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Op-ed: Black lives matter in Africa's National Parks too

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Wednesday, August 7, 2024

About 7,400 miles away from my partners in Namibia, I sit at my desk, pen in hand and mouth agape. This isn’t the first time my colleagues have left me speechless. Through testimonies of children seeking revenge for their murdered fathers, families losing generations due to heartbreak, communities fractured, prospects of marriage dissolved and homes forever impacted, I thought I had heard it all. But during this particular conversation with Earle Sinvula Mudabeti and Sylvester Kabajani, board members of Namibian Lives Matter, I felt my heart settle in my stomach, as I grappled with the raw realities of militarized conservation. I kept questioning at what point did killing become a viable conservation strategy and to what extent conservationists are willing to keep marginalizing and exterminating Black people for biodiversity. To read a version of this story in Spanish click here. Haz clic aquí para leer este reportaje en español.Militarized conservation, which is the use of military-grade weapons, peoples, or enforcement tactics for biodiversity protection, was something I stumbled upon at the beginning of my graduate studies. Amidst the news articles, press releases and YouTube videos about wildlife non-governmental organizations (NGOs) funding militaries to save wildlife, I also found shattered families and communities – mostly Black and Indigenous – that conservation-induced violence had altered forever. Despite the good intentions behind this conservation strategy, at its core, conservation-motivated violence is a dehumanizing way to look at poachers. I believe that conservation rooted in care, for both people and wildlife, will be more successful than conservation predicated on violence. The case of the Chobe National ParkAs a multiracial Black woman, I am used to being perceived as an anomaly in the conservation field. Throughout my education, I have often been part of a small handful, or the sole person, in classrooms or conferences. Hearing “are you sure you’re supposed to be here?” and seeing widened eyes when I affirmed my belonging. This outcast feeling wasn’t surprising, nor new to me. What did surprise me was that being against the killing of innocent people for conservation was considered radical. I thought I was just being human. Militarized conservation consists of hyper-vigilant security strategies to protect biodiversity, often at the expense of local communities. It could mean the use of drones, such as in Nepal’s Chitwan National Park; increased policing in national parks or protected areas such as in Cambodia; or arming environmental agents with specialized weapons as is the case in Haiti. Conservation-motivated violence is a dehumanizing way to look at poachers. I started questioning this approach after learning about the deeply rooted contestation in southern Africa between the nations of Botswana and Namibia, where bullets and elephants rumbled the communities around Chobe National Park. This park boasts the largest concentration of elephants in Botswana and shares a border with Namibia and Zimbabwe. At any time, there can be more than 50,000 elephants moving in and out of the park, representing a huge opportunity for the global ivory trafficking industry. In response to this threat to Chobe’s elephants, Botswana informally implemented a “shoot-to-kill” policy in 2013, which authorized the Botswana Defense Force to kill suspected poachers. Clicking through stories on women and urban bushmeat trafficking, I came across an article detailing the death of a mother following the murders of her three sons, who were suspected of poaching in Chobe National Park. The Botswana Defense Force killed the three Namibian brothers – Tommy, Wamunyima and Martin Nchindo – and their Zambian cousin Sinvula Munyeme, while they were fishing on the Chobe River in 2020. Their murders lacked substantive evidence of them poaching.More than 15,000 Namibians mobilized and protested the Nchindo murders in 2020. These protests largely contributed to the creation of the Namibian Lives Matter movement, which, similar to the United States’ Black Lives Matter movement, reflects an active resistance to state violence against racially marginalized peoples.The Nchindo brothers are not the only Namibian victims of the shoot-to-kill policy. To date, Namibian Lives Matter attests that nearly 40 Namibians have been killed by the Botswana Defense Force since the 1990s, including a nine-year-old boy. Conservation violence reaches the families and communities of those killed or incarcerated. Indeed, losing the primary household provider makes families and communities more susceptible to poverty and food insecurity.Despite these violent conservation policies, poaching persists. A 2022 Kavango-Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area (KaZa TFCA) Elephant Survey found that in Botswana, in comparison to the 2018 survey, elephant populations were stable, the elephant numbers had decreased by 25% in areas open to hunting and had increased by 28% in areas where hunting was banned. These findings suggest that elephants are moving into areas that