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What will shift to zero-emission trucks cost? $1 trillion for charging alone, study says

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Tuesday, March 19, 2024

A short-trip electric heavy truck gets charged at Total Transportation Services Inc. in Wilmington. (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times) Fossil-fuel burning trucks spew alarming amounts of greenhouse gases, dangerous nitrogen oxides, lung-clogging particulate matter and a toxic stew of other pollutants.Getting rid of them will be costly — nearly $1 trillion, according to an industry study released Tuesday.Sponsored by the freight-hauling truck fleet industry, it concludes that charging infrastructure for a nationwide fleet of 100% electric trucks — from delivery trucks to big rigs — will cost $622 billion.Add to that an additional $370 billion on electric utilities to upgrade or install electric substations, overhead and underground lines, transformers, poles and fixtures to supply truck chargers. Electricity providers “would need to spend nearly the equivalent of what was spent on the entire system during the past 15 years,” the report says, pegging the past cost at $450 billion.Not covered in the report: the expense of the trucks themselves. Electric big rigs today cost hundreds of thousands of dollars each, or three to four times more than a diesel truck. California is spending billions in subsidies to make those trucks more affordable.The motor freight industry says the highly detailed report adds to the concern that government mandates are moving too fast.“It could put the supply chain at risk,” said Jim Mullen, chief strategy officer of the National Motor Freight Traffic Assn., a study sponsor. “It’ll make COVID look real tame if we don’t do this right.”Industry alarmism? Hard to say, in part because policymakers have not produced such comprehensive dollar-cost studies of their own. A 2023 California Department of Transportation report estimates that building a charging network with 475 to 525 chargers to serve electric trucks on major highway corridors would cost $10 billion to $15 billion, not including electric upgrade costs.The California Air Resources Board estimates that operating costs could be 22% to 33% lower for electric trucks than diesel or gasoline by 2030. (Generally, forecasts of future electric rates and fuel prices range widely depending on the source and the assumptions.)“California and the federal government are making unprecedented investments to prepare for a zero-emissions future that will bring multiple cost-saving benefits in reduced fuel and maintenance costs for fleet operators,” said Steven Cliff, the air board’s executive officer. “Cleaner air will also mean reduced health costs for Californians, and a future with fewer costly impacts from climate change.”State and federal officials have cited economic benefits of moving away from fossil fuel trucking: new jobs and industries created, reduction of climate risk, and, according to the air board, $26.5 billion in health-cost savings through 2050. The climate and pollution problems are real, and carry enormous social, economic and health costs. But the dollar costs of minimizing those problems will be borne by taxpayers, utility ratepayers, truck makers, fleet owners, shippers and retailers, and will be reflected in the price of consumer goods.Freight-hauling is a high-volume, low-margin endeavor. The cost of the transition matched with aggressive timelines imposed by government mandate could put enough freight-haulers out of business to disrupt freight traffic, the industry says. The study was conducted by Roland Berger, an international consulting company based in Munich, Germany. The report fills a data vacuum on electric truck transition costs, said Wilfried Aulbur, senior partner at the firm. “We didn’t see a comprehensive, systemic study to look at what it means to decarbonize transportation sectors,” he said. The industry is committed to cleaning up its vehicles, he said. “I don’t think anyone [involved in the study] is saying ‘let’s screw the next generation.’” But “we need to have a fact-based discussion around some of the limitations and some of the timelines involved.”More than 6 million on-site chargers and about 175,000 on-route chargers would be needed nationwide, the report said, and it listed “hidden or unforeseen costs”: site-specific issues like the need for conduits and clearances; the scale and costs of wiring and electrical components; utility upgrades to handle the increased load; and backup solutions in case vehicles are unable to