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The Te Awa Tupua Act: An Inspiration for Communities to Take Responsibility for Their Ecosystems

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Wednesday, August 14, 2024

In 2017, after more than a century of legal struggles by the Māori people of the Whanganui River (Te Āti Haunui-a-Pāpārangi), the 292-kilometer Whanganui River — also known as Te Awa Tupua — became the first river in the world to be recognized as a legal entity, granting it the same rights and powers as a legal person. The passage of the Te Awa Tupua Act has been a milestone for Aotearoa New Zealand — a name that reflects the country’s Māori identity and colonial history. It has also been read as an encouraging example for the granting of legal personhood to ecosystems in other parts of the world. While Whanganui personhood is a good news story, we must recognize that the path to Parliament’s passage of the Te Awa Tupua Act was entrenched in colonial dynamics. Māori Iwi of the Whanganui region have long had to advocate against an often conservative and Western-minded government structure. Their relentless advocacy efforts have shaped the narrative of Te Awa Tupua, a story rooted in the deep connection between culture, land, and water.   View this post on Instagram   A post shared by @te_awa_tupua The clash between Te Awa Tupua and Western legal frameworks, alongside Indigenous law, serves as the backdrop for continuing political and cultural dynamics. More recently, with the inauguration of Aotearoa New Zealand’s new coalition government led by conservative Christopher Luxon, these challenges have become more conspicuous. We believe that the Te Awa Tupua Act should not only be read by law- and policymakers as a legal framework, but also as an inspiration for communities to embrace a leadership model entrenched in Tupua Te Kawa principles, the system of principles underpinning Te Awa Tupua. A History Steeped in Colonialism To understand the future of Te Awa Tupua, we must first understand its greater context. The historical background to the recognition of Te Awa Tupua as a legal entity is deeply intertwined with the colonization of Aotearoa New Zealand by the British and the subsequent conflicts and wars in the 19th century. Since 1873 Whanganui Iwi have sought recognition of their authority over the Whanganui River, including by pursuing one of New Zealand’s longest-running court cases, the Native Land Court application of 1938 contesting the ownership of the riverbed. The case was finally settled in favor of the Crown by the Court of Appeal in 1962. Given the colonial nature of Iwi-Crown (government) relationships, the Waitangi Tribunal was set up in 1975 as a standing commission of inquiry to make recommendations on claims brought by Māori relating to legislation, policies, actions, or omissions of the Crown that are alleged to breach the promises made in the Treaty of Waitangi. Ultimately, however, the tribunal has limited powers, especially in preventing treaty violations from happening.   View this post on Instagram   A post shared by @te_awa_tupua Ruruku Whakatupua, the Deed of Settlement for the Whanganui River (2014), is the culmination of more than a century of effort by Whanganui Iwi to protect and provide for the special relationship of Whanganui Iwi with the river. Ruruku Whakatupua settles the historical Treaty of Waitangi claims of Whanganui Iwi in relation to the river. While the Whanganui River Iwi view the river as a living being, it is in the context of a more-than-human being rather than a human person. The framing of the Te Awa Tupua Act as legislation concerning legal personhood is more for the appeasement and convenience of European sentiments than for the Māori. The Te Awa Tupua Act Te Awa Tupua is one of numerous cases in which a history of injustice exists. Its recognition as a legal entity is therefore a decisive event not only in the history of Aotearoa’s environmental legislation, but also in coming to terms with its own colonial past. Te Awa Tupua is the longest navigable waterway in Aotearoa New Zealand. It has always been a source of sustenance, spiritual connectedness, and of course a main transport and trade route. There are numerous Māori tales that link the formation of the riverbed to a dispute between various North Island volcanoes. However, almost since the beginning of colonization, Te Awa Tupua has been abused. The destruction of eel weirs to make way for early riverboat service caused the loss of food sources for Whanganui Iwi. Furthermore, commercial forestry entities have planted all the way to the water line, and other irresponsible farming developments on marginal land have continually increased the sediment accumulation in the river and its tributaries. Since the 1970s a portion of the very upper reaches of the Whanganui River has been diverted and commercially developed to generate electricity. This has seriously affected the ability of the river to flush itself naturally. In 2014 Māori communities and the Crown signed a deed of settlement regarding Te Awa Tupua. In 2017 a corresponding Act was approved by Parliament in which the river — including its physical and metaphysical elements — is recognized as having the “rights, powers, duties, and liabilities of a legal person.” In the Act, Te Awa Tupua is assigned two legal representatives: one representing the Māori Iwi and another representing the government. They make up a committee given the name Te Pou Tupua — the human face of the river — and represents its interests. Te Pou Tupua is supported by an advisory group (Te Karewao) and a strategy group (Te Kōpuka). In addition, Te Kōpuka has been entrusted with the task of developing a strategy plan, called Te Heke Ngahuru, the final version of which has recently been passed. A