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The global food system is owned by an ever smaller number of companies

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Wednesday, July 17, 2024

This imbalanced situation can be explained in part by the effects of things like natural disasters, war, fragile supply chains and economic inequality. These are all significant factors which highlight the problems of a truly global food system, where shocks spread quickly from one place to another with sometimes devastating results. But they do not provide the full picture and cannot fully explain the rise of ultra-processed foods, the financial difficulties facing farmers, or why the world has failed to address the harmful environmental impacts of food production. To account for these trends, we need to look at market concentration, and how a small number of very big companies have come to dominate the production and supply of the food we all eat. For the global food system has become much more concentrated in recent years, partly through an increase in mergers and acquisitions, where large firms buy up rival companies until they completely dominate key areas. High levels of market concentration mean less transparency, weaker competition, and more power in the hands of fewer firms. And our research reveals that a rise in the number of mergers and acquisitions is taking place at all stages of the global food system – from seeds and fertilizers to machinery and manufacturing. This is all part of food being increasingly seen as a source not only of human sustenance, but as a profitable investment – or what is known as the "financialisation of food". And while people have been buying and selling food for a very long time, the global system has seen a major incursion of big finance in recent decades. Pension funds, private equity and asset management firms have invested heavily in the sector. The logic is simple. Everybody needs food, so the sector promises safe and potentially lucrative returns. But feeding the world while looking after the planet costs money, and unfortunately, big financial actors are all about the bottom line. They aim to maximize returns, provide value to shareholders, and meet the expectations of markets. This makes mergers and acquisitions an attractive business proposition. Why make risky, long-term investments in sustainable food solutions, when you can buy your competitor, increase your market share, and potentially make a lot of money in the process? By boosting share prices and removing competition, buy-outs have been used widely throughout the global food system as an easier way to achieve further growth.   Hunger games This has resulted in more concentration and fewer, more powerful firms. One report revealed that just four firms control 44% of the global farm machinery market, two companies control 40% of the global seed market, and four businesses control 62% of the global agrochemicals market. This trend is matched in food retail, with four firms – Tesco, Sainsbury's, Asda, and Morrisons – estimated to control over 64% of the UK grocery market. This level of concentration and power affects everyone. It means less bargaining power for farmers, who are forced to negotiate with powerful conglomerates. Workers across key stages of the global food sector face downward pressures on wages, rights, and conditions. Local communities lose autonomy over how their land is cultivated and how the rewards are distributed.   And the negative effects are not limited to those working in food. Fewer firms and less transparency can lead to higher prices. And research on Europe has shown that places with higher food market concentration, including the UK and Germany, sell more ultra-processed food. The global food system also plays a big part in climate change. Too much corporate power limits the opportunities for communities to tackle environmental issues, and move towards sustainable provision of healthy food for everyone by producing more food themselves. With so much at stake, improved regulation should surely be on the menu. Our research revealed the majority of food system mergers and acquisitions take place between firms of the same nationality. This could provide an opportunity for governments to prevent further market concentration within their borders – and even to seek to dilute what already exists. International arrangements are more complicated, and would require a coordinated, international approach. However, this may prove difficult given the first-ever UN "food systems summit" in 2021 remained "strategically silent" on the issue. We believe market concentration must become a defining feature of food system reform. To address climate change, provide a fair deal for workers, and eradicate hunger, we need power to be less corporate – for the benefit of the entire global community. Liam Keenan, Assistant Professor in Economic Geography, University of Nottingham; Dariusz Wojcik, Professor of Financial Geography, National University of Singapore, and Timothy Monteath, Assistant Professor, University of Warwick This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Here's why "it's damaging our health, our communities and the planet"

This imbalanced situation can be explained in part by the effects of things like natural disasters, war, fragile supply chains and economic inequality. These are all significant factors which highlight the problems of a truly global food system, where shocks spread quickly from one place to another with sometimes devastating results.

But they do not provide the full picture and cannot fully explain the rise of ultra-processed foods, the financial difficulties facing farmers, or why the world has failed to address the harmful environmental impacts of food production.

To account for these trends, we need to look at market concentration, and how a small number of very big companies have come to dominate the production and supply of the food we all eat.