they consider safer, which poses a bigger chance of retaliatory killings and human-wildlife conflict for communities. More than 15,000 Namibians mobilized and protested the Nchindo murders in 2020. These protests largely contributed to the creation of the Namibian Lives Matter movement.Instead of protecting the elephants, these efforts to curb poaching through executing and incarcerating poachers have more often resulted in further marginalizing the families left behind, as well as deterring local communities from participating in conservation efforts. In fact, as demonstrated by researchers in 2013, systemic barriers, such as poverty or lack of political voice, can prevent local communities from challenging unpopular conservation policies. “Militarization is the short-term solution,” wrote professor Rosaleen Duffy. And not only that: it can make us think we’re addressing the problem when we’re just perpetuating injustice under the guise of conservation.An uncomfortable viewpointBeing simultaneously anti-poaching and also anti-war has put me in a strange position. I am opposed to all forms of militarization, which means that I believe that people don’t have to die for wildlife to live.This stance has made me the target of criticism. Those who are in favor of militarized conservation efforts – from members of the general public to benefactors and donors, to non-governmental organizations, to national governments and even to other conservationists – push for militarized efforts because they believe it is the only possible response to the increase in poaching. Documentaries like “Virunga: Conservation is War” or “Akashinga: The Brave Ones,” have only glamorized this approach, helping its expansion globally. Being simultaneously anti-poaching and also anti-war has put me in a strange position. I am opposed to all forms of militarization, which means that I believe that people don’t have to die for wildlife to live.But others, like me, advocate for the recognition of poachers as people, with legitimate reasons as to why they chose to hunt illegally. Those who are poaching in the parks are often not the high profile wildlife traffickers or ivory kingpins, but are rather people who are hunting to either procure food for themselves and their families, or supplement their income. Researchers have found that the poaching rates of elephants is linked to local poverty levels, national corruption and ivory prices. Poverty, in essence, drives elephant poaching, with fewer elephants being poached in areas where communities have greater economic stability and health. Further, we believe that any conservation effort that requires violence to function only works to further marginalize communities that live alongside wildlife. It inadvertently uplifts the ideals of white supremacy because whiteness can exist and belong in wild spaces, while communities of color are classified as threats to conservation efforts. Infamously, while India’s Kaziranga National Park holds over two-thirds of the world’s Indian one-horned rhino population, Kaziranga achieved this success through deadly security measures. “The instruction is whenever you see the poachers or hunters, we should start our guns and hunt them,” a Kaziranga park guard shared with journalist Justin Rowlatt. In the case of the Nchindo brothers, the inquest revealed that a total of 32 bullets were fired at the men, who were found without weapons or elephant tusks. I read this as a testament to how militarized conservation disregards the very humanity of poachers. Moving past dehumanizing conservation strategiesConservation strategies that don’t care about local communities can increase poaching activities and an aversion to conservation entirely. I believe wildlife policies that are responsive to local people’s needs have a better chance to be sustainable, long-lasting and just.As a counter to violent conservation policies, Namibian Lives Matter and I, in partnership with the Cornell Institute for African Development, are establishing communal fisheries along the Zambezi River. Fish are life for the Zambezi people, and violent conservation policies infringe on their right to life by prohibiting their access to fish. Our project, through cultivating relationships with local tourist lodges and restaurants, provides an economic opportunity for fishermen and maintains traditional fishing practices. These efforts reflect a need for conservation to take a care-oriented approach that does not sacrifice one cause for another. We can cultivate conservation futures that benefit communities and address social inequality and environmental degradation. With the impending Biodiversity COP16, it is crucial for conversations to include communities in conservation planning, implementation and management to reflect their needs. The pursuit of care in conservation isn’t just a new strategy – it’s a way of thinking and doing that truly values and chooses life. This essay was produced through the Agents of Change in Environmental Justice fellowship, a partnership between Environmental Health News and Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health. Agents of Change empowers emerging leaders from historically excluded backgrounds in science and academia to reimagine solutions for a just and healthy planet.