Strategy for Implementing the Act Embedded within Te Awa Tupua, Te Heke Ngahuru holds as a collective effort to develop a comprehensive strategy addressing the environmental, social, cultural, and economic aspects of Te Awa Tupua’s wellbeing. Te Heke Ngahuru establishes Te Pā Auroa — a legal framework that grants the Whanganui River and its catchment the status of a legal entity. This framework, understood to be synonymous with the First Autumn Migration of Eels in Māori tradition, is guided by the four Tupua Te Kawa principles, which emphasize the interconnection of the river’s elements: Ko te Awa te mātāpuna o te ora: The River is the source of spiritual and physical sustenance. E rere kau mai i te Awa nui mai i te Kahui Maunga ki Tangaroa: The great River flows from the mountains to the sea. Ko au te Awa, ko te Awa ko au: I am the River, and the River is me. Ngā manga iti, ngā manga nui e honohono kau ana, ka tupu hei Awa Tupua: The small and large streams that flow into one another and form one River. Te Heke Ngahuru imagines a future where Iwi assume full custodial rights of the awa (river) via efforts that protect the health and wellbeing of the Whanganui catchment. This requires a transition away from Western models of governance and toward a Te Awa Tupua-centric approach to decision-making, led by the Crown, local government, and Iwi. Through collaboration and strategic action, Te Heke Ngahuru offers a roadmap for innovation and opportunity, laying the groundwork for a sustainable and prosperous future for Te Awa Tupua and its people. Te Awa Tupua Between Rights of Nature and Indigenous Law Te Awa Tupua has been enthusiastically embraced by many Rights of Nature activists as a paradigm-shifting example. At the same time, however, it’s easy to overlook how the Te Awa Tupua Act deliberately moves away from litigation and places community decision-making at its center. Shifting this power to the local level has profound implications for rebuilding Iwi-Crown relationships in light of centering kawa principles within Whanganui leadership. There are two important reasons for this. The first is that the power shift strengthens Indigenous law and the Tupua Te Kawa principles. According to the third Kawa, the people and the river are intrinsically linked, so Te Awa Tupua isn’t merely the river but also includes the surrounding communities — which challenges Western notions of property and human-made law. The relationship between the Iwi and the river goes beyond mere geographical proximity and includes spiritual and affective care for each other. The second reason is that the shift results in less dependence on state jurisdiction and the strengthening of Indigenous self-determination. Māori Iwi have a generations-long experience of changing governments, from left-wing to right-wing and back again, which encourages them to strategize wisely and cautiously. It’s therefore crucial to see the Te Awa Tupua Act and Te Heke Ngahuru as a decisive strengthening of Indigenous law and Māori self-determination. New Challenges From a Right-Wing Government Unfortunately, the new coalition government — consisting of the three National, Association of Consumers and Taxpayers, and New Zealand First political parties and led by Prime Minister Luxon — has shown clear intent to decrease the cultural and social standing of Māori and, by extension, the importance of the Treaty of Waitangi. For example, this government has attempted to deconstruct the use of Te Reo, the Māori language, within government departments that use Te Reo in their branding, messaging, websites, and front-office greetings. That said, at this stage there’s little threat to Te Awa Tupua or its legitimacy. Of far greater concern is that future acts or legislation of parliament could overlap, dilute, or even supersede the 2017 Act. This has happened before. In 1903 the Coal-mines Act Amendment Act provided that the beds of all navigable rivers “shall remain and shall be deemed to have always been vested in the Crown.” This national law was passed directly in response to Whanganui River Māori claims at the time. Under current norms and sensibilities, such extremes are highly unlikely in Aotearoa New Zealand today. What will be of interest to Te Pou Tupua, Te Karewao, and Te Kōpuka, though, are any new laws coming into being that may affect and indeed overlap Te Awa Tupua in areas such as resource management or conservation. Inspiration From Te Awa Tupua Examining the Te Awa Tupua Act and Te Heke Ngahuru reveals that their focus isn’t limited to a legal framework and its implementation. Taking the Third Kawa and the corresponding interrelationship of ecosystems and surrounding communities seriously can motivate communities to defend and take care of the health and wellbeing of the ecosystems to which they relate. However, we don’t suggest that communities should copy or universalize the Te Awa Tupua Act. The signing of Te Awa Tupua constitutes a narrative that can be read in the context of the Rights of Nature, but it can also be read in the context of decolonial law and communal self-determination. It can inspire local communities around the globe — including the global South and the global North — to take responsibility for the rivers, mountains, lakes, and other ecosystems to which they belong, which becomes vital at a time when right-wing governments around the world are beginning to challenge the previously established consensus on environmental and climate policy. The opinions expressed above are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of The Revelator, the Center for Biological Diversity, or their employees. Scroll down to find our “Republish” button The post The Te Awa Tupua Act: An Inspiration for Communities to Take Responsibility for Their Ecosystems appeared first on The Revelator.

