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Indigenous Activists Haven’t Forgotten Walz’s Promises to Oppose Line 3

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Thursday, September 19, 2024

When Governor Tim Walz was announced as Kamala Harris’ running mate, Ben Jealous, the Sierra Club’s executive director, released a statement hailing him as someone who “has worked to protect clean air and water, grow our clean energy economy, and see to it that we do all we can to avoid the very worst of the climate crisis.”  But to a group of Indigenous environmental activists familiar with Walz’ record in Minnesota—particularly their view he broke a promise to block the construction of Line 3, a cross-state oil pipeline—such a ringing endorsement of his green credentials rings hollow.  A few days after her home state’s governor joined the ticket, Tara Houska, an attorney and Indigenous rights activist, expressed that point of view in an Instagram video post where she said he had led “a brutal, multi-year campaign to suppress Indigenous people and allies trying to stop Line 3 tar sands.” It showed a clash between protesters and police at a Line 3 pipeline construction site over a soundtrack of rising drums. In the final scene, Houska is being escorted away by police while in restraints.  Houska first became involved in protesting pipelines in 2016 when, after working as a Native policy advisor for Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign, news about the Dakota Access Pipeline drew her back to the Midwest. After six months demonstrating against that pipeline at the Standing Rock reservation, Houska returned to the East Coast. She soon saw news coming out of the Midwest about a different pipeline: “I was like, ‘Oh, I need to go home.’” The debate in Minnesota, which would lead to hundreds of demonstrators being arrested, came in the wake of major protests against the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines. The projects were opposed by environmental activists upset they would speed fossil fuel extraction and consumption, and by Indigenous communities concerned about the impact on their historic lands and waters. The controversy dates back to April 2015, when Enbridge, a Canadian energy company, proposed to then Governor Mark Dayton’s administration a plan to replace an aging pipeline originally completed in 1968. The project, Enbridge argued, would address “integrity and safety concerns” and allow the company to transmit 760,000 barrels of oil per day. The proposed new route traveled from Canada to Minnesota’s border with Wisconsin, passing through state forests and the Fond du Lac Reservation, home to over four thousand members of the Lake Superior Chippewa. Beyond climate-related concerns, opponents feared the pipeline would threaten water systems, especially wild rice beds, that Indigenous communities rely on. Enbridge’s track record includes two of the largest inland oil spills in national history. In 1991, Line 3 released 1.7 million gallons of crude oil in Northern Minnesota, and in 2010, another Enbridge pipe spilled over 1 million gallons in Kalamazoo, Michigan. “We were sold one thing to vote for them…When we did vote, we were totally betrayed.”  Walz’s first public comments on the pipeline came in 2017, after Dayton announced he would not seek another term, and Walz, who had represented a southern Minnesota congressional district for 10 years, rolled out a campaign to succeed him. During a contested Democratic primary, Walz advocated against Line 3 by criticizing its harm to Native communities and lands.  “Any line that goes through treaty lands is a nonstarter for me,” he wrote on Twitter, adding that “every route would disproportionately and adversely affect Native people. Unacceptable.” His stand drew in support from the Indigenous community and environmentalists, reassuring voters who may have been troubled by his record in Congress, where he was just one of thirty Democratic members to vote in favor of the Keystone XL Pipeline.  “They got that extra push from climate folks and from tribal folks,” Houska recalled, explaining that Walz and his running mate, Peggy Flanagan, a member of the White Earth Nation, earned her vote in 2018.  Enbridge’s proposal, after years of reviews, appeals, and public forums, finally garnered the approval of Minnesota’s Public Utilities Commission in June of 2018. But in the final weeks of Dayton’s term, his administration sued to overturn the decision, with the outgoing governor writing that he hoped to “ensure that a project with this magnitude of environmental impact upon our state serves the needs of our citizens.”  After Walz took office in early 2019, he said he would continue Dayton’s lawsuit, but in public remarks seemed to lay the groundwork to wash his hands of the issue, suggesting the project’s fate laid with an appeals court’s review of the commission’s decision. He explained he would not use executive powers to stop the pipeline “as a protection against the checks and balances being weakened.” While Walz’ administration would continue to refile and support the suit Dayton launched, after a new environmental review, Enbridge was nonetheless able to obtain final permits and begin construction in December 2020. By early 2021, protests began to ramp up near Line 3 construction sites that would continue through the summer. In February, a group of tribal leaders asked Walz to enact an executive order to stop construction while litigation continued. At that point, a spokesperson for Walz said he did “not believe it is within his role to stay project permits that have been issued by state agencies after a thorough environmental review and permitting process.”  Houska says Walz passed the buck. “The reality is his administration could’ve stopped Line 3,” she argues, by upholding treaty obligations—specifically the Ojibwe nation’s unique right to harvest wild rice, which activists warned was threatened by the pipeline.  As opposition to the pipeline entered a new confrontational phase, demonstrators were met by a unique police force: the Northern Lights Task Force, which was made up of county law-enforcement agents whose time, training, and equipment were supported by a state account funded with $8 million from Enbridge. (Public records obtained by the Intercept show Walz hosted a conference call with senior task force members, and discussed its use of tear gas.) In addition to tear gas, rubber bullets, and other non-lethal weapons, police deployed “pain compliance” tactics that left multiple protestors partially paralyzed.  Walz’s choice of Flanagan, who had supported the Standing Rock pipeline protesters, as a running mate had been seen as a signal within Native communities that he would stand fast against the pipeline. “When it came through that he wasn’t doing anything, Peggy was very silent on the matter. She never showed up to rallies. Didn’t show up to the treaty camps,” says Dannah Thompson, an Anishinaabe anti-pipeline activist from Roseville, Minnesota. As protest activity swirled, the lieutenant governor faced pressure to step in. Flanagan released a statement in July 2021 on Facebook: “While I cannot stop Line 3, I will continue to do what is within my power to make sure our people are seen, heard, valued and protected. Using my voice is an important part of that work.“ Walz’ administration did not respond to a request for comment. But in August 2021, just after a thousand Line 3 protestors picketed at the state capitol, Walz defended the project, by saying that while “we need to move away from fossil fuels… in the meantime if we’re gonna transport oil, we need to do it as safely as we possibly can with the most modern equipment.” Construction only took about 10 months. (Minnesota’s Department of Natural Resources has since documented multiple aquifer breaches that took place during building.) When tar sands began being pumped through the pipeline in the fall of 2021, MN350, a state climate justice non-profit, issued a blistering statement: “Shame on Governor Walz, who broke his campaign promise.”  “[We] fought as hard as we possibly could on every front: the ground fight, the regulatory fight, the political pressure, everything and anything to try to protect our wild rice and our waterways,” Houska said. “Line 3 was an opportunity to prove that they wanted to take these bigger actions and stand up to financial powers and corporate powers,” says Thompson. “We were blindsided, and we were sold one thing to vote for them…When we did vote, we were totally betrayed.”  “There is a small faction of us that I know who aren’t able to move past this,” Thompson adds. Citing “the violence that was pushed towards Native people” by police, she says sorting through Walz’s record on the pipeline is a pre-election “conversation that is going to be had in the months coming up in the Native community.” 