About 7,400 miles away from my partners in Namibia, I sit at my desk, pen in hand and mouth agape. This isn’t the first time my colleagues have left me speechless. Through testimonies of children seeking revenge for their murdered fathers, families losing generations due to heartbreak, communities fractured, prospects of marriage dissolved and homes forever impacted, I thought I had heard it all. But during this particular conversation with Earle Sinvula Mudabeti and Sylvester Kabajani, board members of Namibian Lives Matter, I felt my heart settle in my stomach, as I grappled with the raw realities of militarized conservation. I kept questioning at what point did killing become a viable conservation strategy and to what extent conservationists are willing to keep marginalizing and exterminating Black people for biodiversity. To read a version of this story in Spanish click here. Haz clic aquí para leer este reportaje en español.Militarized conservation, which is the use of military-grade weapons, peoples, or enforcement tactics for biodiversity protection, was something I stumbled upon at the beginning of my graduate studies. Amidst the news articles, press releases and YouTube videos about wildlife non-governmental organizations (NGOs) funding militaries to save wildlife, I also found shattered families and communities – mostly Black and Indigenous – that conservation-induced violence had altered forever. Despite the good intentions behind this conservation strategy, at its core, conservation-motivated violence is a dehumanizing way to look at poachers. I believe that conservation rooted in care, for both people and wildlife, will be more successful than conservation predicated on violence. The case of the Chobe National ParkAs a multiracial Black woman, I am used to being perceived as an anomaly in the conservation field. Throughout my education, I have often been part of a small handful, or the sole person, in classrooms or conferences. Hearing “are you sure you’re supposed to be here?” and seeing widened eyes when I affirmed my belonging. This outcast feeling wasn’t surprising, nor new to me. What did surprise me was that being against the killing of innocent people for conservation was considered radical. I thought I was just being human. Militarized conservation consists of hyper-vigilant security strategies to protect biodiversity, often at the expense of local communities. It could mean the use of drones, such as in Nepal’s Chitwan National Park; increased policing in national parks or protected areas such as in Cambodia; or arming environmental agents with specialized weapons as is the case in Haiti. Conservation-motivated violence is a dehumanizing way to look at poachers. I started questioning this approach after learning about the deeply rooted contestation in southern Africa between the nations of Botswana and Namibia, where bullets and elephants rumbled the communities around Chobe National Park. This park boasts the largest concentration of elephants in Botswana and shares a border with Namibia and Zimbabwe. At any time, there can be more than 50,000 elephants moving in and out of the park, representing a huge opportunity for the global ivory trafficking industry. In response to this threat to Chobe’s elephants, Botswana informally implemented a “shoot-to-kill” policy in 2013, which authorized the Botswana Defense Force to kill suspected poachers. Clicking through stories on women and urban bushmeat trafficking, I came across an article detailing the death of a mother following the murders of her three sons, who were suspected of poaching in Chobe National Park. The Botswana Defense Force killed the three Namibian brothers – Tommy, Wamunyima and Martin Nchindo – and their Zambian cousin Sinvula Munyeme, while they were fishing on the Chobe River in 2020. Their murders lacked substantive evidence of them poaching.More than 15,000 Namibians mobilized and protested the Nchindo murders in 2020. These protests largely contributed to the creation of the Namibian Lives Matter movement, which, similar to the United States’ Black Lives Matter movement, reflects an active resistance to state violence against racially marginalized peoples.The Nchindo brothers are not the only Namibian victims of the shoot-to-kill policy. To date, Namibian Lives Matter attests that nearly 40 Namibians have been killed by the Botswana Defense Force since the 1990s, including a nine-year-old boy. Conservation violence reaches the families and communities of those killed or incarcerated. Indeed, losing the primary household provider makes families and communities more susceptible to poverty and food insecurity.Despite these violent conservation policies, poaching persists. A 2022 Kavango-Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area (KaZa TFCA) Elephant Survey found that in Botswana, in comparison to the 2018 survey, elephant populations were stable, the elephant numbers had decreased by 25% in areas open to hunting and had increased by 28% in areas where hunting was banned. These findings suggest that elephants are moving into areas that they consider safer, which poses a bigger chance of retaliatory killings and human-wildlife conflict for communities. More than 15,000 Namibians mobilized and protested the Nchindo murders in 2020. These protests largely contributed to the creation of the Namibian Lives Matter movement.Instead of protecting the elephants, these efforts to curb poaching through executing and incarcerating poachers have more often resulted in further marginalizing the families left behind, as well as deterring local communities from participating in conservation efforts. In fact, as demonstrated by researchers in 2013, systemic barriers, such as poverty or lack of political voice, can prevent local communities from challenging unpopular conservation policies. “Militarization is the short-term solution,” wrote professor Rosaleen Duffy. And not only that: it can make us think we’re addressing the problem when we’re just perpetuating injustice under the guise of conservation.An uncomfortable viewpointBeing simultaneously anti-poaching and also anti-war has put me in a strange position. I am opposed to all forms of militarization, which means that I believe that people don’t have to die for wildlife to live.This stance has made me the target of criticism. Those who are in favor of militarized conservation efforts – from members of the general public to benefactors and donors, to non-governmental organizations, to national governments and even to other conservationists – push for militarized efforts because they believe it is the only possible response to the increase in poaching. Documentaries like “Virunga: Conservation is War” or “Akashinga: The Brave Ones,” have only glamorized this approach, helping its expansion globally. Being simultaneously anti-poaching and also anti-war has put me in a strange position. I am opposed to all forms of militarization, which means that I believe that people don’t have to die for wildlife to live.But others, like me, advocate for the recognition of poachers as people, with legitimate reasons as to why they chose to hunt illegally. Those who are poaching in the parks are often not the high profile wildlife traffickers or ivory kingpins, but are rather people who are hunting to either procure food for themselves and their families, or supplement their income. Researchers have found that the poaching rates of elephants is linked to local poverty levels, national corruption and ivory prices. Poverty, in essence, drives elephant poaching, with fewer elephants being poached in areas where communities have greater economic stability and health. Further, we believe that any conservation effort that requires violence to function only works to further marginalize communities that live alongside wildlife. It inadvertently uplifts the ideals of white supremacy because whiteness can exist and belong in wild spaces, while communities of color are classified as threats to conservation efforts. Infamously, while India’s Kaziranga National Park holds over two-thirds of the world’s Indian one-horned rhino population, Kaziranga achieved this success through deadly security measures. “The instruction is whenever you see the poachers or hunters, we should start our guns and hunt them,” a Kaziranga park guard shared with journalist Justin Rowlatt. In the case of the Nchindo brothers, the inquest revealed that a total of 32 bullets were fired at the men, who were found without weapons or elephant tusks. I read this as a testament to how militarized conservation disregards the very humanity of poachers. Moving past dehumanizing conservation strategiesConservation strategies that don’t care about local communities can increase poaching activities and an aversion to conservation entirely. I believe wildlife policies that are responsive to local people’s needs have a better chance to be sustainable, long-lasting and just.As a counter to violent conservation policies, Namibian Lives Matter and I, in partnership with the Cornell Institute for African Development, are establishing communal fisheries along the Zambezi River. Fish are life for the Zambezi people, and violent conservation policies infringe on their right to life by prohibiting their access to fish. Our project, through cultivating relationships with local tourist lodges and restaurants, provides an economic opportunity for fishermen and maintains traditional fishing practices. These efforts reflect a need for conservation to take a care-oriented approach that does not sacrifice one cause for another. We can cultivate conservation futures that benefit communities and address social inequality and environmental degradation. With the impending Biodiversity COP16, it is crucial for conversations to include communities in conservation planning, implementation and management to reflect their needs. The pursuit of care in conservation isn’t just a new strategy – it’s a way of thinking and doing that truly values and chooses life. This essay was produced through the Agents of Change in Environmental Justice fellowship, a partnership between Environmental Health News and Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health. Agents of Change empowers emerging leaders from historically excluded backgrounds in science and academia to reimagine solutions for a just and healthy planet.