For the global food system has become much more concentrated in recent years, partly through an increase in mergers and acquisitions, where large firms buy up rival companies until they completely dominate key areas.

High levels of market concentration mean less transparency, weaker competition, and more power in the hands of fewer firms. And our research reveals that a rise in the number of mergers and acquisitions is taking place at all stages of the global food system – from seeds and fertilizers to machinery and manufacturing.

This is all part of food being increasingly seen as a source not only of human sustenance, but as a profitable investment – or what is known as the "financialisation of food".

And while people have been buying and selling food for a very long time, the global system has seen a major incursion of big finance in recent decades. Pension funds, private equity and asset management firms have invested heavily in the sector.

The logic is simple. Everybody needs food, so the sector promises safe and potentially lucrative returns.

But feeding the world while looking after the planet costs money, and unfortunately, big financial actors are all about the bottom line. They aim to maximize returns, provide value to shareholders, and meet the expectations of markets.

This makes mergers and acquisitions an attractive business proposition. Why make risky, long-term investments in sustainable food solutions, when you can buy your competitor, increase your market share, and potentially make a lot of money in the process? By boosting share prices and removing competition, buy-outs have been used widely throughout the global food system as an easier way to achieve further growth.

 

Hunger games

This has resulted in more concentration and fewer, more powerful firms. One report revealed that just four firms control 44% of the global farm machinery market, two companies control 40% of the global seed market, and four businesses control 62% of the global agrochemicals market. This trend is matched in food retail, with four firms – Tesco, Sainsbury's, Asda, and Morrisons – estimated to control over 64% of the UK grocery market.

This level of concentration and power affects everyone. It means less bargaining power for farmers, who are forced to negotiate with powerful conglomerates. Workers across key stages of the global food sector face downward pressures on wages, rights, and conditions. Local communities lose autonomy over how their land is cultivated and how the rewards are distributed.

 

And the negative effects are not limited to those working in food.

Fewer firms and less transparency can lead to higher prices. And research on Europe has shown that places with higher food market concentration, including the UK and Germany, sell more ultra-processed food.

The global food system also plays a big part in climate change. Too much corporate power limits the opportunities for communities to tackle environmental issues, and move towards sustainable provision of healthy food for everyone by producing more food themselves.

With so much at stake, improved regulation should surely be on the menu. Our research revealed the majority of food system mergers and acquisitions take place between firms of the same nationality. This could provide an opportunity for governments to prevent further market concentration within their borders – and even to seek to dilute what already exists.

International arrangements are more complicated, and would require a coordinated, international approach. However, this may prove difficult given the first-ever UN "food systems summit" in 2021 remained "strategically silent" on the issue.

We believe market concentration must become a defining feature of food system reform. To address climate change, provide a fair deal for workers, and eradicate hunger, we need power to be less corporate – for the benefit of the entire global community.

Liam Keenan, Assistant Professor in Economic Geography, University of Nottingham; Dariusz Wojcik, Professor of Financial Geography, National University of Singapore, and Timothy Monteath, Assistant Professor, University of Warwick

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Read the full story here.
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Are Americans more obese than ever?

Obesity affects more Americans than ever. Fast food is one of the main culprits.