The historic act, which recognized a river as a legal entity, deliberately moves away from litigation and places community decision-making at its center. The post The Te Awa Tupua Act: An Inspiration for Communities to Take Responsibility for Their Ecosystems appeared first on The Revelator.

In 2017, after more than a century of legal struggles by the Māori people of the Whanganui River (Te Āti Haunui-a-Pāpārangi), the 292-kilometer Whanganui River — also known as Te Awa Tupua — became the first river in the world to be recognized as a legal entity, granting it the same rights and powers as a legal person.

The passage of the Te Awa Tupua Act has been a milestone for Aotearoa New Zealand — a name that reflects the country’s Māori identity and colonial history. It has also been read as an encouraging example for the granting of legal personhood to ecosystems in other parts of the world.

While Whanganui personhood is a good news story, we must recognize that the path to Parliament’s passage of the Te Awa Tupua Act was entrenched in colonial dynamics. Māori Iwi of the Whanganui region have long had to advocate against an often conservative and Western-minded government structure. Their relentless advocacy efforts have shaped the narrative of Te Awa Tupua, a story rooted in the deep connection between culture, land, and water.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by @te_awa_tupua

The clash between Te Awa Tupua and Western legal frameworks, alongside Indigenous law, serves as the backdrop for continuing political and cultural dynamics. More recently, with the inauguration of Aotearoa New Zealand’s new coalition government led by conservative Christopher Luxon, these challenges have become more conspicuous.

We believe that the Te Awa Tupua Act should not only be read by law- and policymakers as a legal framework, but also as an inspiration for communities to embrace a leadership model entrenched in Tupua Te Kawa principles, the system of principles underpinning Te Awa Tupua.

A History Steeped in Colonialism

To understand the future of Te Awa Tupua, we must first understand its greater context.

The historical background to the recognition of Te Awa Tupua as a legal entity is deeply intertwined with the colonization of Aotearoa New Zealand by the British and the subsequent conflicts and wars in the 19th century.

Since 1873 Whanganui Iwi have sought recognition of their authority over the Whanganui River, including by pursuing one of New Zealand’s longest-running court cases, the Native Land Court application of 1938 contesting the ownership of the riverbed. The case was finally settled in favor of the Crown by the Court of Appeal in 1962. Given the colonial nature of Iwi-Crown (government) relationships, the Waitangi Tribunal was set up in 1975 as a standing commission of inquiry to make recommendations on claims brought by Māori relating to legislation, policies, actions, or omissions of the Crown that are alleged to breach the promises made in the Treaty of Waitangi. Ultimately, however, the tribunal has limited powers, especially in preventing treaty violations from happening.