About 7,400 miles away from my partners in Namibia, I sit at my desk, pen in hand and mouth agape.


This isn’t the first time my colleagues have left me speechless. Through testimonies of children seeking revenge for their murdered fathers, families losing generations due to heartbreak, communities fractured, prospects of marriage dissolved and homes forever impacted, I thought I had heard it all. But during this particular conversation with Earle Sinvula Mudabeti and Sylvester Kabajani, board members of Namibian Lives Matter, I felt my heart settle in my stomach, as I grappled with the raw realities of militarized conservation. I kept questioning at what point did killing become a viable conservation strategy and to what extent conservationists are willing to keep marginalizing and exterminating Black people for biodiversity.

To read a version of this story in Spanish click here. Haz clic aquí para leer este reportaje en español.

Militarized conservation, which is the use of military-grade weapons, peoples, or enforcement tactics for biodiversity protection, was something I stumbled upon at the beginning of my graduate studies. Amidst the news articles, press releases and YouTube videos about wildlife non-governmental organizations (NGOs) funding militaries to save wildlife, I also found shattered families and communities – mostly Black and Indigenous – that conservation-induced violence had altered forever.

Despite the good intentions behind this conservation strategy, at its core, conservation-motivated violence is a dehumanizing way to look at poachers. I believe that conservation rooted in care, for both people and wildlife, will be more successful than conservation predicated on violence.

The case of the Chobe National Park


As a multiracial Black woman, I am used to being perceived as an anomaly in the conservation field. Throughout my education, I have often been part of a small handful, or the sole person, in classrooms or conferences. Hearing “are you sure you’re supposed to be here?” and seeing widened eyes when I affirmed my belonging. This outcast feeling wasn’t surprising, nor new to me.

What did surprise me was that being against the killing of innocent people for conservation was considered radical. I thought I was just being human.

Militarized conservation consists of hyper-vigilant security strategies to protect biodiversity, often at the expense of local communities. It could mean the use of drones, such as in Nepal’s Chitwan National Park; increased policing in national parks or protected areas such as in Cambodia; or arming environmental agents with specialized weapons as is the case in Haiti.

Conservation-motivated violence is a dehumanizing way to look at poachers.

I started questioning this approach after learning about the deeply rooted contestation in southern Africa between the nations of Botswana and Namibia, where bullets and elephants rumbled the communities around Chobe National Park.

This park boasts the largest concentration of elephants in Botswana and shares a border with Namibia and Zimbabwe. At any time, there can be more than 50,000 elephants moving in and out of the park, representing a huge opportunity for the global ivory trafficking industry. In response to this threat to Chobe’s elephants, Botswana informally implemented a “shoot-to-kill” policy in 2013, which authorized the Botswana Defense Force to kill suspected poachers.

Clicking through stories on women and urban bushmeat trafficking, I came across an article detailing the death of a mother following the murders of her three sons, who were suspected of poaching in Chobe National Park. The Botswana Defense Force killed the three Namibian brothers – Tommy, Wamunyima and Martin Nchindo – and their Zambian cousin Sinvula Munyeme, while they were fishing on the Chobe River in 2020. Their murders lacked substantive evidence of them poaching.


Africa poachers

More than 15,000 Namibians mobilized and protested the Nchindo murders in 2020. These protests largely contributed to the creation of the Namibian Lives Matter movement, which, similar to the United States’ Black Lives Matter movement, reflects an active resistance to state violence against racially marginalized peoples.

The Nchindo brothers are not the only Namibian victims of the shoot-to-kill policy. To date, Namibian Lives Matter attests that nearly 40 Namibians have been killed by the Botswana Defense Force since the 1990s, including a nine-year-old boy. Conservation violence reaches the families and communities of those killed or incarcerated. Indeed, losing the primary household provider makes families and communities more susceptible to poverty and food insecurity.