Fast food occupies a unique spot in the proverbial gut of America. It’s irresistibly convenient when the fridge is empty —and even when it’s full — it seduces us with consistency, incredible flavors and decent prices.While it all comes with a generous serving of guilt since we kinda know it’s bad for us, Americans can’t help themselves. Americans spent a record $490 billion on fast food in 2023, up from post-pandemic levels. Despite this, surveys consistently show that many harbor deep concerns about its nutritional value, environmental impact and the ethics of its production.This love-hate tension is all part of fast food’s complex place in our lives. A report published Thursday in the journal The Lancet revealed that 75% of Americans are now overweight or obese. While fast food is not solely to blame for that, it does raise questions about the wide availability and nutritional value of ultra-processed foods.But solving an obesity crisis is not as simple as telling people to avoid it. Not everyone who consumes fast food does it because they want to. Many Americans face challenges accessing fresh fruits and vegetables, while an increase in sedentary lifestyles due to modern working practices is not yet fully understood, according to the report. Then there are social factors that limit food choices, like food insecurity, transportation, income, employment, race, educational level and whether you’re a single parent.Attempts to address the issue are not working, noted the report’s authors.“Existing policies have failed to address overweight and obesity,” they wrote. “Without major reform, the forecasted trends will be devastating at the individual and population level, and the associated disease burden and economic costs will continue to escalate.”Obesity will result in up to $9.1 trillion in excess medical expenditures over the next 10 years, according to a June 2024 report by Republicans on the Joint Economic Committee.It’s unclear if this crisis is a priority for the Trump administration, given the incoming president’s well-known love of, and brief employment at, McDonald’s. He’s also a fan of deregulation.While that chaos shakes out, let’s look at some of the leading fast-food ingredients and who let them be there.Sodium overloadThe average fast-food meal contains an alarming amount of sodium. For example, a single serving of McDonald’s fries has 230 milligrams, while a Burger King Whopper packs 911 milligrams, nearly half the recommended daily intake for adults. Consuming this much salt not only raises blood pressure but also puts us at higher risk for heart disease and stroke.Sugar and high fructose corn syrupSugary drinks and desserts dominate fast food menus. A small Wendy’s Frosty cup contains 46 grams of sugar, well above the 25-37 grams per day suggested by the American Heart Association. High-fructose corn syrup, a cheaper alternative to cane sugar, appears in sodas, sauces, and even burger buns. This ingredient has been linked to obesity and metabolic disorders.Questionable meatsWhen fast food chains claim their burgers are made with 100% beef, they’re technically correct. But that label often masks the use of unsellable cuts of meat—trimmings, connective tissue, and fat—ground together into patties. Chicken nuggets, another fast food staple, often contain a mixture of mechanically separated meat, starches, sugar, preservatives, hydrogenated oils and artificial flavorings.Artificial colorings and additivesEver wondered why fast food looks so vibrant? That’s often thanks to chemical colorings like Red 40 and Yellow 5, which have been linked to behavioral issues in children. Even “natural” options like Subway’s multigrain bread once included preservatives like azodicarbonamide—a chemical also used in yoga mats. Subway removed it after public pressure.Who Let This Happen?The fast food industry didn’t become a dietary minefield by accident. Decades of lobbying have shaped policy and regulations that some groups say prioritize corporate profits over public health.The corn lobby and high-fructose corn syrupHigh-fructose corn syrup (HFCS) owes its success to U.S. government subsidies for corn production. The Farm Bill, influenced heavily by agribusiness lobbyists, has ensured corn remains one of the most heavily subsidized crops. Between 1995 and 2020, corn subsidies amounted to over $116 billion in the U.S.This surplus of cheap corn made HFCS a low-cost alternative to sugar, leading to its widespread use in sodas, snacks, and fast food sauces. Despite links to obesity, type 2 diabetes, and metabolic disorders, HFCS remains, thanks in part to powerful lobbying by groups like the Corn Refiners Association.Meat industry lobbyistsThe meat industry has consistently pushed back against stricter regulations on safety and labeling. One infamous example is pink slime, a finely textured beef filler treated with ammonia to kill bacteria. This filler, made from low-quality trimmings squished together, sparked public outrage when first exposed in 2012.After lobbying efforts by meat processors like Cargill and Beef Products Inc., pink slime was reclassified by the USDA as ground beef, meaning it could be more widespread than before.But “pink slime” is fattier and more likely to contain pathogens than ground beef from quality cuts.FDA and additivesFood manufacturers have fought to keep artificial preservatives and additives legal despite evidence of potential health risks. For instance, Butylated Hydroxyanisole (BHA) and Butylated Hydroxytoluene (BHT) are preservatives used in fast food and processed goods to prevent fat from spoiling.Both are listed as “reasonably anticipated to be human carcinogens” by the National Toxicology Program, yet lobbying by food industry groups has ensured they remain approved by the FDA.