 

View this post on Instagram

 

A post shared by @te_awa_tupua

Ruruku Whakatupua, the Deed of Settlement for the Whanganui River (2014), is the culmination of more than a century of effort by Whanganui Iwi to protect and provide for the special relationship of Whanganui Iwi with the river. Ruruku Whakatupua settles the historical Treaty of Waitangi claims of Whanganui Iwi in relation to the river. While the Whanganui River Iwi view the river as a living being, it is in the context of a more-than-human being rather than a human person. The framing of the Te Awa Tupua Act as legislation concerning legal personhood is more for the appeasement and convenience of European sentiments than for the Māori.

The Te Awa Tupua Act

Te Awa Tupua is one of numerous cases in which a history of injustice exists. Its recognition as a legal entity is therefore a decisive event not only in the history of Aotearoa’s environmental legislation, but also in coming to terms with its own colonial past.

Te Awa Tupua is the longest navigable waterway in Aotearoa New Zealand. It has always been a source of sustenance, spiritual connectedness, and of course a main transport and trade route. There are numerous Māori tales that link the formation of the riverbed to a dispute between various North Island volcanoes. However, almost since the beginning of colonization, Te Awa Tupua has been abused. The destruction of eel weirs to make way for early riverboat service caused the loss of food sources for Whanganui Iwi. Furthermore, commercial forestry entities have planted all the way to the water line, and other irresponsible farming developments on marginal land have continually increased the sediment accumulation in the river and its tributaries. Since the 1970s a portion of the very upper reaches of the Whanganui River has been diverted and commercially developed to generate electricity. This has seriously affected the ability of the river to flush itself naturally.

In 2014 Māori communities and the Crown signed a deed of settlement regarding Te Awa Tupua. In 2017 a corresponding Act was approved by Parliament in which the river — including its physical and metaphysical elements — is recognized as having the “rights, powers, duties, and liabilities of a legal person.”

In the Act, Te Awa Tupua is assigned two legal representatives: one representing the Māori Iwi and another representing the government. They make up a committee given the name Te Pou Tupua — the human face of the river — and represents its interests. Te Pou Tupua is supported by an advisory group (Te Karewao) and a strategy group (Te Kōpuka). In addition, Te Kōpuka has been entrusted with the task of developing a strategy plan, called Te Heke Ngahuru, the final version of which has recently been passed.

A Strategy for Implementing the Act

Embedded within Te Awa Tupua, Te Heke Ngahuru holds as a collective effort to develop a comprehensive strategy addressing the environmental, social, cultural, and economic aspects of Te Awa Tupua’s wellbeing. Te Heke Ngahuru establishes Te Pā Auroa — a legal framework that grants the Whanganui River and its catchment the status of a legal entity. This framework, understood to be synonymous with the First Autumn Migration of Eels in Māori tradition, is guided by the four Tupua Te Kawa principles, which emphasize the interconnection of the river’s elements:

    1. Ko te Awa te mātāpuna o te ora: The River is the source of spiritual and physical sustenance.
    2. E rere kau mai i te Awa nui mai i te Kahui Maunga ki Tangaroa: The great River flows from the mountains to the sea.
    3. Ko au te Awa, ko te Awa ko au: I am the River, and the River is me.
    4. Ngā manga iti, ngā manga nui e honohono kau ana, ka tupu hei Awa Tupua: The small and large streams that flow into one another and form one River.

Te Heke Ngahuru imagines a future where Iwi assume full custodial rights of the awa (river) via efforts that protect the health and wellbeing of the Whanganui catchment. This requires a transition away from Western models of governance and toward a Te Awa Tupua-centric approach to decision-making, led by the Crown, local government, and Iwi. Through collaboration and strategic action, Te Heke Ngahuru offers a roadmap for innovation and opportunity, laying the groundwork for a sustainable and prosperous future for Te Awa Tupua and its people.