Despite these violent conservation policies, poaching persists. A 2022 Kavango-Zambezi Transfrontier Conservation Area (KaZa TFCA) Elephant Survey found that in Botswana, in comparison to the 2018 survey, elephant populations were stable, the elephant numbers had decreased by 25% in areas open to hunting and had increased by 28% in areas where hunting was banned. These findings suggest that elephants are moving into areas that they consider safer, which poses a bigger chance of retaliatory killings and human-wildlife conflict for communities.

More than 15,000 Namibians mobilized and protested the Nchindo murders in 2020. These protests largely contributed to the creation of the Namibian Lives Matter movement.

Instead of protecting the elephants, these efforts to curb poaching through executing and incarcerating poachers have more often resulted in further marginalizing the families left behind, as well as deterring local communities from participating in conservation efforts. In fact, as demonstrated by researchers in 2013, systemic barriers, such as poverty or lack of political voice, can prevent local communities from challenging unpopular conservation policies. “Militarization is the short-term solution,” wrote professor Rosaleen Duffy. And not only that: it can make us think we’re addressing the problem when we’re just perpetuating injustice under the guise of conservation.

An uncomfortable viewpoint


Being simultaneously anti-poaching and also anti-war has put me in a strange position. I am opposed to all forms of militarization, which means that I believe that people don’t have to die for wildlife to live.

This stance has made me the target of criticism.

Those who are in favor of militarized conservation efforts – from members of the general public to benefactors and donors, to non-governmental organizations, to national governments and even to other conservationists – push for militarized efforts because they believe it is the only possible response to the increase in poaching. Documentaries like “Virunga: Conservation is Waror “Akashinga: The Brave Ones,” have only glamorized this approach, helping its expansion globally.

Being simultaneously anti-poaching and also anti-war has put me in a strange position. I am opposed to all forms of militarization, which means that I believe that people don’t have to die for wildlife to live.

But others, like me, advocate for the recognition of poachers as people, with legitimate reasons as to why they chose to hunt illegally. Those who are poaching in the parks are often not the high profile wildlife traffickers or ivory kingpins, but are rather people who are hunting to either procure food for themselves and their families, or supplement their income. Researchers have found that the poaching rates of elephants is linked to local poverty levels, national corruption and ivory prices. Poverty, in essence, drives elephant poaching, with fewer elephants being poached in areas where communities have greater economic stability and health.

Further, we believe that any conservation effort that requires violence to function only works to further marginalize communities that live alongside wildlife. It inadvertently uplifts the ideals of white supremacy because whiteness can exist and belong in wild spaces, while communities of color are classified as threats to conservation efforts.

Infamously, while India’s Kaziranga National Park holds over two-thirds of the world’s Indian one-horned rhino population, Kaziranga achieved this success through deadly security measures. “The instruction is whenever you see the poachers or hunters, we should start our guns and hunt them,” a Kaziranga park guard shared with journalist Justin Rowlatt. In the case of the Nchindo brothers, the inquest revealed that a total of 32 bullets were fired at the men, who were found without weapons or elephant tusks. I read this as a testament to how militarized conservation disregards the very humanity of poachers.

Moving past dehumanizing conservation strategies


africa justice

Conservation strategies that don’t care about local communities can increase poaching activities and an aversion to conservation entirely. I believe wildlife policies that are responsive to local people’s needs have a better chance to be sustainable, long-lasting and just.

As a counter to violent conservation policies, Namibian Lives Matter and I, in partnership with the Cornell Institute for African Development, are establishing communal fisheries along the Zambezi River. Fish are life for the Zambezi people, and violent conservation policies infringe on their right to life by prohibiting their access to fish.

Our project, through cultivating relationships with local tourist lodges and restaurants, provides an economic opportunity for fishermen and maintains traditional fishing practices. These efforts reflect a need for conservation to take a care-oriented approach that does not sacrifice one cause for another.

We can cultivate conservation futures that benefit communities and address social inequality and environmental degradation. With the impending Biodiversity COP16, it is crucial for conversations to include communities in conservation planning, implementation and management to reflect their needs. The pursuit of care in conservation isn’t just a new strategy – it’s a way of thinking and doing that truly values and chooses life.


This essay was produced through the Agents of Change in Environmental Justice fellowship, a partnership between Environmental Health News and Columbia University's Mailman School of Public Health. Agents of Change empowers emerging leaders from historically excluded backgrounds in science and academia to reimagine solutions for a just and healthy planet.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Biden administration declines to remove grizzly bears from endangered list

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) will keep endangered species protections for grizzly bears in place in most of the western U.S., the agency announced Wednesday, rebuffing states that petitioned for their removal. In its announcement, USFWS declined petitions from both Wyoming and Montana but proposed to allow private landowners to kill bears to...