What to know about HHS and how RFK Jr. could lead it

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. could radically reshape the Department of Health and Human Services if he is confirmed as secretary of the agency under President-elect Trump. Why it matters: The onetime independent presidential candidate has been one of the country's most prominent vaccine skeptics for years, alarming public health experts about his nomination to lead to HHS.His appointment to HHS would also come 16 years after he was considered for a cabinet appointment by former President Obama. Obama had weighed appointing Kennedy — then an environmental lawyer — to the head of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).Kennedy's views range from cracking down on food additives to conspiracy-tinged ideas about fluoride in water.State of play: Kennedy's nomination to HHS Thursday came after weeks of speculation over what role he would play in the incoming administration.Trump promised in October he'd let Kennedy — who endorsed him after dropping his own presidential bid — "go wild" on federal oversight of food and medicine.Experts have warned that he could help erode key parts of the health care system and lead to an increase in preventable disease. Between the lines: Kennedy's selection has divided Republicans on Capitol Hill, though some in the GOP remain optimistic Kennedy will secure the requisite number of votes to be confirmed by the Senate.What is the HHS?The Department of Health and Human Services is a nearly $2 trillion agency is in charge of dispensing nearly 25% of the federal budget and employs more than 80,000 federal workers.HHS encompasses other departments that approve new medications, conduct infectious disease research and contribute to other public health services.It includes departments whose work touch on immigration, child support and adults with disabilities.HHS also processes Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, allowing journalists and other members of the public to request records from the federal government.What departments fall under HHS?HHS encompasses 13 operating divisions. Americans may be familiar with the FDA, CDC and NIH — particularly after the COVID pandemic — but other lesser known divisions can still impact their everyday lives.The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is tasked with regulating new drugs and medical devices, approves new vaccines, and ensures the safety of the food supply. After the 2022 Dobbs decision, the FDA has also helped make medication abortion more accessible. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) helps respond to infectious disease outbreaks like the bird flu and the COVID-19 pandemic. It also tracks food-borne illnesses like E. coli and listeria.The Centers of Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) overseas health insurance programs that benefit millions of Americans nationwide.The Office of Refugee Resettlement helps support refugees, unaccompanied minors and asylum seekers who are in the U.S. The National Institutes of Health oversees vaccine and other biomedical research, like cancer research. It includes the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) which was headed by Anthony Fauci during the COVID-19 pandemic.The Administration for Children and Families helps fund foster care and Head Start child care programs across the country.What could Kennedy's appointment mean for Americans?As head of a large and influential agency, Kennedy could begin implementing some elements of his "Make America Healthy Again" agenda.Kennedy has previously outlined plans to clear out entire departments from health care agencies, such as the FDA's nutrition department, in a bid to root out unspecified "corruption." He also said he would advise water districts against using fluoride, a mineral that occurs naturally in water but is often added to the water supply to help prevent tooth decay.He has also expressed interest in pausing drug development and infectious disease research at NIH for eight years, in favor of studying chronic disease. Zoom in: Kennedy has repeatedly denied that he is anti-vaccine and said he won't take away any vaccines from Americans. But he's continued to promote unbacked claims about vaccines causing various illnesses.He is also a proponent of drinking raw, unpasteurized milk, which both the FDA and CDC warn come with serious health risks. As the head of HHS, Kennedy would be able to initiate the roll back of the FDA's raw milk regulations.Go deeper:What to know about RFK Jr.'s positions on vaccines, drugs and health careHow RFK Jr.'s MAHA movement could shake up public healthWhat a Trump-empowered RFK Jr. could do on health care