When Governor Tim Walz was announced as Kamala Harris’ running mate, Ben Jealous, the Sierra Club’s executive director, released a statement hailing him as someone who “has worked to protect clean air and water, grow our clean energy economy, and see to it that we do all we can to avoid the very worst of […]

When Governor Tim Walz was announced as Kamala Harris’ running mate, Ben Jealous, the Sierra Club’s executive director, released a statement hailing him as someone who “has worked to protect clean air and water, grow our clean energy economy, and see to it that we do all we can to avoid the very worst of the climate crisis.” 

But to a group of Indigenous environmental activists familiar with Walz’ record in Minnesota—particularly their view he broke a promise to block the construction of Line 3, a cross-state oil pipeline—such a ringing endorsement of his green credentials rings hollow. 

A few days after her home state’s governor joined the ticket, Tara Houska, an attorney and Indigenous rights activist, expressed that point of view in an Instagram video post where she said he had led “a brutal, multi-year campaign to suppress Indigenous people and allies trying to stop Line 3 tar sands.” It showed a clash between protesters and police at a Line 3 pipeline construction site over a soundtrack of rising drums. In the final scene, Houska is being escorted away by police while in restraints. 

Houska first became involved in protesting pipelines in 2016 when, after working as a Native policy advisor for Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign, news about the Dakota Access Pipeline drew her back to the Midwest. After six months demonstrating against that pipeline at the Standing Rock reservation, Houska returned to the East Coast. She soon saw news coming out of the Midwest about a different pipeline: “I was like, ‘Oh, I need to go home.’”

The debate in Minnesota, which would lead to hundreds of demonstrators being arrested, came in the wake of major protests against the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines. The projects were opposed by environmental activists upset they would speed fossil fuel extraction and consumption, and by Indigenous communities concerned about the impact on their historic lands and waters.

The controversy dates back to April 2015, when Enbridge, a Canadian energy company, proposed to then Governor Mark Dayton’s administration a plan to replace an aging pipeline originally completed in 1968. The project, Enbridge argued, would address “integrity and safety concerns” and allow the company to transmit 760,000 barrels of oil per day. The proposed new route traveled from Canada to Minnesota’s border with Wisconsin, passing through state forests and the Fond du Lac Reservation, home to over four thousand members of the Lake Superior Chippewa.

Beyond climate-related concerns, opponents feared the pipeline would threaten water systems, especially wild rice beds, that Indigenous communities rely on. Enbridge’s track record includes two of the largest inland oil spills in national history. In 1991, Line 3 released 1.7 million gallons of crude oil in Northern Minnesota, and in 2010, another Enbridge pipe spilled over 1 million gallons in Kalamazoo, Michigan.