The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) will keep endangered species protections for grizzly bears in place in most of the western U.S., the agency announced Wednesday, rebuffing states that petitioned for their removal. In its announcement, USFWS declined petitions from both Wyoming and Montana but proposed to allow private landowners to kill bears to protect livestock, and without a permit if livestock are in imminent danger. However, it left protections in place for much of the population in Idaho, Montana, Washington state and Wyoming. “This reclassification will facilitate recovery of grizzly bears and provide a stronger foundation for eventual delisting,” USFWS Director Martha Williams said in a statement. “And the proposed changes to our … rule will provide management agencies and landowners more tools and flexibility to deal with human/bear conflicts, an essential part of grizzly bear recovery.” Advocates of delisting the bears have pointed to their threat to livestock and steadily rebounding populations, including recent expansions into western Washington. Grizzlies currently number about 2,000 in the 48 contiguous states, up from fewer than 1,000 in the 1970s but only a fraction of what was once 50,000. The George W. Bush and first Trump administrations attempted to delist the species but were blocked in court. House Natural Resources Committee Chair Bruce Westerman blasted the announcement in a statement Wednesday. "The only reasonable announcement by the USFWS today would have been a total delisting of the grizzly bear in these ecosystems. USFWS is blatantly ignoring science in their decision by hiding behind bureaucratic red tape,” Westerman said. “Their decision endangers communities, especially farmers and ranchers, who live under the threat of grizzly bear attacks.” Conservation groups, however, praised the decision, with Andrea Zaccardi, carnivore conservation program legal director at the Center for Biological Diversity, saying it will give grizzlies “a real chance at long-term recovery, instead of being gunned down and mounted on trophy walls.” The decision is one of several wildlife and environmental protections announced in the waning days of the Biden administration, with the second Trump administration likely to take aim at much of Biden's environmental policies. Earlier this week, the White House announced restrictions on offshore drilling and two new national monuments in California.

A Tiny, 'Endangered' Fish Delayed a Dam's Construction in the 1970s. Now, Scientists Say the Snail Darter Isn't So Rare After All

A lawsuit to protect the snail darter from the Tellico Dam in Tennessee offered the first real test of the 1973 Endangered Species Act. But a new study disputes the fish's status as a distinct species

Though small, the snail darter has played an outsize role in American law, conservation and biology. U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service Headquarters via Flickr Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee described an “awful beast” in 1979. That beast—which he also called “the bane of my existence, the nemesis of my golden years, the bold perverter of the Endangered Species Act”—was none other than the snail darter, a fish no more than 3.5 inches in length. Still, the tiny creature had plagued the politics of Tennessee throughout the decade. Since its discovery in the 1970s and protection under the Endangered Species Act, the snail darter has cast a long shadow over American law, conservation and biology. Against Baker’s wishes, a Supreme Court ruling about the endangered status of the little fish upended progress on a controversial dam in Tennessee for years. But now, a new study published last week in Current Biology suggests the snail darter isn’t a genetically distinct species at all—and that it was therefore never endangered in the first place. “There is, technically, no snail darter,” Thomas Near, an ichthyologist at Yale University and a senior author of the study, tells Jason Nark of the New York Times. Instead, Near and his co-authors argue, the tiny fish known as Percina tanasi that embodied a David and Goliath battle against the Tellico Dam is an eastern population of the stargazing darter—not a distinct or endangered species. The Tellico Dam in Tennessee, where the fish known as the snail darter held up construction for several years. U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service Headquarters via Flickr The controversy began in 1967, when the Tennessee Valley Authority initiated construction on a dam on the Little Tennessee River, some 20 miles southwest of Knoxville. Environmentalists, local farmers and the Cherokee, whose land and ancestral sites were to be flooded, opposed the project, per the New York Times. They sought a way to halt the dam, and, in 1973, a zoologist at the University of Tennessee named David Etnier found that solution. Etnier was snorkeling with a group of students in Coytee Spring, not far from the dam site, when he discovered a previously unseen fish darting across the riverbed. He called it the snail darter, because of its feeding habits, and it received endangered species protection in 1975. “Here’s a little fish that might save your farm,” Etnier reportedly told a local, according to The Snail Darter and the Dam by Zygmunt Plater. Plater, an environmental lawyer, represented the snail darter in front of the Supreme Court after its endangered status went challenged by the TVA. He was initially victorious in protecting the fish: In 1978, the Supreme Court ruled that “the Endangered Species Act prohibits impoundment of the Little Tennessee River by the Tellico Dam” because of the presence of the endangered snail darters. The ruling in Tennessee Valley Authority v. Hill “gave teeth” to the new Endangered Species Act and “helped to shape environmental law for decades to come,” according to a statement from Yale. But lawmakers like Baker were still eager to see the dam completed and derided the decision as environmental overreach, seeing little reason to delay a major project for a seemingly minor fish. Representative John Duncan Sr., a fellow Tennessee Republican, called the snail darter a “worthless, unsightly, minute, inedible minnow,” according to the New York Times. The anti-fish brigade ultimately triumphed in 1979, however, by adding a rider that exempted the Tellico Dam from the Endangered Species Act to a spending bill. Jimmy Carter signed the whole bill into law, and the dam opened just a few months later. In the meantime, conservationists “scrambled to save the small fish by moving it to other waterways,” as David Kindy wrote for Smithsonian magazine in 2021. Their efforts resulted in a resurgence of the snail darter population that led to its removal from the endangered species list in 2022. U.S. Interior Secretary Deb Haaland called its recovery “a remarkable conservation milestone that tells a story about how controversy and polarization can evolve into cooperation and a big conservation success,” according to the Associated Press. But Near’s new study casts this entire history into doubt. A historical range map for the snail darter (Percina tanasi) in the Tennessee River watershed is shown in red, and the stargazing darter's (Percina uranidea) historical range is shown in blue. Ghezelayagh et al., Current Biology, 2024. Photographs courtesy of Uland Thomas and Jon Michael Mollish Jeffrey Simmons, a co-author of the study and former biologist with the TVA, was wading through the creeks near the Mississippi-Alabama border in 2015, when he thought he saw a snail darter far from where it was known to dwell. This apparent discovery prompted a team of scientists led by Ava Ghezelayagh, then an ecologist at Yale, to undertake anatomical and genetic research of the fish. “Our approach combines analyses of the physical characteristics and the genetics, which scientists weren’t doing in the 1970s,” Near says in the statement. “Despite its legacy, the snail darter is not a distinct species,” the authors of the study conclude. But the disputed fish has not left its controversy behind quite yet. Plater, the lawyer who defended the fish in court, takes issue with the study, calling the researchers “lumpers” instead of “splitters,” according to the New York Times. That means they tend toward reducing species with their research rather than expanding them. “Whether he intends it or not, lumping is a great way to cut back on the Endangered Species Act,” Plater says of Near to the New York Times. Near, for his part, argues that, “while we’re losing the snail darter as a biological conservation icon, our findings demonstrate the capability of genomics, in addition to studying an organism’s observable features, to accurately delimit species,” he says in the statement. And, in other genetic and anatomical research, his teams have uncovered new species. “We’re discovering species that are truly imperiled, which helps us better understand where to devote resources to protect biodiversity,” he adds. “This is still a success story,” Simmons says to the New York Times. “Its listing under the Endangered Species Act worked, regardless of what you call this fish.” Get the latest stories in your inbox every weekday.