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. could radically reshape the Department of Health and Human Services if he is confirmed as secretary of the agency under President-elect Trump. Why it matters: The onetime independent presidential candidate has been one of the country's most prominent vaccine skeptics for years, alarming public health experts about his nomination to lead to HHS.His appointment to HHS would also come 16 years after he was considered for a cabinet appointment by former President Obama. Obama had weighed appointing Kennedy — then an environmental lawyer — to the head of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).Kennedy's views range from cracking down on food additives to conspiracy-tinged ideas about fluoride in water.State of play: Kennedy's nomination to HHS Thursday came after weeks of speculation over what role he would play in the incoming administration.Trump promised in October he'd let Kennedy — who endorsed him after dropping his own presidential bid — "go wild" on federal oversight of food and medicine.Experts have warned that he could help erode key parts of the health care system and lead to an increase in preventable disease. Between the lines: Kennedy's selection has divided Republicans on Capitol Hill, though some in the GOP remain optimistic Kennedy will secure the requisite number of votes to be confirmed by the Senate.What is the HHS?The Department of Health and Human Services is a nearly $2 trillion agency is in charge of dispensing nearly 25% of the federal budget and employs more than 80,000 federal workers.HHS encompasses other departments that approve new medications, conduct infectious disease research and contribute to other public health services.It includes departments whose work touch on immigration, child support and adults with disabilities.HHS also processes Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, allowing journalists and other members of the public to request records from the federal government.What departments fall under HHS?HHS encompasses 13 operating divisions. Americans may be familiar with the FDA, CDC and NIH — particularly after the COVID pandemic — but other lesser known divisions can still impact their everyday lives.The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is tasked with regulating new drugs and medical devices, approves new vaccines, and ensures the safety of the food supply. After the 2022 Dobbs decision, the FDA has also helped make medication abortion more accessible. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) helps respond to infectious disease outbreaks like the bird flu and the COVID-19 pandemic. It also tracks food-borne illnesses like E. coli and listeria.The Centers of Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) overseas health insurance programs that benefit millions of Americans nationwide.The Office of Refugee Resettlement helps support refugees, unaccompanied minors and asylum seekers who are in the U.S. The National Institutes of Health oversees vaccine and other biomedical research, like cancer research. It includes the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) which was headed by Anthony Fauci during the COVID-19 pandemic.The Administration for Children and Families helps fund foster care and Head Start child care programs across the country.What could Kennedy's appointment mean for Americans?As head of a large and influential agency, Kennedy could begin implementing some elements of his "Make America Healthy Again" agenda.Kennedy has previously outlined plans to clear out entire departments from health care agencies, such as the FDA's nutrition department, in a bid to root out unspecified "corruption." He also said he would advise water districts against using fluoride, a mineral that occurs naturally in water but is often added to the water supply to help prevent tooth decay.He has also expressed interest in pausing drug development and infectious disease research at NIH for eight years, in favor of studying chronic disease. Zoom in: Kennedy has repeatedly denied that he is anti-vaccine and said he won't take away any vaccines from Americans. But he's continued to promote unbacked claims about vaccines causing various illnesses.He is also a proponent of drinking raw, unpasteurized milk, which both the FDA and CDC warn come with serious health risks. As the head of HHS, Kennedy would be able to initiate the roll back of the FDA's raw milk regulations.Go deeper:What to know about RFK Jr.'s positions on vaccines, drugs and health careHow RFK Jr.'s MAHA movement could shake up public healthWhat a Trump-empowered RFK Jr. could do on health care

Op-ed: What a Second Trump Administration Could Mean for Your Food

First, food prices could increase. A lot. And this time, food inflation will be driven by food policy choices, not by the Covid-19 pandemic. After the role food prices played in the election, some might wonder why Trump would place tariffs on food imports, which could increase food prices if the costs are passed along […] The post Op-ed: What a Second Trump Administration Could Mean for Your Food appeared first on Civil Eats.