“We were sold one thing to vote for them…When we did vote, we were totally betrayed.” 

Walz’s first public comments on the pipeline came in 2017, after Dayton announced he would not seek another term, and Walz, who had represented a southern Minnesota congressional district for 10 years, rolled out a campaign to succeed him. During a contested Democratic primary, Walz advocated against Line 3 by criticizing its harm to Native communities and lands. 

Any line that goes through treaty lands is a nonstarter for me,” he wrote on Twitter, adding that “every route would disproportionately and adversely affect Native people. Unacceptable.” His stand drew in support from the Indigenous community and environmentalists, reassuring voters who may have been troubled by his record in Congress, where he was just one of thirty Democratic members to vote in favor of the Keystone XL Pipeline

“They got that extra push from climate folks and from tribal folks,” Houska recalled, explaining that Walz and his running mate, Peggy Flanagan, a member of the White Earth Nation, earned her vote in 2018. 

Enbridge’s proposal, after years of reviews, appeals, and public forums, finally garnered the approval of Minnesota’s Public Utilities Commission in June of 2018. But in the final weeks of Dayton’s term, his administration sued to overturn the decision, with the outgoing governor writing that he hoped to “ensure that a project with this magnitude of environmental impact upon our state serves the needs of our citizens.” 

After Walz took office in early 2019, he said he would continue Dayton’s lawsuit, but in public remarks seemed to lay the groundwork to wash his hands of the issue, suggesting the project’s fate laid with an appeals court’s review of the commission’s decision. He explained he would not use executive powers to stop the pipeline “as a protection against the checks and balances being weakened.”

While Walz’ administration would continue to refile and support the suit Dayton launched, after a new environmental review, Enbridge was nonetheless able to obtain final permits and begin construction in December 2020. By early 2021, protests began to ramp up near Line 3 construction sites that would continue through the summer. In February, a group of tribal leaders asked Walz to enact an executive order to stop construction while litigation continued. At that point, a spokesperson for Walz said he did “not believe it is within his role to stay project permits that have been issued by state agencies after a thorough environmental review and permitting process.” 

Houska says Walz passed the buck. “The reality is his administration could’ve stopped Line 3,” she argues, by upholding treaty obligations—specifically the Ojibwe nation’s unique right to harvest wild rice, which activists warned was threatened by the pipeline. 

As opposition to the pipeline entered a new confrontational phase, demonstrators were met by a unique police force: the Northern Lights Task Force, which was made up of county law-enforcement agents whose time, training, and equipment were supported by a state account funded with $8 million from Enbridge. (Public records obtained by the Intercept show Walz hosted a conference call with senior task force members, and discussed its use of tear gas.) In addition to tear gas, rubber bullets, and other non-lethal weapons, police deployed “pain compliance” tactics that left multiple protestors partially paralyzed. 

Walz’s choice of Flanagan, who had supported the Standing Rock pipeline protesters, as a running mate had been seen as a signal within Native communities that he would stand fast against the pipeline. “When it came through that he wasn’t doing anything, Peggy was very silent on the matter. She never showed up to rallies. Didn’t show up to the treaty camps,” says Dannah Thompson, an Anishinaabe anti-pipeline activist from Roseville, Minnesota.

As protest activity swirled, the lieutenant governor faced pressure to step in. Flanagan released a statement in July 2021 on Facebook: “While I cannot stop Line 3, I will continue to do what is within my power to make sure our people are seen, heard, valued and protected. Using my voice is an important part of that work.“

Walz’ administration did not respond to a request for comment. But in August 2021, just after a thousand Line 3 protestors picketed at the state capitol, Walz defended the project, by saying that while “we need to move away from fossil fuels… in the meantime if we’re gonna transport oil, we need to do it as safely as we possibly can with the most modern equipment.”

Construction only took about 10 months. (Minnesota’s Department of Natural Resources has since documented multiple aquifer breaches that took place during building.) When tar sands began being pumped through the pipeline in the fall of 2021, MN350, a state climate justice non-profit, issued a blistering statement: “Shame on Governor Walz, who broke his campaign promise.” 

“[We] fought as hard as we possibly could on every front: the ground fight, the regulatory fight, the political pressure, everything and anything to try to protect our wild rice and our waterways,” Houska said.

“Line 3 was an opportunity to prove that they wanted to take these bigger actions and stand up to financial powers and corporate powers,” says Thompson. “We were blindsided, and we were sold one thing to vote for them…When we did vote, we were totally betrayed.” 

“There is a small faction of us that I know who aren’t able to move past this,” Thompson adds. Citing “the violence that was pushed towards Native people” by police, she says sorting through Walz’s record on the pipeline is a pre-election “conversation that is going to be had in the months coming up in the Native community.” 