Te Awa Tupua Between Rights of Nature and Indigenous Law

Te Awa Tupua has been enthusiastically embraced by many Rights of Nature activists as a paradigm-shifting example.

At the same time, however, it’s easy to overlook how the Te Awa Tupua Act deliberately moves away from litigation and places community decision-making at its center. Shifting this power to the local level has profound implications for rebuilding Iwi-Crown relationships in light of centering kawa principles within Whanganui leadership.

There are two important reasons for this. The first is that the power shift strengthens Indigenous law and the Tupua Te Kawa principles. According to the third Kawa, the people and the river are intrinsically linked, so Te Awa Tupua isn’t merely the river but also includes the surrounding communities — which challenges Western notions of property and human-made law. The relationship between the Iwi and the river goes beyond mere geographical proximity and includes spiritual and affective care for each other.

The second reason is that the shift results in less dependence on state jurisdiction and the strengthening of Indigenous self-determination. Māori Iwi have a generations-long experience of changing governments, from left-wing to right-wing and back again, which encourages them to strategize wisely and cautiously. It’s therefore crucial to see the Te Awa Tupua Act and Te Heke Ngahuru as a decisive strengthening of Indigenous law and Māori self-determination.

New Challenges From a Right-Wing Government

Unfortunately, the new coalition government — consisting of the three National, Association of Consumers and Taxpayers, and New Zealand First political parties and led by Prime Minister Luxon — has shown clear intent to decrease the cultural and social standing of Māori and, by extension, the importance of the Treaty of Waitangi. For example, this government has attempted to deconstruct the use of Te Reo, the Māori language, within government departments that use Te Reo in their branding, messaging, websites, and front-office greetings.

That said, at this stage there’s little threat to Te Awa Tupua or its legitimacy. Of far greater concern is that future acts or legislation of parliament could overlap, dilute, or even supersede the 2017 Act.

This has happened before. In 1903 the Coal-mines Act Amendment Act provided that the beds of all navigable rivers “shall remain and shall be deemed to have always been vested in the Crown.” This national law was passed directly in response to Whanganui River Māori claims at the time.

Under current norms and sensibilities, such extremes are highly unlikely in Aotearoa New Zealand today. What will be of interest to Te Pou Tupua, Te Karewao, and Te Kōpuka, though, are any new laws coming into being that may affect and indeed overlap Te Awa Tupua in areas such as resource management or conservation.

Inspiration From Te Awa Tupua

Examining the Te Awa Tupua Act and Te Heke Ngahuru reveals that their focus isn’t limited to a legal framework and its implementation. Taking the Third Kawa and the corresponding interrelationship of ecosystems and surrounding communities seriously can motivate communities to defend and take care of the health and wellbeing of the ecosystems to which they relate. However, we don’t suggest that communities should copy or universalize the Te Awa Tupua Act.

The signing of Te Awa Tupua constitutes a narrative that can be read in the context of the Rights of Nature, but it can also be read in the context of decolonial law and communal self-determination. It can inspire local communities around the globe — including the global South and the global North — to take responsibility for the rivers, mountains, lakes, and other ecosystems to which they belong, which becomes vital at a time when right-wing governments around the world are beginning to challenge the previously established consensus on environmental and climate policy.

The opinions expressed above are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of The Revelator, the Center for Biological Diversity, or their employees.

Scroll down to find our “Republish” button

The post The Te Awa Tupua Act: An Inspiration for Communities to Take Responsibility for Their Ecosystems appeared first on The Revelator.

Read the full story here.
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Lynx on the Loose in Scotland Highlight Debate Over Reintroducing Species Into the Wild

Scottish environmental activists want to reintroduce the lynx into the forests of the Highlands