None of Trump’s supporters voted for food that costs more and is less safe. Nevertheless, a second Trump administration could be a disaster for eaters, farmers, food and farm workers, and provide a windfall for the largest food and farm interests. Here’s why. First, food prices could increase. A lot. And this time, food inflation will be driven by food policy choices, not by the Covid-19 pandemic. After the role food prices played in the election, some might wonder why Trump would place tariffs on food imports, which could increase food prices if the costs are passed along to consumers. But that’s not all he might do. The Trump team might also reduce food assistance for poor people, as House Republicans have already proposed. A Mexican agricultural worker cultivates lettuce on a farm in Holtville, California. (Photo by John Moore, Getty Images) Deporting food and farm workers, as Trump has pledged, could also increase the cost of producing food (and be devastating for families and rural communities). In combination, tariffs on food and farm products, reducing food assistance, and driving up labor costs could be a food affordability triple whammy for many of the people who just helped put Trump back in office. “If Trump truly wants to ‘Make America Healthy Again,’ he will ban toxic pesticides and food chemicals, put warning labels on junk food, and require farmers to test for pathogens before they water their crops.” Second, the people who feed us could lose important workplace protections. The COVID-19 pandemic unmasked the harm food and farm workers face, but that might not stop the Trump team from weakening labor standards. Many of the people who feed us are not only at risk of being deported, they may also have fewer legal protections at work if industry lobbyists are placed in key positions at the Department of Labor and the Department of Agriculture. Even if Trump fails to deliver on promised deportations, food and farm workers will live and work in constant fear—and face increased harassment. Third, as hard as it is to imagine, our diets could get worse. While Trump and some of his supporters have pledged to “Make America Healthy Again,” the industry lobbyists who will likely run the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) and Food and Drug Administration (FDA) could instead weaken school nutrition standards (as Trump tried to do during his first term), reverse plans to require a warning label on junk food, weaken proposed limits on “healthy claims” on food packages, reduce access to local food sources like farmers’ markets, and replace nutrition science with pseudoscience. Fourth, despite Trump’s pledges to the contrary, our food and tap water could be filled with toxic pesticides and pathogens. The Biden-Harris Environmental Protection Agency banned toxic pesticides, including most uses of chlorpyrifos. The first Trump administration reversed a ban of chlorpyrifos, and a second Trump administration could reverse the ban again—and undo other recent chemical safety progress, including efforts to tackle toxic “forever chemicals.” The next Trump administration could also increase the risk of pathogens by reversing proposals to address salmonella in chicken as a favor to Big Meat. Fifth, the new Trump team could gut voluntary programs to help farmers get their farms “climate ready” and reduce methane and nitrous oxide emissions. Climate pollution from farming could account for 38 percent of U.S. emissions by 2050—up from 10 percent today. That’s more likely  if the incoming administration diverts funding for reducing emissions and instead funds infrastructure projects like irrigation pipelines. The same voluntary practices that reduce emissions can also help farms withstand extreme weather. If funding is cut, farms could become more vulnerable. That’s not the only way a second Trump term could make things worse for most farmers. Tariffs will be bad for farmers because important overseas markets will be lost. Not only that, efforts to address monopoly control of the things farmers buy—like seeds, chemicals, and equipment—and monopoly control of the places farmers sell their goods will likely grind to a halt. If the past is prologue, the Trump team will raid USDA’s coffers to help disburse billions to the largest, most successful farmers and once again leave smaller farmers, especially farmers of color, with no safety net. Whether election-year pledges to “Make America Healthy Again” will produce a meaningful change remains to be seen. What’s clear is that no one voted for higher food prices, more hunger, increased diet-related disease, or more toxic pesticides and pathogens in our food–including most Republican voters. Public opinion research shows strong bipartisan support for anti-hunger programs, protecting workers, keeping food safe, and helping farmers address climate change. Handy Kennedy, founder of AgriUnity cooperative, feeds his cows on HK Farms on April 20, 2021 in Cobbtown, Georgia. (Photo by Michael M. Santiago, Getty Images) While the election shows we may not agree on everything, everyone agrees that our food should be affordable, safe, and produced in ways that protect our workers and our neighbors. Everyone, that is, except for the industry lobbyists who may soon be running the federal agencies charged with protecting us. Some of us will be able to choose organic or buy water filters. Others will live in states where state policymakers will continue to step in to protect us. But most of us—especially most of the voters who elected Trump—will be unprotected from higher prices and food and water that can make us sick. Counting on health gurus and other false prophets will be no substitute for the hard work that lays ahead. If Trump truly wants to “Make America Healthy Again,” he will ban toxic pesticides and food chemicals, put warning labels on junk food, and require farmers to test for pathogens before they water their crops. He will help farmers prepare their farms for extreme weather and avoid becoming a leading source of greenhouse gas emissions. He will not only ensure that people have enough to eat, but also that they have more healthy food choices and fewer foods with misleading health claims. And he will make sure that the people who feed us aren’t living in fear or putting their own health and safety in jeopardy. The post Op-ed: What a Second Trump Administration Could Mean for Your Food appeared first on Civil Eats.

NZ’s food manufacturers are embracing the idea of a circular economy but are slow to implement it

New Zealand food manufacturers are beginning to embrace the circular economy but are up against a lack of government support, customer awareness and low-emission freight options.