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Death Threats and Detained Pop Stars: Inside Serbia’s Lithium Battle

On her way to sing at a birthday party last month, Croatian pop star Severina Vučković was stopped and questioned about her political views by Serbian authorities. Around the same time, Aleksandar Matković started receiving death threats on Telegram. The first was in Serbian: “We will follow you until you disappear, scum.” A subsequent text was written in what Matković—a Serbian academic at the Institute for Economics in Belgrade who studies Marxism and economic history—described to me as “garbled German.” Another showed that the sender was just over a quarter-mile from the home of a friend he was visiting on the Adriatic Coast. Around the same time, teams of police, armed with search warrants, showed up at the homes of five members of the environmental group Eko Straža (Eco Guard) and confiscated their cell phones and laptops.What do the pop star, the academic and the environmentalists have in common? Like the tens of thousands of people who’ve rallied across Serbia in recent weeks, they’ve all spoken out against the Anglo Australian mining firm Rio Tinto’s $2.4 billion plan to mine and process lithium in that country’s verdant Jadar Valley, near the town of Loznica. The company has said that the site could eventually produce 58,000 tons of lithium per day—enough to meet 90 percent of European lithium demand and power some one million electric vehicles. The Serbian government has eagerly backed the project. It’s also garnered the enthusiastic support of the European Union and the United States, which on Wednesday signed an agreement with Serbia for strategic cooperation in energy. The EU, especially, hopes it can help diversify a supply chain now heavily concentrated in China and secure the bloc easier access to a mineral that’s central to its electric vehicle–centric green industrial policy goals. Many Serbians, though—including those who’d live closest to the project—worry it will devastate the region’s agricultural production and poison the drinking water for millions. Critics argue it promises few upsides for either local residents or the majority of Serbians. Demonstrators want the project canceled. It wouldn’t be the first time that’s happened: After mass protests in 2022 shut down cities and railways, Serbia’s government revoked its approval of Rio Tinto’s plan for the Jadar Valley site in advance of federal elections that April, blocking further development. On July 11, 2024, Serbia’s Constitutional Court ruled that the decision was unconstitutional, laying the groundwork for the government to let Rio Tinto move forward. Alongside a new wave of protests has come a new, more intensive wave of repression. Once news broke that Severina had been stopped at the border—she was eventually allowed to pass—Serbian Interior Secretary Ivica Dačić said that she and other regional celebrities would be removed from “lists” of people whose public stances the government considers problematic. People who’ve participated in protests further report being questioned by police over Instagram posts, and might face criminal charges that could mean they spend years in prison. Rio Tinto is now attempting to have peer-reviewed research on the environmental impact of the Jadar project substantially changed or redacted, insisting—alongside high-ranking members of Serbia’s ruling party—that its authors are spreading “disinformation.” Bojan Simiśić is the founder of Eko Straža, although his home wasn’t among those searched by police in August. Members of that group are now waiting to see whether the government will build a case against them for calling for a “violent change in the constitutional order,” a felony charge. Such serious charges are a new development since the last round of protests, Simiśić says. “In 2021 there were police at my door. They came just to warn me” not to organize or participate in protests, he said. More often, demonstrators were issued tickets fining them around 50 euros for minor infractions. “Now they’re getting more aggressive,” Simiśić added. “It’s not just about the mine. We have to fight for basic liberties to protest.” In response, Simiśić helped organize a protest that drew tens of thousands of people to the grounds of state-run media outlet RTS on September 1, opposing the mine, the government’s treatment of protesters, and the silence around both from Serbia’s tightly controlled media environment. Serbian officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment on this story. At the end of last month, a website run by an “independent citizens’” group calling itself “Kopacemo” (We Will Dig) appeared, claiming to fight “misinformation.” The page features a registry of so-called “ecological terrorists,” including Matković and Simiśić. Profiles of several dozen alleged ecoterrorists feature stylized black and white pictures set against cyberpunk-ish green and black backgrounds. Descriptions list whether they’ve been arrested and take personal pot shots. Matković’s listing starts off by saying he “has a speech impediment and tics” and “can’t pronounce his Rs and Ls properly.” A profile for another anti-mining activist states that he “wears a bandanna over his head in a militant style,” which is “actually to cover the loss of his hair.” Vladimir Štimac, a former basketball player featured on the site, has now filed a criminal complaint against its anonymous creators. Though it’s still unclear who exactly is behind the site, the group did indicate on X that it would give power of attorney to fight Štimac’s charge to Vladimir Đukanović, a lawyer and member of the Serbian National Assembly with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić’s’s ruling Serbian Progressive Party, or SNS. The powerful governments backing the Jadar Valley project have been relatively quiet about the protests against lithium development in Serbia; the government’s crackdown on dissent; and ominous, anonymous threats to mining critics. That may be because of just how anxious they are to unlock sources lithium, a critical component in the batteries that power electric vehicles, cell phones, and other technologies. The Eurozone’s largest economy, Germany, is facing persistently high levels of unemployment. Its industrial sector has struggled amid low demand and high interest rates. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Germany has been forced to grapple with its decades-long reliance on cheap Russian gas not just to heat homes but to make chemicals and cars too. Historically important automakers like Volkswagen and Mercedes-Benz owner Daimler are laying off thousands of workers as they adjust to sluggish European demand, foreign competition, and electrification. China’s somewhat chaotic quest to become a world-class E.V. manufacturer has started to bear fruit with juggernauts like BYD, which is now ably competing with U.S. and European E.V.s. America’s protectionist-minded investments in its own E.V. sector, though, have riled Europeans bound by their bloc’s strict spending and state aid rules, which largely prohibit the sorts of massive subsidies now flowing to U.S. automakers from the Inflation Reduction Act. To spur investment in its own green sector, the European Commission earlier this year passed the Critical Raw Materials Act, meant to build up the bloc’s supplies of and access to so-called critical minerals.Not much is known about the strategic cooperation agreement the United States and Serbia signed this week. Per remarks from Jose W. Fernandez—under secretary for economic growth, energy, and the environment—the agreement is meant to “expand opportunities for U.S. companies to invest in Serbia’s energy sector, including in green energy projects,” and will create a “level playing field” for U.S. companies that want to do business there. “This agreement represents a multiyear effort, involving the close attention of specialists from five U.S. agencies,” a State Department press release notes. “This commitment of resources reflects the U.S. Government’s strong support for U.S. investors and clean energy projects, as a means to drive a green transition and sustainable development.” Lithium isn’t mentioned in the official announcements put out by either country.The Serbian government, of course, has plenty to gain from Jadar’s lithium. The project is well aligned with Vučić’s quest to attract foreign direct investment to Serbia by any means necessary. As Matković noted in the op-ed that attracted the threats, foreign investment in Serbia’s mining sector increased sixfold between 2021 and 2023, jumping from $132 million to $784 million; Serbia’s gross domestic product, meanwhile, has stagnated. Not unlike U.S. cities’ bids to attract an Amazon headquarters, Serbians have found that courting big corporations often comes at a price: tax giveaways, weakened labor and environmental protections, and profits carried off to Frankfurt, New York, and the City of London. “I think Serbia has reached a plateau when it comes to the impact of foreign direct investment,” Matković said. “We subsidize the hell out of foreign companies without any budget limitations. The more we subsidize, the less money there is and the more we need to go out and get from foreign investors.” Vučić’s ruling SNS party has courted high rollers from geopolitical rivals in order to fuel that cycle, drawing investments from China, Russia, and the West even as those powers fight among themselves. Having gotten his start in politics on the far right before serving as Slobodon Milošević’s minister of information, Vučić has gradually moderated on certain fronts while consolidating control over Serbian media, state security forces, and his own party. Elections in Serbia are ostensibly competitive, yet the SNS has maintained virtual one-party control over Serbian politics and state institutions for over a decade. Though occasionally critical of Vučić’s ties to Putin—particularly since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine—EU and U.S. leaders have been willing to overlook some of the Vučić government’s more authoritarian tendencies as its lithium reserves become a more realistic, attractive prospect. That could open the door to Serbia’s long-awaited ascension to the EU.German Chancellor Olaf Sholz visited Serbia less than a week after Rio Tinto got its exploration license back. Alongside Vučić, Sholz oversaw the July 19 finalization of a memorandum of understanding between Serbia and the European Union. European Commission Vice President and Green Deal czar Maroš Šefčovič attended the summit, as well. So did representatives from the Mercedes-Benz and Stellantis European carmakers now working on their own agreements for access to Serbia’s lithium for their E.V.s. The EU-Serbia deal establishes a strategic partnership between the bloc and the Western Balkan Nation to co-develop value chains for raw materials, batteries, and electric vehicles, aimed (per the European Commission) at supporting “the development of new local industries and high-quality jobs along the electric vehicle value chain in full respect of high environmental and social standards while addressing the concerns of local communities with full transparency.”It’s not clear that the Rio Tinto mine is respecting “high environmental and social standards,” though. A peer-reviewed study published in July in Scientific Reports, a journal published by Nature, states that proposed lithium mining in the Jadar Valley could present “a constant threat of contamination” to local waterways and endanger the water supply for about 2.5 million people—roughly a third of the country. The study was based on an analysis of water, sediment, and soil samples collected from experimental drilling sites, deep mines, and the nearby Jadar and Korenita rivers—upstream, at, and downstream of the mine site where Rio Tinto has begun conducting exploratory activities. Researchers found that the water downstream from the site had a mineral fingerprint for arsenic, boron, and lithium that was “identical” to what they found in deep mine waters, explained Jovan M. Tadić, a co-author on the report and affiliate scientist at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory’s Climate Sciences Department. “Upon reaching the site, it was immediately apparent that something was wrong,” Tadić said, over email. “Plant growth around the drill sites was stunted, and the area was littered with unsightly concrete and steel structures left behind after the drillings.”The resource slated to be mined in the Jadar Valley is a unique mineral compound