LONDON (AP) — Scottish environmental activists want to reintroduce the lynx into the forests of the Highlands. But not this way.At least two lynx, a medium-sized wildcat extinct in Scotland for hundreds of years, were spotted in the Highlands on Wednesday, raising concerns that a private breeder had illegally released the predators into the wild.Two cats were captured on Thursday, but authorities are continuing their search after two others were seen early Friday near Killiehuntly in the Cairngorms National Park. Wildlife authorities are setting traps in the area so they can humanely capture the lynx and take them to the Edinburgh Zoo, where the captured cats are already in quarantine, said David Field, chief executive of the Royal Zoological Society of Scotland.The hunt highlights a campaign by some activists to reintroduce lynx to help control the deer population and symbolize Scotland’s commitment to wildlife diversity. While no one knows who released the cats, wildlife experts speculate that it was either someone who took matters into their own hands because they were frustrated by the slow process of securing government approval for the project, or an opponent who wants to create problems that will block the reintroduction effort.“Scotland has a history of illicit guerrilla releases,” said Darragh Hare, a research fellow at the University of Oxford’s Wildlife Conservation Research Unit, citing releases of beavers and pine martins. But doing it right, in a way that everyone can have their say, is important.“If there’s going to be any lynx introduction into Scotland or elsewhere, the process of doing it the right way, even if it takes longer, is the most important thing,” he added.Lynx disappeared from Scotland between 500 and 1,300 years ago possibly because of hunting and loss of their woodland habitat.Efforts to reintroduce the cats to the wild have been underway since at least 2021 when a group calling itself Lynx to Scotland commissioned a study of public attitudes toward the proposal. The group is still working to secure government approval for a trial reintroduction in a defined area with a limited number of lynx.Lynx are “shy and elusive woodland hunters” that pose no threat to humans, the group says. They have been successfully reintroduced in other European countries, including Germany, France and Switzerland.Supporters of the reintroduction on Thursday issued a statement deploring the premature, illegal release of the cats.“The Lynx to Scotland Project is working to secure the return of lynx to the Scottish Highlands, but irresponsible and illegal releases such as this are entirely counterproductive,” said Peter Cairns, executive director of SCOTLAND: The Big Picture, a group of rewilding advocates that is part of the project.The issues surrounding the potential reintroduction of lynx were on display during a Scottish Parliament debate on the issue that took place in 2023.While advocates highlighted the benefits of reducing a deer population that is damaging Scotland’s forests, opponents focused on the potential threat to sheep and ground-nesting birds.“Lynx have been away from this country for 500 years, and now is just not the time to bring them back,” said Edward Mountain, a lawmaker from the opposition Conservative Party who represents the Highlands.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Will Biden Pardon Steven Donziger, Who Faced Retaliation for Suing Chevron over Oil Spill in Amazon?

Massachusetts Congressmember Jim McGovern calls on President Biden to pardon environmental activist Steven Donziger, who has been targeted for years by oil and gas giant Chevron. Donziger sued Chevron on behalf of farmers and Indigenous peoples who suffered the adverse health effects of oil drilling in the Ecuadorian Amazon. “I visited Ecuador. I saw what Chevron did. It is disgusting” and “grotesque,” says McGovern. “Donziger stood up for these people who had no voice.” In return, Chevron has spent millions prosecuting him instead of holding itself to account, he adds, while a pardon from the president would show that the system can still “stand up to corporate greed and excesses.”

Massachusetts Congressmember Jim McGovern calls on President Biden to pardon environmental activist Steven Donziger, who has been targeted for years by oil and gas giant Chevron. Donziger sued Chevron on behalf of farmers and Indigenous peoples who suffered the adverse health effects of oil drilling in the Ecuadorian Amazon. “I visited Ecuador. I saw what Chevron did. It is disgusting” and “grotesque,” says McGovern. “Donziger stood up for these people who had no voice.” In return, Chevron has spent millions prosecuting him instead of holding itself to account, he adds, while a pardon from the president would show that the system can still “stand up to corporate greed and excesses.”

Exxon sues California AG, environmental groups for disparaging its recycling initiatives

ExxonMobil on Monday sued California Attorney General Rob Bonta (D) and a group of environmental activist groups, alleging they colluded on a campaign of defamation against the oil giant’s plastic recycling initiative. The lawsuit, filed in the Eastern District of Texas, could signal a new legal strategy for the fossil fuel industry against environmentalists and...