Getty ImagesAround the world, the growth of industry and consumption has escalated environmental damage through increased emissions, waste and pollution from landfills. The current linear economic model, characterised by a “take-make-dispose” approach to limited resources, is increasingly shown to be unsustainable. New Zealand’s food manufacturing industry is a major contributor to these issues. However, an alternative, more sustainable, approach exists in the circular economic model. We have explored six large food manufacturing companies in Aotearoa New Zealand committed to circular-economy practices. We wanted to understand if and how they prioritise the four circular elements of reducing, reusing, recycling and recovering. We identified a variety of drivers and barriers to implementing circularity. This includes consumer knowledge, government regulation, supply-chain issues and financial commitment. Overall, we found New Zealand food manufacturers are slow to take positive steps in all areas. They lack a working knowledge of circular processes and the old linear model still holds sway. New Zealand context We found New Zealand food manufacturers are beginning to embrace the circular economy but there is still a long way to go for them to close the loop. The current focus is mainly on three elements (reducing, reusing and recycling), but they pay less attention to recovering materials. Food manufacturers are moving towards a more circular model of resource use but face barriers and lack of awareness among customers. CC BY-SA In practice, reduction involves minimising the use of resources and avoiding unnecessary waste. Here the focus is on reducing the quantity of raw materials without compromising on quality. Reusing extends the life of products and materials by finding new purposes such as refurbishing or repairing items to prevent them from becoming waste. This is especially the case with packaging materials which can be reused, recycled or composted. Recycling refers to the process of collecting, sorting and processing materials to manufacture new products. This reduces the demand for new raw materials. For example, fruits past their use-by dates can be turned into pickles and perfumes. Recovery extracts energy or other useful resources from waste materials that cannot be recycled. For example, withered flowers and spoiled fruits are turned into biomethane for energy production. This is New Zealand’s weakest link in the adoption of the circular economy. Thousands of single-use cups are still used and thrown out. Getty Images Barriers to circularity Food manufacturers told us they face multiple barriers imposed by local and offshore factors, including a lack of awareness of circular-economy principles among consumers and industry. Research participants noted that local consumers are concerned more with price than circularity. People prefer cheaper products despite their negative environmental impact. All companies we studied expressed this perspective. One participant said: A major and continuing challenge for us, and our industry, is that of the single-use takeaway cup. Despite our best efforts to encourage and support our customers to sit in and enjoy their coffee, or bring their cups, we still distribute thousands of cups every year. Changing their mindset around it is still difficult. Offshore, major trading partners in China and Japan prefer plastic packaging for their products. The food manufacturers we studied found these trading partners valued appearance and presentation first, before environmental impacts. All companies reported being confronted with regulatory barriers. This includes lack of government support such as rebates and subsidies or robust circular-economy policies. There is no comprehensive framework on how businesses make decisions and investments. This calls for policy revisions to help companies implement robust circular-economy practices. Drivers for change The COVID pandemic had a significant economic impact in slowing down the implementation of circular practices due to supply-chain disruptions. This comes on the back of transportation challenges, a lack of low-emission freight options and increases in living costs. Based on our findings, we offer suggestions to support managers and policymakers to achieve sustainability in the food manufacturing sector. First, policymakers can play an important role through laws, regulations, fiscal incentives, public funding and a flexible legislative framework that supports circular-economy strategies. Such measures are crucial for reducing uncertainty and encouraging investment in circular practices. Second, we advise companies to concentrate on education and raising awareness among consumers about the long-term benefits of the circular economy. This is a much more urgent agenda than focusing on regulatory, technological or supply-chain issues. Policy and regulation change will happen in response to changing consumer preferences and patterns. Third, because educating the public at home and abroad is not an easy fix, companies need to collaborate with each other across all parts of the food manufacturing industry, including retailers and manufacturers. Mindsets and practices among New Zealand businesses need to shift from a linear model towards receiving training in circular-economy practices and education in sustainability and to be able to make changes for future generations. Sitong Michelle Chen works for AUT Business School, Department of Marketing and International Business. She receives funding from North Asia CAPE.

In a record-breaking drought, bush birds from around Perth flocked to the city

Months of hot and dry weather, with only 23mm of rain recorded over seven months, drove some species to seek food and water in the city.