charge at a specific site.California has assumed the national lead on decarbonizing transportation. Ten states have signed on to follow its regulatory lead in trucking. Under California mandate, by 2035, 100% of most two-axle trucks must be zero-emission; by 2039, big rigs with day cabs; by 2042, big rigs with sleeper cabs.That mandate covers fleets with more than 50 vehicles or annual revenue over $50 million; state, local and federal government fleets; and trucks that haul freight in and out of seaports.The most immediate concern of fleet operators: so-called drayage trucks that typically run shipping containers or bulk cargo back and forth from ports to rail yards and distribution centers, racking up a few dozen miles a day or so. (A small number travel hundreds of miles to their destinations.)The state is cracking down on drayage trucks first. Last April, the air resources board ruled that no fossil fuel trucks purchased after Jan. 1, 2024, would be allowed to enter a seaport in California. Operators of fossil fuel trucks bought before that date can get into ports until those trucks reach 18 years of age or 800,000 miles, whichever comes first. By 2035, only zero-emission trucks will be allowed inside.Drayage trucks were pinpointed for at least two reasons: Their noxious emissions disproportionately affect the health of people who live near seaports, who tend to live in low-income households. Also, because most drayage trucks travel short routes, there’s less need for high-powered truck chargers along the highway, easing the transition. The idea is that drayage trucks can use less powerful chargers at their home bases and fill up more cheaply at those slow chargers overnight.Yet, few electric drayage trucks have been sold thus far, and a major build-out of charger systems at drayage depots or at the ports is required. Startups such as Forum Mobility, WattEV and Voltera Power, and established companies including Schneider Electric and ABN, are building or leasing charging stations for freight trucks.There’s a long way to go to accommodate the state mandate, and heavy-duty truck fast chargers can cost more than $100,000 each.The trucks themselves are enormously expensive, and for now anyway, hard to find and buy. A typical diesel truck costs about $120,000. In recent months manufactures of electric big rigs raised their prices to as much as $450,000 to $500,000. Even those are scarce — many buyers are on months-long waiting lists.Drayage owners caught a break last December, when the air resources board announced it would delay enforcement of drayage rules until it receives permission from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to do so, under provisions of the federal Clean Air Act.Meantime, the state faces a lawsuit filed by the California Trucking Assn. last year. It claims that federal law bars California from enforcing zero-emission truck mandates on vehicles registered outside the state that cross the border into California.What are the truck fleets seeking? Among other things: Longer timelines to use biofuels in diesel engines that are in no way zero-emission, but do emit less pollution and fewer greenhouse gases than diesel trucks; rules that allow conversion of diesel engines to burn hydrogen fuel, which releases no greenhouse gas but does emit nitrogen oxide pollution, albeit far less than diesel fuel; a commitment to vehicle and charger subsidies; and a faster build-out of expensive utility substations needed to dispatch enough electricity to high-power truck chargers. Thus far, California regulators have drawn a firm stance on the timelines they’ve established.Truck stop owners have concerns too. Lisa Mullings is chief executive at Natso, an industry group that represents truck stops and travel centers and is another study sponsor. She said Natso members are preparing for the energy transition but want more help from utilities in setting up microgrids — self-contained energy generators using solar or wind power that bypass the electric grid — so they can get more control over electricity prices. “Travel centers have found business case impediments could be overcome if they could manage their own electricity [in a way] that didn’t require them to sell electricity to drivers at exorbitant costs just to break even,” Mullings said.Nobody said the switch away from fossil fuels would be easy. Newsletter Toward a more sustainable California Get Boiling Point, our newsletter exploring climate change, energy and the environment, and become part of the conversation — and the solution. You may occasionally receive promotional content from the Los Angeles Times.