ExxonMobil on Monday sued California Attorney General Rob Bonta (D) and a group of environmental activist groups, alleging they colluded on a campaign of defamation against the oil giant’s plastic recycling initiative. The lawsuit, filed in the Eastern District of Texas, could signal a new legal strategy for the fossil fuel industry against environmentalists and their allies in government. It argues Bonta defamed Exxon when he sued the company last September by alleging it engaged in a decades-long “campaign of deception” around the recyclability of single-use plastics. Bonta’s lawsuit accused Exxon of falsely promoting the idea that all plastics were recyclable. A report issued by the Center for Climate Integrity last February indicates only a small fraction of plastics can be meaningfully recycled in the sense of being turned into entirely new products. ExxonMobil claimed Bonta’s language in the lawsuit, as well as subsequent comments in interviews, hurt its business. “While posing under the banner of environmentalism, [the defendants] do damage to genuine recycling programs and to meaningful innovation,” the lawsuit states. The complaint also names four national and California-based environmental groups, the Sierra Club, San Francisco Baykeeper, Heal the Bay and the Surfrider Foundation, who sued the company at the same time as Bonta’s office. It accuses Bonta’s office of recruiting the organizations to file the suit. The lawsuit is another salvo in the company’s aggressive recent approach to critics after it sued activist investor group Arjuna Capital in 2024 over its plans to submit a proposal on Exxon greenhouse gas emissions. A Texas judge dismissed the lawsuit in June after Arjuna agreed not to submit the proposal. “This is another attempt from ExxonMobil to deflect attention from its own unlawful deception,” a spokesperson for Bonta’s office said in a statement to The Hill. “The Attorney General is proud to advance his lawsuit against ExxonMobil and looks forward to vigorously litigating this case in court.” The Hill has reached out to the other defendants for comment.

Texas shrimper's legal victory spurs $50 million revival of fishing community

A historic $50 million Clean Water Act settlement led by Diane Wilson is revitalizing the Texas Gulf Coast, funding a fishing cooperative, oyster farm and environmental restoration efforts.Dylan Baddour reports for Inside Climate News.In short:Diane Wilson’s 2019 settlement against Formosa Plastics has funded $50 million in projects, including a $20 million fishing cooperative and environmental programs.The Matagorda Bay Fishing Cooperative is forming sustainable oyster farms and plans to purchase local seafood operations to empower fishermen.The settlement also mandated Formosa to halt plastic pellet discharges, resulting in penalties contributing over $24 million to Wilson's trust fund.Key quote:“They cannot believe I would do this for the bay and the fishermen. It’s my home and I completely refuse to give it to that company to ruin.”— Diane Wilson, environmental advocate and shrimperWhy this matters:The settlement has created economic opportunities and strengthened environmental safeguards, potentially setting a precedent for communities impacted by industrial pollution. Restoring livelihoods while reducing plastic pollution showcases how citizen-led activism can challenge corporate power.

A historic $50 million Clean Water Act settlement led by Diane Wilson is revitalizing the Texas Gulf Coast, funding a fishing cooperative, oyster farm and environmental restoration efforts.Dylan Baddour reports for Inside Climate News.In short:Diane Wilson’s 2019 settlement against Formosa Plastics has funded $50 million in projects, including a $20 million fishing cooperative and environmental programs.The Matagorda Bay Fishing Cooperative is forming sustainable oyster farms and plans to purchase local seafood operations to empower fishermen.The settlement also mandated Formosa to halt plastic pellet discharges, resulting in penalties contributing over $24 million to Wilson's trust fund.Key quote:“They cannot believe I would do this for the bay and the fishermen. It’s my home and I completely refuse to give it to that company to ruin.”— Diane Wilson, environmental advocate and shrimperWhy this matters:The settlement has created economic opportunities and strengthened environmental safeguards, potentially setting a precedent for communities impacted by industrial pollution. Restoring livelihoods while reducing plastic pollution showcases how citizen-led activism can challenge corporate power.

Rare, teeny tiny snail could be at risk from huge lithium mine under construction just south of Oregon

Environmentalists and Native American activists are demanding that the U.S. Interior Department address what they say is new evidence that bolsters their concerns about Lithium Americas’ planned open pit mine at Thacker Pass.