Western spinebill Martin Pelanek/ShutterstockPerth is no stranger to hot and dry summers, but the period from October 2023 to April 2024 was exceptional. The city’s rainfall for these seven months was only 23 millimetres, the lowest since records began in the 1870s. It was also one of the warmest summers on record, with temperatures 1.7°C higher than the long-term average. The “canary in the coalmine” is a metaphor for an early warning that something is wrong. In this case, though, it wasn’t the birds that first alerted us. Rather, we saw the drought’s impacts on our iconic and unique vegetation. Jarrah, marri, karri and banksia trees, some as old as 100 years, began to die. The die-offs created a mosaic of brown patches across 1,000 kilometres of south-west Australia’s otherwise green forest. The region’s ecosystems are diverse and complex. As the drought took hold, there were more subtle changes beyond the visible tree deaths. Perth has a community of avid birdwatchers who began noticing bird species rarely seen in the city, or known to be infrequent visitors. We analysed bird observation data from the global citizen science platform, eBird, to determine which species had increased in the Perth metropolitan area at this time. We found a dramatic spike in reporting rates for four species – the black-shouldered kite, black-tailed nativehen, tawny-crowned honeyeater and western spinebill. Some species were reported up to nine times more than usual. Birds sought refuge in the city These shifts hint at how extreme weather can push wildlife into new and unexpected spaces. The black-shouldered kite, a nomadic bird of prey, is often found in heath and woodlands in south-western Australia, as well as in rural landscapes. The black-tailed nativehen is more commonly associated with inland wetlands but is known to appear suddenly in large numbers in new habitats and then disappear just as quickly. Honeyeaters, such as the tawny-crowned honeyeater and the western spinebill, tend to favour coastal heathlands and forests. So why were they turning up in Perth city? We suggest it’s likely because the drought stripped their usual habitats of vital resources, particularly food and water. The city, on the other hand, although also hot and dry at this time, had water in remnant wetlands, the Swan River, artificial lakes and ponds, and people’s gardens. These areas may also have nectar-rich plants for the honeyeaters, insect populations perhaps eaten by the black-tailed nativehen, and rodents or rabbits for the black-shouldered-kite. We think these urban environments became temporary refuges, providing a different water and food source for these birds. A long history of bird immigration This isn’t the first time birds have flocked to Perth during challenging environmental conditions. Galahs, for example, were confined historically to inland areas. Early explorers such as John Gould and John Forrest noted their absence around the Swan River colony. They weren’t common in this area until after the second world war, following a series of dry years. In many cities in Australia, cockatoos are known to take advantage of watered lawns, sports fields, parks and artificial lakes in cities. These resources have created a novel urban habitat for these birds. This also happens in rural towns. Parrots, birds of prey and our beloved “bin chickens” (white ibis) have increased in these towns as inland rainfall declines. The short-term movement of species such as the black-shouldered kite, western spinebill and tawny-crowned honeyeater into cities represents a new chapter in this urban immigration story. Perhaps we should expect more drought migrants as the climate crisis continues to impact their natural habitats. On the front-line of climate change South-west Western Australia is a global biodiversity hotspot. It is also considered one of the most climate-vulnerable regions in the world. In Perth, annual rainfall has decreased by around 130mm (15%). That’s a drop from about 860mm to 730mm over the past 30 years (1993–2023) compared to the previous 30 years (1959–1988). This long-term drying trend, combined with rising temperatures, puts immense pressure on the ecosystems local wildlife depends on. The drought event of 2023–24 may be a precursor of what’s to come. More research is needed to understand the movements of birds and other wildlife in response to these events. To the relief of those watching the landscape turn brown, it started raining in May 2024. We bought ourselves a rain gauge to celebrate, and waited to see what the next months of eBird data would reveal. The data showed all four drought immigrants retreated from the city almost as quickly as they had arrived. This movement supported the theory that these birds were using the city only as a temporary refuge during the harshest drought months. Observations of unusual bird behaviour highlight the complex relationship between wildlife and urban environments under climate stress. While cities may offer some refuge, they are not a long-term solution for wildlife facing habitat loss. Indeed, the spread of urban areas poses its own major threats to bird communities. As the climate crisis intensifies, integrating urban areas into conservation plans could be crucial for supporting species during extreme events. Individuals, councils and urban planners may be able to increase the quality of the refuges in cities in relatively simple ways. Planting more native vegetation and providing safe water sources for visiting wildlife would be a good start. Harry Moore receives funding from the Western Australian Department of Biodiversity, Conservation and Attractions. Anna Cresswell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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