The study, sponsored by the freight truck industry, adds to concerns over government mandates. But government officials say the move away from fossil fuels will have economic benefits.

A worker charges an electric tractor-trailer rig.

A short-trip electric heavy truck gets charged at Total Transportation Services Inc. in Wilmington.

(Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)

Fossil-fuel burning trucks spew alarming amounts of greenhouse gases, dangerous nitrogen oxides, lung-clogging particulate matter and a toxic stew of other pollutants.

Getting rid of them will be costly — nearly $1 trillion, according to an industry study released Tuesday.

Sponsored by the freight-hauling truck fleet industry, it concludes that charging infrastructure for a nationwide fleet of 100% electric trucks — from delivery trucks to big rigs — will cost $622 billion.

Add to that an additional $370 billion on electric utilities to upgrade or install electric substations, overhead and underground lines, transformers, poles and fixtures to supply truck chargers. Electricity providers “would need to spend nearly the equivalent of what was spent on the entire system during the past 15 years,” the report says, pegging the past cost at $450 billion.

Not covered in the report: the expense of the trucks themselves. Electric big rigs today cost hundreds of thousands of dollars each, or three to four times more than a diesel truck. California is spending billions in subsidies to make those trucks more affordable.

The motor freight industry says the highly detailed report adds to the concern that government mandates are moving too fast.

“It could put the supply chain at risk,” said Jim Mullen, chief strategy officer of the National Motor Freight Traffic Assn., a study sponsor. “It’ll make COVID look real tame if we don’t do this right.”

Industry alarmism? Hard to say, in part because policymakers have not produced such comprehensive dollar-cost studies of their own. A 2023 California Department of Transportation report estimates that building a charging network with 475 to 525 chargers to serve electric trucks on major highway corridors would cost $10 billion to $15 billion, not including electric upgrade costs.

The California Air Resources Board estimates that operating costs could be 22% to 33% lower for electric trucks than diesel or gasoline by 2030. (Generally, forecasts of future electric rates and fuel prices range widely depending on the source and the assumptions.)

“California and the federal government are making unprecedented investments to prepare for a zero-emissions future that will bring multiple cost-saving benefits in reduced fuel and maintenance costs for fleet operators,” said Steven Cliff, the air board’s executive officer. “Cleaner air will also mean reduced health costs for Californians, and a future with fewer costly impacts from climate change.”

State and federal officials have cited economic benefits of moving away from fossil fuel trucking: new jobs and industries created, reduction of climate risk, and, according to the air board, $26.5 billion in health-cost savings through 2050.

The climate and pollution problems are real, and carry enormous social, economic and health costs. But the dollar costs of minimizing those problems will be borne by taxpayers, utility ratepayers, truck makers, fleet owners, shippers and retailers, and will be reflected in the price of consumer goods.

Freight-hauling is a high-volume, low-margin endeavor. The cost of the transition matched with aggressive timelines imposed by government mandate could put enough freight-haulers out of business to disrupt freight traffic, the industry says.

The study was conducted by Roland Berger, an international consulting company based in Munich, Germany. The report fills a data vacuum on electric truck transition costs, said Wilfried Aulbur, senior partner at the firm. “We didn’t see a comprehensive, systemic study to look at what it means to decarbonize transportation sectors,” he said.

The industry is committed to cleaning up its vehicles, he said. “I don’t think anyone [involved in the study] is saying ‘let’s screw the next generation.’” But “we need to have a fact-based discussion around some of the limitations and some of the timelines involved.”

More than 6 million on-site chargers and about 175,000 on-route chargers would be needed nationwide, the report said, and it listed “hidden or unforeseen costs”: site-specific issues like the need for conduits and clearances; the scale and costs of wiring and electrical components; utility upgrades to handle the increased load; and backup solutions in case vehicles are unable to charge at a specific site.

California has assumed the national lead on decarbonizing transportation. Ten states have signed on to follow its regulatory lead in trucking. Under California mandate, by 2035, 100% of most two-axle trucks must be zero-emission; by 2039, big rigs with day cabs; by 2042, big rigs with sleeper cabs.

That mandate covers fleets with more than 50 vehicles or annual revenue over $50 million; state, local and federal government fleets; and trucks that haul freight in and out of seaports.

The most immediate concern of fleet operators: so-called drayage trucks that typically run shipping containers or bulk cargo back and forth from ports to rail yards and distribution centers, racking up a few dozen miles a day or so. (A small number travel hundreds of miles to their destinations.)