RENO — Opponents of the nation’s largest lithium mine under construction want U.S. officials to investigate whether the Nevada project already has caused a drop in groundwater levels that could lead to extinction of a tiny snail being considered for endangered species protection.Environmentalists and Native American activists are demanding that the U.S. Interior Department address what they say is new evidence that bolsters their concerns about Lithium Americas’ planned open pit mine at Thacker Pass. The footprint of mine operations will span about 9 square miles.The fate of the snail takes center stage after a federal judge and an appeals court dismissed a previous attempt by Native American tribes to get federal agencies to recognize the sacred nature of the area. The tribes argued that the mine would infringe on lands where U.S. troops massacred dozens of their ancestors in 1865.Now, Western Watersheds Project and the group known as People of Red Mountain argue in a notice of intent to sue that the government and Canada-based Lithium Americas are failing to live up to promises to adequately monitor groundwater impacts.They say it’s alarming that an analysis of groundwater data from a nearby well that was conducted by Payton Gardner, an assistant professor of hydrogeology at the University of Montana, shows a drop in the water table of nearly 5 feet since 2018. Nevada regulators say they have no information so far that would confirm declining levels but have vowed to monitor the situation during the mine’s lifespan.No water, no snailNot much bigger than a grain of rice, the Kings River pyrg has managed to survive in 13 isolated springs within the basin surrounding the mine site. It’s the only place in the world where the snail lives.In some cases, the tiny creatures require only a few centimeters of water. But the margin for survival becomes more narrow if the groundwater system that feeds the springs begins to drop, said Paul Ruprecht, Nevada Director for Western Watersheds Project.“Even slight disruptions to its habitat could cause springs to run dry, driving it to extinction,” he said.Western Watersheds Project and the other opponents say the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service is violating the Endangered Species Act by failing to rule in a timely fashion on a 2022 petition to list the snail as threatened or endangered. The allegations outlined in the opponents’ notice follow requests for federal biologists to investigate whether groundwater drawdowns are being caused by exploratory drilling and other activities and whether there have been impacts to the springs.Without protection, Ruprecht fears the snail “will become another casualty of the lithium boom.”The Fish and Wildlife Service is conducting a review of the snail’s status, but the agency declined to comment on the requests for an investigation into the groundwater concerns.Poised to lead in lithium productionEfforts to mine gold and other minerals in Nevada and other parts of the West over the decades have spurred plenty of legal skirmishes over potential threats to wildlife and water supplies. Lithium is no exception, as demand for the metal critical to making batteries for electric vehicles is expected to continue to climb exponentially over the next decade.President Joe Biden made increased production of electric vehicles central to his energy agenda, and the U.S. Energy Department last year agreed to loan Lithium Americas more than $2 billion to help finance construction at Thacker Pass. On Dec. 23, Lithium Americas announced it had concluded a joint venture with General Motors Holdings LLC to develop and operate the mine.The mine about 30 miles south of the Oregon-Nevada border is the biggest in the works and closest to fruition in the U.S., followed by Ioneer’s Rhyolite Ridge project near the California line halfway between Reno and Las Vegas.And the Bureau of Land Management announced in late December that it was seeking comments on another proposed project in northeastern Nevada. Surge Battery Metals USA wants to explore for lithium in Elko County.Monitoring groundwaterRuprecht said reports filed by Lithium Americas’ environmental consultant with state regulators show the company no longer has permission to access private lands where several monitoring wells are located. That makes it harder to tell if flows have been impacted by past drilling, he said.Nevada regulators say they approved changes in 2024 to the monitoring plan to account for the loss of access to wells on private land.Prior data showed groundwater levels had remained stable from the 1960s to 2018. Construction started at the site in 2023.The Bureau of Land Management’s approval of the mine acknowledged some reduction in groundwater levels were possible but not for decades, and most likely would occur only if state regulators granted the company permission to dig below the water table.Lithium Americas spokesman Tim Crowley said it appears the mine’s opponents are “working to re-spin issues that have previously been addressed and resolved in court.” He pointed to 10 years of data collection by the company indicating the snail would not be affected by the project.-- The Associated Press

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