known as jadarite ore, found not long after Rio Tinto began exploring the area in 2004. Besides lithium, it contains “significant amounts of boron and arsenic, which will be, in some form, by-products of this mine. In our study, both were found to be leaking from the experimental drilling,” Tadić notes. The process for extracting lithium from jadarite is somewhat novel; a Rio Tinto patent for recovering valuable materials from jadarite—including lithium and boron—was just approved in August.In response to the Scientific Reports article, Rio Tinto’s chief scientist, Nigel Steward, sent a letter to the journal’s editors asking for the study—which underwent two rounds of peer review—to be “substantially changed” or redacted. Joining Steward were Aleksandar Jovović, Aleksadar Cvjetić and Nikola Lilić, all faculty at the University of Belgrade. All three were commissioned by Rio Tinto to create draft environmental impact assessments of the Jadar project; those assessments, undertaken voluntarily, are separate from those that the company will be legally required to conduct if the project advances. The company filed a request with Serbian regulators this week to begin establishing the scope and content of that environmental impact assessment. A spokesperson for Rio Tinto, Nikola Velickovic, noted over email that Rio Tinto “doesn’t have control” over the conclusions made by independent experts, and that covering the costs of such studies is standard practice for mining firms. She added that it “is not in the professional interest of the independent experts to be influenced in their analysis and conclusions, as that would damage their credibility.”Their complaints focused primarily on three areas: that authors overstated the size of the project area; that they didn’t establish baseline findings, from before drilling had started; and that they had ignored the possibility that the contamination observed in their samples could have come from another source. Tadić acknowledged the paper had one minor typo that was “completely irrelevant” to its conclusions, but sees the call for more substantive changes (or retraction) as “baseless.” While Rio Tinto defines the parameters of its operations as the mine site itself, Tadić and his colleagues analyzed the much larger entire area that would be “seriously affected by the mining operations, regardless of the nature of such operations. We used official numbers from the public and cited documents.” They collected samples upstream of mining operations as a means of getting around not having baseline samples from before drilling began. “We did not take samples before drilling began,” he said, “because we did not know where drilling would occur.” Scientific Reports did not respond to multiple requests for comment on this story. As of publication, no changes to the article have been made.Asked to respond to the claims in the Scientific Reports study, Chad Blewitt, managing director of the Jadar project, began by calling Ratko Ristić—one of the co-authors—an “aspiring politician.” He argued that the article was all a part of the “same disinformation” the company had been dealing with since 2021, referencing an article lead author Dragana Đorđević published that year. He directed me to Stewart’s letter to Scientific Reports and the draft environmental impact assessments commissioned by Rio Tinto. “There is a persistent campaign of disinformation from those two authors—I can’t speak to the other authors—against the project,” Blewitt said. Ristić, who is from Loznica, where the mine is based, did indeed run as the ultranationalist National Unity coalition’s Belgrade mayoral candidate in 2023. He’s also the dean of the University of Belgrade’s Faculty of Forestry, and has published over 130 research papers dealing with erosion control, land degradation, hydrology, and other water management topics. As the Serbian news outlet N1 pointed out, Đorđević—a professor at the University of Belgrade’s Center of Excellence in Environmental Chemistry and Engineering—has authored or co-authored more than 130 academic publications listed on the database ResearchGate. Rio Tinto head scientist Nigel Steward has just three.The University of Belgrade’s Faculty of Biology has publicly distanced itself from Rio Tinto’s draft environmental impact assessment. Department faculty were recruited by a consultant to do fieldwork at the Jadar site in 2020, the results of which were eventually integrated into the draft environmental impact assessment Rio Tinto released in June. The biologists found that the Jadar project would have an “extremely significant” impact on local biodiversity and that the measures the company proposed to mitigate those impacts were insufficient. They disassociated themselves from the resulting report, they wrote, over concerns about “inadequate and incorrect presentation” of key data, risk factors, proposals for protection measures and conclusions” in the published results of their study. Those were reviewed and edited by a Cambridge-based biodiversity consultancy, which the professors say is ultimately responsible for what went into the draft environmental impact assessment. Vučić called their warnings about the project “brutal lies.” In a statement to the press, Rio Tinto said it welcomed the faculty’s attempts at “clear and precise communication” about the Jadar project, though warned their statement could “mislead the public.”Blewitt repeatedly referred to a disinformation campaign throughout our conversation. “We have never seen a disinformation campaign like this anywhere in the world,” he told me, while saying the company has sought “common ground” via community engagement sessions with local residents during its time in Serbia. Asked where all that disinformation was coming from, Blewitt laughed and said, “You’re the reporter,” refusing to clarify who or what might be behind such a campaign. He denied that Rio Tinto had any involvement in the threats against Matković, Kopacemo, or the Serbian government’s treatment of mining critics.Governmental officials have similarly suggested opposition to the mine is part of a shadowy disinformation campaign. Vučić has frequently implied that outside forces are plotting to overthrow his government. He’s repeated that message in response to this most recent round of protests, accusing