The state is cracking down on drayage trucks first. Last April, the air resources board ruled that no fossil fuel trucks purchased after Jan. 1, 2024, would be allowed to enter a seaport in California. Operators of fossil fuel trucks bought before that date can get into ports until those trucks reach 18 years of age or 800,000 miles, whichever comes first. By 2035, only zero-emission trucks will be allowed inside.

Drayage trucks were pinpointed for at least two reasons: Their noxious emissions disproportionately affect the health of people who live near seaports, who tend to live in low-income households. Also, because most drayage trucks travel short routes, there’s less need for high-powered truck chargers along the highway, easing the transition. The idea is that drayage trucks can use less powerful chargers at their home bases and fill up more cheaply at those slow chargers overnight.

Yet, few electric drayage trucks have been sold thus far, and a major build-out of charger systems at drayage depots or at the ports is required. Startups such as Forum Mobility, WattEV and Voltera Power, and established companies including Schneider Electric and ABN, are building or leasing charging stations for freight trucks.

There’s a long way to go to accommodate the state mandate, and heavy-duty truck fast chargers can cost more than $100,000 each.

The trucks themselves are enormously expensive, and for now anyway, hard to find and buy. A typical diesel truck costs about $120,000. In recent months manufactures of electric big rigs raised their prices to as much as $450,000 to $500,000. Even those are scarce — many buyers are on months-long waiting lists.

Drayage owners caught a break last December, when the air resources board announced it would delay enforcement of drayage rules until it receives permission from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to do so, under provisions of the federal Clean Air Act.

Meantime, the state faces a lawsuit filed by the California Trucking Assn. last year. It claims that federal law bars California from enforcing zero-emission truck mandates on vehicles registered outside the state that cross the border into California.

What are the truck fleets seeking? Among other things: Longer timelines to use biofuels in diesel engines that are in no way zero-emission, but do emit less pollution and fewer greenhouse gases than diesel trucks; rules that allow conversion of diesel engines to burn hydrogen fuel, which releases no greenhouse gas but does emit nitrogen oxide pollution, albeit far less than diesel fuel; a commitment to vehicle and charger subsidies; and a faster build-out of expensive utility substations needed to dispatch enough electricity to high-power truck chargers. Thus far, California regulators have drawn a firm stance on the timelines they’ve established.

Truck stop owners have concerns too. Lisa Mullings is chief executive at Natso, an industry group that represents truck stops and travel centers and is another study sponsor. She said Natso members are preparing for the energy transition but want more help from utilities in setting up microgrids — self-contained energy generators using solar or wind power that bypass the electric grid — so they can get more control over electricity prices.

“Travel centers have found business case impediments could be overcome if they could manage their own electricity [in a way] that didn’t require them to sell electricity to drivers at exorbitant costs just to break even,” Mullings said.

Nobody said the switch away from fossil fuels would be easy.

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Roads can become more dangerous on hot days – especially for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists

We tend to adapt quickly to rain. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat.

