requests to UNESCO concerning the recognition of the value of the dark night sky and celestial objects," by 2007, UNESCO's World Heritage Centre stated that "the sky or the dark night sky or celestial objects or starlight as such cannot be nominated to the World Heritage List within the framework of the Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage." Nor, they say, can Dark Sky preserves be considered under the various categories of cultural and natural properties subject to protection — because no criteria exist for them to be considered. And that's still several steps away from an enforceable right. So we're not there yet. If a person or group of people are going to go to court on behalf of nature, "it is a stronger case if the complaint is brought by a human person who lives in a place that is affected by that thing. So it would be hard for me to make an argument that I should be the plaintiff in a case involving light pollution in China or Europe or somewhere like that," said Barentine, who lives in Tucson, Arizona, a dark sky city, "but I could be the person who brings the complaint in my part of the United States, because I can argue that I am impacted by this and I have an interest in this ecosystem." Barentine and colleagues have been developing the concept of a lightshed, analogous to a watershed, a geographical region that may cut across existing legal boundaries but that could define an area within which total light pollution must be kept within a certain limit in order to mitigate harm and limit skyglow. "If we believe that there's anything like a commons and that there is a public interest in the commons, then I could bring suit on behalf of all people similarly situated. We could define a class of people. I can say that literally, every person who lives in my city is affected in one way or another by this issue, and therefore could stand to suffer a legal injury that we're asking a court to remedy," Barentine said. While restrictions on local governance in the US and the country's strong legal emphasis on property rights makes it extremely difficult to advance dark sky legislation through a rights of nature argument, Price said that, in theory at least, were a bill introduced this year in the New York legislature that would grant rights of nature to the Great Lakes ecosystem prove successful, it might then be possible to argue in court that documented harms resulting from light pollution must be rectified under that legislation. The proposed legislation would devolve powers to local municipalities and counties to protect the ability of local ecosystems to exist, to flourish naturally, and to be restored when harmed. And as we've seen, humans, animals, and other organisms might have a strong case that we've all suffered harm from too much light when it should be dark, and even too few stars when the sky should be a-glitter with them. Still, Price thinks that this bill is likely to be a public learning experience more than anything else.  "There has to be a change in paradigms that are at the foundation of how we run our society and the kinds of laws we create," he said. "It's really people's minds that have to change more than the laws before they can accept these laws."  But he quoted science fiction author Ursula K. Le Guin on the eventual inevitability of once-unimaginable change. Accepting an award from the National Book Foundation, Le Guin said that "We live in capitalism, its power seems inescapable — but then, so did the divine right of kings. Any human power can be resisted and changed by human beings." Read more about rights of nature

No Results today.

Our news is updated constantly with the latest environmental stories from around the world. Reset or change your filters to find the most active current topics.

Join us to forge
a sustainable future

Our team is always growing.
Become a partner, volunteer, sponsor, or intern today.
Let us know how you would like to get involved!

CONTACT US

sign up for our mailing list to stay informed on the latest films and environmental headlines.

Subscribers receive a free day pass for streaming Cinema Verde.
Thank you! Your submission has been received!
Oops! Something went wrong while submitting the form.