10m trees to be planted in US to replace ones destroyed by hurricanes

Arbor Day Foundation non-profit to plant trees in six of the worst-hit states over the next four yearsSome costs of the recently ended supercharged 2024 Atlantic hurricane season, those that can be quantified at least, are astounding.A succession of storms that ravaged large areas of the US killed at least 375 people, the most in the mainland US since Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Some estimates pegged damage and economic loss at $500bn. Continue reading...

Some costs of the recently ended supercharged 2024 Atlantic hurricane season, those that can be quantified at least, are astounding.A succession of storms that ravaged large areas of the US killed at least 375 people, the most in the mainland US since Hurricane Katrina in 2005. Some estimates pegged damage and economic loss at $500bn.Another eye-catching figure is 10m, which is the number of trees the non-profit Arbor Day Foundation (ADF) is planning to plant in six of the worst-hit states over the next four years to replace those destroyed by the major hurricanes Beryl, Debby, Helene and Milton, and other cyclones, in the season that concluded on 30 November.The group says it’s impossible to know exactly how many trees were lost, but the restoration program that will be executed in Tennessee, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, with assistance from state and local governments, corporate sponsors, community groups and individual volunteers, will be the most ambitious undertaking of its more than 50-year existence.ADF has worked previously in other affected areas, most recently with partners along Florida’s Gulf coast, Panhandle and in Miami after Hurricanes Irma and Michael in 2017 and 2018 respectively, but nothing on this scale.“The emotion that you see from people when they get to get a tree, to take home to plant, to be an active part of recovery, bringing life and hope and healing back to their neighborhoods and to their community is inspiring,” said Dan Lambe, ADF’s chief executive.“What’s so cool about it is it’s every different part of the community you could imagine, every demographic, every age category. People are just so excited to be contributing to the recovery.“And beyond the emotional side of it, in these cities, these communities and these forests, trees are not a nice-to-have, they are a must-have.“From extreme heat, from biodiversity challenges, and ecosystem challenges to the just broader resilience and readiness for the next storm, trees just do so much for us. So it’s both an emotional and an environmental recovery, and we’re proud to get to be a part.”One of the largest areas of focus will be Florida’s heavily populated Tampa Bay region. Although it escaped direct hits from any of the state’s record-tying three landfalling major hurricanes this year, Debby, Helene and Milton, the storms’ giant wind fields still caused severe impacts.“I was born and raised here, and I’ve never before seen such devastation, so many trees down,” said Debra Evenson, executive director of the Keep Tampa Bay Beautiful environmental group that has partnered with ADF to identify the greatest areas of need and set up a replanting schedule.“They covered the streets. Just on our property, at our office, we probably had five trees down. The devastation was everywhere. It wasn’t just one specific area, it hit all of Tampa Bay, just thousands and thousands of trees.”Evenson’s group can count on more than 25,000 volunteers to assist with the project, which she expects to begin before the end of this year with community giveaways, and ramp up after new year with planting days. Schools, lower-income neighborhoods and community spaces will receive early attention.“It’s like, OK, what type of trees do we want to get? We can plant trees in parks and rights of way, but right now it’s like we really want to give trees to the community to help with the canopy,” she said.“It’s in the community, in people’s homes, where so many were lost. They’re crepe myrtles, live oak and magnolia trees … you don’t really understand everything the trees provide until they’re gone. It’s not just air quality, it’s reducing stormwater runoff, it’s providing shade that regulates temperature. We’re in Florida, it’s 100F sometimes, and it’s like ‘why is my electric bill so high?’skip past newsletter promotionafter newsletter promotion“It’s because you’re missing your shade trees now. So these trees will be substantial to the community and help with not just all of that, but the conservation and the natural beauty.”Evenson said bringing fruit trees back to deprived areas would also be a priority.“We go into areas that are food deserts, where they don’t have the funds to replant these types of big trees that grow and give shade and bear fruit. To them, this is life-changing,” she said.Lambe said Asheville, the historic North Carolina city flooded and torn apart by Hurricane Helene, was another area of great need.“We’ve already been distributing trees with community leaders there, to neighborhoods that are ready to replant,” he said.“It was shocking that a community like Asheville was being impacted by a hurricane, and they don’t have a lot of experience with recovery. We’ve been able to take lessons from elsewhere and remind partners that first of all you take an inventory, do an assessment, don’t rush the restoration.“Do it when it’s right, and know that the Arbor Day Foundation is going to be there to help with those recovery efforts as a long-term commitment, because we want to give confidence to those communities that we’re ready to help.”