Munbaik Cycling Clothing/UnsplashDuring heatwaves, everyday life tends to feel more difficult than on an average day. Travel and daily movement are no exception. But while most of us know rain, fog and storms can make driving conditions challenging, not many people realise heat also changes transport risk. In particular, research evidence consistently suggests roads, trips and daily commutes can become more dangerous on very hot days compared with an average day. The key questions are how much more dangerous, who is most affected, whether the risk is short-lived or lingers and how this information can be used to better manage road safety during extreme heat. Who is most at risk? The clearest picture comes from a recent multi-city study in tropical and subtropical Taiwan. Using injury data across six large cities, researchers examined how road injury risk changes as temperatures rise, and how this differs by mode of travel. The results show what researchers call a sharp, non-linear increase in risk on very hot days. It’s non-linear because road injury risk rises much more steeply once temperatures move into the 30–40°C range. It is also within this range that different travel modes begin to clearly separate in terms of their susceptibility to heat-related risk. This Taiwan study found injury risk for pedestrians more than doubled during extreme heat. Cyclist injuries soared by around 80%, and motorcyclist injuries by about 50%. In contrast, the increase for car drivers is much smaller. The pattern is clear: the more exposed the road user, the bigger the heat-related risk. The pattern is also not exclusive to a single geographical region and has been observed in other countries too. A long-running national study from Spain drew on two decades of crash data covering nearly 2 million incidents and showed crash risk increases steadily as temperatures rise. At very high temperatures, overall crash risk is about 15% higher than on cool days. Importantly, the increase is even larger for crashes linked to driver fatigue, distraction or illness. A nationwide study in the United States found a 3.4% increase in fatal traffic crashes on heatwave days versus non-heatwave days. The increase is not evenly distributed. Fatal crash risk rises more strongly: on rural roads among middle-aged and older drivers, and on hot, dry days with high UV radiation. This shows extreme heat does not just increase crash likelihood, but also the chance that crashes result in death. That’s particularly true in settings with higher speeds and less forgiving road environments. Taken together, the international evidence base is consistent: the likelihood of crashes, injury risk and fatal outcomes all increase during hot days. Why heat increases road risk, and why the effects can linger Across the three studies, the evidence points to a combination of exposure and human performance effects. The Taiwan study shows that risk increases most sharply for pedestrians, cyclists and motorcyclists. These are groups that are physically exposed to ambient heat and, in some cases, exertion. In contrast, occupants of enclosed vehicles show smaller increases in risk. This suggests that direct exposure to heat plays a role in shaping who is most affected. The Spanish study suggests that the largest heat-related increases occur in crashes involving driver fatigue, distraction, sleepiness or illness. This indicates that heat affects road safety not only through environmental conditions, but through changes in human performance that make errors more likely. Importantly, the Spanish data also show that these effects are not always confined to the hottest day itself. They can persist for several days following extreme heat, consistent with cumulative impacts such as sleep disruption and prolonged fatigue. High solar radiation refers to days with intense, direct sunlight and little cloud cover. In the US study, heat-related increases in fatal crashes were strongest under these conditions. Although visibility was not directly examined, these are also conditions associated with greater glare, which may make things even less safe. How can the extra risk be managed? The empirical evidence does not point to a single solution, but it does indicate where risk is elevated and where things become less safe. That knowledge alone can be used to manage risk. First, reducing exposure matters. Fewer trips mean less risk, and flexible work arrangements during heatwaves can indirectly reduce road exposure altogether. Second, risk awareness matters. Simply recognising that heatwaves are higher-risk travel days can help us be more cautious, especially for those travelling without the protection of an enclosed vehicle. We tend to adapt quickly to rain. As soon as the first drops hit the windscreen, we reduce speed almost subconsciously and increase distance to other vehicles. This, in fact, is a key reason traffic jams often start to develop shortly after roads become wet. But a growing body of research shows we also need to be more careful when it comes to travel and commuting during extreme heat. Milad Haghani receives funding from the Australian government (the Office of Road Safety).Zahra Shahhoseini does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

West Virginia Program That Helped Communities Tackle Abandoned Buildings Is Running Out of Money

A West Virginia program that helped communities demolish abandoned buildings is running out of money, and state lawmakers haven't proposed any new solutions