mining critics of attempting to carry out a “color revolution.” It’s a reference to the often Western-backed ousters of Eastern Bloc leaders, like the revolution that overthrew the Milošević government in which Vučić served. Assembly president and former Prime Minister Ana Brnabić has made similar claims, speculating that Rio Tinto detractors are receiving “financing” on the order of tens of millions of euros to carry out a “campaign of disinformation and a campaign of spreading lies and fake news with the aim of destabilizing Serbia.” Russia, in turn, which Vučić credited for his coup intel, has praised his government for “countering these attempts, in defending those principles that cause irritation in the West.”The U.S. ambassador to Serbia, Christopher Hill, has also recently stated publicly that opposition to lithium mining in Serbia is the result of disinformation—from Russia. “If you look carefully at some of these people out on the streets,” Hill said at a conference last week, “they were not Western environmentalists. They were Russia supporters.” Hill elaborated that demonstrations featured “people who were quite comfortable there defending Russia’s position in the world. And there they were out there protesting a lithium decision. What were they protesting? Are they so worried that Serbia may end up as a leader in electric vehicles? Is that what they were concerned about? Or were they concerned about something deeper? And I think what is going on is, to some extent, there is a counterattack against Serbia moving westward.”A spokesperson for Hill’s office declined to substantiate those claims on the record or respond to questions about crackdowns on peaceful protesters and the targeting of scientists. The State Department’s Assistant Secretary for Energy Resources Geoffrey Pyatt—who recently voiced his support for Rio Tinto’s plans on X—also declined to answer specific questions about the project, sending a more general statement over email. “The citizens of Serbia understandably want to see this project developed in a way that respects the highest environmental, social and governance standards,” Pyatt wrote. “Ultimately, the sovereign decision regarding the issue of lithium will be made by the Government of Serbia, with intensive dialogue with its citizens, scientists, environment and mining experts.” Like Hill, Pyatt suggested Russia has “instrumentalized protests to pursue its own agenda in Serbia, as it does around the globe.”Pundits and politicians friendly to the Russian government, including right-wing extremists, have attended protests and otherwise spoken out about their opposition to lithium mining in Serbia. Protest organizers were outraged, however, at the suggestion that tens of thousands of people around the country were being manipulated by shadowy outside forces. “That’s just pure propaganda,” said Bojana Novakovic, a Serbian Australian actress who’s been active in the anti-mining group Marš Sa Drine. “We have nothing to do with Russia. The fact that there are individuals at protests who might support Russia is just as irrelevant as the fact that there are people at protests who want to be part of the European Union.”A spokesperson for the European Commission, Johanna Bernsel, declined to respond directly to questions about the contents of the Scientific Reports study, Rio Tinto’s attempts to have it altered or redacted, and the repression faced by mining critics. “We are aware of the scientific discussions about the environmental effects of this project, discussions which include but are not limited to the study you mention,” Bernsel wrote in an email. “Whoever exploits any mine in the world in response to the global demand for critical raw materials should do it in a framework ensuring that the world’s highest environmental standards are applied.”What’s happening in Serbia isn’t an anomaly. The threats facing Serbian activists are in some cases less dire than what their counterparts elsewhere face regularly. A report released last week from the nonprofit Global Witness found that mining was “by far” the biggest driving force behind killings of environmental defenders. Of the 196 environmental defenders killed worldwide last year—actual numbers are likely far higher—25 were killed as a result of fights against mining and extraction projects; 23 of those killings were in Latin America. Neither is it historically uncommon for rich countries to stomach authoritarians and look the other way for the sake of cheaper raw materials. The only novelty now is that they’re doing so in the name of fighting climate change. Climate policies meant to reduce emissions as quickly as possible, though, would probably focus elsewhere: on expanding and improving less resource-intensive forms of mass transit, for instance, and reducing carbon-intensive sprawl and car dependence simultaneously. Lithium would be important in either case; it’s not wrong to want to diversify hyperconcentrated supply chains. But the U.S. and EU’s intense focus on electric vehicles suggests that they’re likely more interested in protecting their own legacy industries than the planet’s chances of flying past two, three, or four degrees Celsius of global warming.As temperatures rise, the climate crisis is inflicting damage farther and farther north. Richer places once thought to be insulated from the extreme weather are now grappling with inescapable wildfires, unbearable heat and uninsurable homes. How countries respond to that crisis will alter landscapes in other ways. “If this is normalized in the Balkans—an already shaky region—I’m not sure what the green transition is going to look like,” Matković tells me. Serbia is already a source of precarious, outsourced labor for Chinese and European companies. If the Rio Tinto project goes through there, activists fear Serbia will become a de facto resource colony of the EU’s wealthiest nations. And Serbia could be a preview, Matković worries, of what an uneven, too-slow energy transition has in store for many other less-developed countries peripheral to major powers and their climate plans: “a violent and escalating situation in which raw materials and minerals are extracted from the periphery so the middle classes in the U.S. can continue to exist in the twentieth century and have cars as a status symbol.”