English wildlife ‘could be disappearing in the dark’ due to lack of scrutiny

Conservationists issue warning as figures show three-quarters of SSSI sites have had no recent assessments Conservationists have said wildlife could be “disappearing in the dark” after figures showed that three-quarters of England’s most precious habitats, wildlife and natural features have had no recent assessment of their condition.The warning follows the publication of figures covering assessments of protected natural sites known as sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) in the last five years. SSSIs are legally protected because they contain special features such as threatened habitats or rare species, and together they cover more than 1.1m hectares (2.7m acres), about 8% of England’s land area. Continue reading...

Conservationists have said wildlife could be “disappearing in the dark” after figures showed that three-quarters of England’s most precious habitats, wildlife and natural features have had no recent assessment of their condition.The warning follows the publication of figures covering assessments of protected natural sites known as sites of special scientific interest (SSSIs) in the last five years. SSSIs are legally protected because they contain special features such as threatened habitats or rare species, and together they cover more than 1.1m hectares (2.7m acres), about 8% of England’s land area.Nearly two-fifths of the habitats and other features for which SSSIs are protected were in an unfavourable condition, according to figures from the conservation agency Natural England.They also show that only 3,384 – or about 25% – of features had been assessed for their condition since the start of 2019 up to last month. It leaves 10,148, or 75%, without an up-to-date assessment of how they are faring.The figures, revealed after a request from PA Media, were described by conservationists as a reminder of the under-resourced state of environmental watchdogs.SSSIs are integral to Britain’s international commitment to protect 30% of its land and seas for nature by 2030, a pledge made by Boris Johnson as prime minister and sometimes called the 30x30 commitment.Richard Benwell, the chief executive of Wildlife and Countryside Link, said: “The protected site network is critical natural infrastructure supporting wildlife, health and wellbeing, and a resilient economy. But with over three-quarters of sites not inspected in the last five years, regulators will have no idea whether they are in good condition and the government won’t know where it should be targeting its efforts in order to reach critical 2030 targets.“Wildlife could be disappearing in the dark while ecosystems break down. It’s like shutting the door on a new power plant and not visiting for a decade.”More than 5,000 SSSI features, about 39% of the total, were in an unfavourable state in their last assessment, which could have been well before 2019. Of those, 10% were declining and 22% recovering.About 40% of features were in a favourable condition, more than a fifth were classed as “not recorded” due to incomplete data, and less than 0.5% had been destroyed.A spokesperson for the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs said: “Protected sites are at the heart of our vision for making space for rare habitats and threatened species to thrive as well as green spaces for us all to enjoy. It’s why this government has wasted no time in establishing a rapid review of our plan to deliver on our legally binding targets for the environment, including measures to improve the condition of protected sites. We will deliver a new statutory plan that will help restore our natural environment.”skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionNatural England is developing a long-term programme to determine when SSSIs need to be assessed, as well as improving monitoring with remote sensing technology and greater use of data.The amount of land that is “effectively protected” for nature in England has declined to just 2.93%, despite government promises to conserve 30% of it by 2030, according to research published in October.The land figure was found to have been falling owing to declines in quality of SSSIs, which are changing because of the climate crisis, water pollution and overgrazing.

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