From their home on Charleston’s, West Virginia's West Side, Tina and Matt Glaspey watched the house on the corner of First Avenue and Fitzgerald Street go downhill fast. A family with a young daughter left because they didn’t feel safe. The next owner died. After that, the police were responding regularly as people broke into the vacant home. The Glaspeys say that in just two years, the small brick house went from occupied to condemned, left without power or water, repeatedly entered by squatters. “One day, we noticed a bright orange sticker on the door saying the building was not safe for habitation,” Tina said. “It shows how quickly things can turn, in just two years, when nothing is done to deal with these properties.” City officials say the house is following the same path as hundreds of other vacant properties across Charleston, which slowly deteriorate until they become unsafe and are added to the city’s priority demolition list, typically including about 30 buildings at a time. Until this year, a state program helped communities tear these buildings down, preventing them from becoming safety hazards for neighborhoods and harming property values. But that money is now depleted. There is no statewide demolition program left, no replacement funding, and no legislation to keep it running, leaving municipalities on their own to absorb the costs or leave vacant buildings standing. Across West Virginia, vacant properties increase while a state program designed to help runs out of money The state’s Demolition Landfill Assistance Program was established in 2021 and was funded a year later with federal COVID-19 recovery funds. Administered through the Department of Environmental Protection, the fund reimbursed local governments for the demolition of abandoned buildings that they couldn’t afford on their own. The state survey was the first step in the program to determine the scope of the need and assess local government capacity to address it. It was distributed to all 55 counties and more than 180 municipalities. However, the need is far greater. Carrie Staton, director of the West Virginia Brownfields Assistance Center, has worked with communities on abandoned buildings for about 14 years. She said most counties don’t have the resources, funding or staffing to manage dilapidated housing on their own. “We’re just so rural and so universally rural. Other states have at least a couple of major metro areas that can support this work,” she said. “We don’t. It just takes longer to do everything.” Charleston has spent millions demolishing hundreds of vacant buildings As the state’s largest city, Charleston has more tools than most local governments, including access to federal funds that smaller communities don’t have. That has allowed the city to spend more than $12 million over the past seven years demolishing over 700 unsafe and dilapidated structures.But John Butterworth, a planner for the city, said Charleston still relied on state demolition funding to help cover those costs, which averaged about $10,000 per property, including any environmental cleanup. “It’s a real cost,” he said. “It’s a necessary one to keep neighbors safe, but it is very expensive.”He said the city received $500,000 from the state program during its last round of funding to help tear down properties that drew repeated complaints from neighbors. “I think people are really relieved when we can say that the house that’s been boarded up for a year or more is coming down,” he said. “Where the concern often comes from neighbors is, what comes next?”One vacant home on Grant Street had fallen into disrepair before being demolished in May of last year. Cracks filled the walls. Dirt and moldy debris were caked on the floors. Broken glass and boarded-up windows littered the property as plants overtook the roof and yard. Eventually, the city was able to get the owner to donate the property, which was then given to Habitat for Humanity as part of its home-building program. Now, the property is being rebuilt from scratch. Construction crews have already built the foundation, porch and frame, and it is expected to be finished within the year after its groundbreaking last October. Andrew Blackwood, executive director of Habitat for Humanity of Kanawha and Putnam counties, said the property stood for at least five years, deteriorating. The home had signs of vandalism and water damage and was completely unsalvageable. He said that of the 190 homes the organization has built in both counties, nearly 90% of them have been complete rebuilds after the previous structure was demolished. A statewide problem without a statewide plan Lawmakers have said they recognize the scale of the problem, but none have proposed other ways for tearing down dangerous structures. Fayette County used state demolition money as it was intended, which was to tear down unsafe buildings that had become public safety hazards to nearby residents. With help from the state program, the county tore down 75 dilapidated structures, officials said, removing some of the most dangerous properties while continuing to track the progress of others through a countywide system. County leaders hoped to expand their demolition efforts on their own this year, but those plans have been put on hold. The county had to take over operations of a local humane society after it faced closure and will need to fundraise, said John Breneman, president of the Fayette County Commission. Former Sen. Chandler Swope, R-Mercer, said that kind of budget pressure is exactly why he pushed for state involvement in demolition funding. Swope, who helped create the state fund for the demolition of dilapidated buildings in 2021, said the idea grew from what he saw in places where population loss left empty homes, which local governments had no way to tear down.“They didn’t have any money to tear down the dilapidated properties, so I decided that that should be a state obligation because the state has more flexibility and more access to funding,” he said.Swope said he’d always viewed the need as ongoing, even as state budgets shift from year to year.“I visualized it as a permanent need. I didn’t think you would ever get to the point where it was done,” he said. “I felt like the success of the program would carry its own priority.” But four years later, that funding is gone, and lawmakers haven’t found a replacement. Other states, meanwhile, have created long-term funding for demolition and redevelopment.Ohio, for example, operates a statewide program that provides counties with annual demolition funding. Funds are appropriated from the state budget by lawmakers. Staton said West Virginia’s lack of a plan leaves communities stuck.“Abandoned buildings are in every community, and every legislator has constituents who are dealing with this,” she said. “They know it’s just a matter of finding the funding.”And back on the West Side, the Glaspeys are left staring at boarded windows and an overgrown yard across the street. Matt said, “Sometimes you think, what’s the point of fixing up your own place if everything around you is collapsing?” This story was originally published by Mountain State Spotlight and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – December 2025

Webinar: Cell Tower Risks 101 - What You Need To Know To Protect Your Community

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Featuring Theodora Scarato, MSW, Director of the Wireless & EMF Program at Environmental Health SciencesCell towers near homes and schools bring many health, safety and liability risks. From fire, to the fall zone, property value drops and increased RF radiation exposure, Theodora Scarato will cover the key issues that communities need to understand when a cell tower is proposed in their neighborhood.With the federal government proposing unprecedented rulemakings that would dismantle existing local government safeguards, it’s more critical than ever to understand what’s at stake for local communities and families.Webinar Date: January 7th, 2026 at 3 pm ET // 12 pm PTRegister to join this webinar HERETheodora Scarato is a leading expert in environmental health policy related to cell towers and non-ionizing electromagnetic fields. She has co-authored several scientific papers, including a foundational paper in Frontiers in Public Health entitled “U.S. policy on wireless technologies and public health protection: regulatory gaps and proposed reforms.” She will highlight key findings and policy recommendations from this publication during the webinar.To learn more about the health and safety risks of cell towers, visit the EHS Wireless & EMF Program website: Top 10 Health, Safety, and Liability Risks of Cell Towers Near Schools and HomesCell Towers Drop Property ValuesThe FCC’s Plan to Fast Track Cell TowersOfficial Letters Opposing FCC Cell Tower Fast-Track RulesWatch our previous webinar: FCC and Congressional Proposals To Strip Local Control Over Cell Towers Webinar - YouTube youtu.be

Funding bill excludes controversial pesticide provision hated by MAHA

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental...

A government funding bill released Monday excludes a controversial pesticides provision, marking a win for the Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) movement for at least the time being. The provision in question is a wonky one: It would seek to prevent pesticides from carrying warnings on their label of health effects beyond those recognized by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Known as Section 453 for its position in a House bill released earlier this year, it has drawn significant ire from MAHA-aligned activists. Opponents of the provision argue that it can be a liability shield for major chemical corporations, preventing them from facing failure-to-warn lawsuits by not disclosing health effects of their products. MAHA figures celebrated the provision’s exclusion from the legislation. “MAHA WE DID IT! Section 453 granting pesticide companies immunity from harm has been removed from the upcoming House spending bill!” MAHA Action, a political action committee affiliated with the movement, wrote on X. The issue is one that has divided Republicans, a party that has traditionally allied itself with big business.  “The language ensures that we do not have a patchwork of state labeling requirements. It ensures that one state is not establishing the label for the rest of the states,” Rep. Mike Simpson (R-Idaho) said earlier this year.  However, the growing MAHA movement has been critical of the chemical industry. The legislation is part of a bicameral deal reached to fund the departments of the Interior, Justice, Commerce, and Energy, as well as the EPA. And while the provision’s exclusion represents a win for the MAHA movement for the moment, the issue is far from settled. Alexandra Muñoz, a toxicologist and activist who is working with the MAHA movement said she’s “happy to see” that the provision was not included in the funding bill. However, she said, “we still have fronts that we’re fighting on because it’s still potentially going to be added in the Farm Bill.” She also noted that similar fights are ongoing at the Supreme Court and state level. The Supreme Court is currently weighing whether to take up a case about whether federal law preempts state pesticide labeling requirements and failure-to-warn lawsuits. The Trump administration said the court should side with the chemical industry. Meanwhile, a similar measure also appeared in a 2024 version of the Farm Bill. —Emily Brooks contributed. Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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