On her way to sing at a birthday party last month, Croatian pop star Severina Vučković was stopped and questioned about her political views by Serbian authorities. Around the same time, Aleksandar Matković started receiving death threats on Telegram. The first was in Serbian: “We will follow you until you disappear, scum.” A subsequent text was written in what Matković—a Serbian academic at the Institute for Economics in Belgrade who studies Marxism and economic history—described to me as “garbled German.” Another showed that the sender was just over a quarter-mile from the home of a friend he was visiting on the Adriatic Coast. Around the same time, teams of police, armed with search warrants, showed up at the homes of five members of the environmental group Eko Straža (Eco Guard) and confiscated their cell phones and laptops.What do the pop star, the academic and the environmentalists have in common? Like the tens of thousands of people who’ve rallied across Serbia in recent weeks, they’ve all spoken out against the Anglo Australian mining firm Rio Tinto’s $2.4 billion plan to mine and process lithium in that country’s verdant Jadar Valley, near the town of Loznica. The company has said that the site could eventually produce 58,000 tons of lithium per day—enough to meet 90 percent of European lithium demand and power some one million electric vehicles. The Serbian government has eagerly backed the project. It’s also garnered the enthusiastic support of the European Union and the United States, which on Wednesday signed an agreement with Serbia for strategic cooperation in energy. The EU, especially, hopes it can help diversify a supply chain now heavily concentrated in China and secure the bloc easier access to a mineral that’s central to its electric vehicle–centric green industrial policy goals. Many Serbians, though—including those who’d live closest to the project—worry it will devastate the region’s agricultural production and poison the drinking water for millions. Critics argue it promises few upsides for either local residents or the majority of Serbians. Demonstrators want the project canceled. It wouldn’t be the first time that’s happened: After mass protests in 2022 shut down cities and railways, Serbia’s government revoked its approval of Rio Tinto’s plan for the Jadar Valley site in advance of federal elections that April, blocking further development. On July 11, 2024, Serbia’s Constitutional Court ruled that the decision was unconstitutional, laying the groundwork for the government to let Rio Tinto move forward. Alongside a new wave of protests has come a new, more intensive wave of repression. Once news broke that Severina had been stopped at the border—she was eventually allowed to pass—Serbian Interior Secretary Ivica Dačić said that she and other regional celebrities would be removed from “lists” of people whose public stances the government considers problematic. People who’ve participated in protests further report being questioned by police over Instagram posts, and might face criminal charges that could mean they spend years in prison. Rio Tinto is now attempting to have peer-reviewed research on the environmental impact of the Jadar project substantially changed or redacted, insisting—alongside high-ranking members of Serbia’s ruling party—that its authors are spreading “disinformation.” Bojan Simiśić is the founder of Eko Straža, although his home wasn’t among those searched by police in August. Members of that group are now waiting to see whether the government will build a case against them for calling for a “violent change in the constitutional order,” a felony charge. Such serious charges are a new development since the last round of protests, Simiśić says. “In 2021 there were police at my door. They came just to warn me” not to organize or participate in protests, he said. More often, demonstrators were issued tickets fining them around 50 euros for minor infractions. “Now they’re getting more aggressive,” Simiśić added. “It’s not just about the mine. We have to fight for basic liberties to protest.” In response, Simiśić helped organize a protest that drew tens of thousands of people to the grounds of state-run media outlet RTS on September 1, opposing the mine, the government’s treatment of protesters, and the silence around both from Serbia’s tightly controlled media environment. Serbian officials did not respond to multiple requests for comment on this story. At the end of last month, a website run by an “independent citizens’” group calling itself “Kopacemo” (We Will Dig) appeared, claiming to fight “misinformation.” The page features a registry of so-called “ecological terrorists,” including Matković and Simiśić. Profiles of several dozen alleged ecoterrorists feature stylized black and white pictures set against cyberpunk-ish green and black backgrounds. Descriptions list whether they’ve been arrested and take personal pot shots. Matković’s listing starts off by saying he “has a speech impediment and tics” and “can’t pronounce his Rs and Ls properly.” A profile for another anti-mining activist states that he “wears a bandanna over his head in a militant style,” which is “actually to cover the loss of his hair.” Vladimir Štimac, a former basketball player featured on the site, has now filed a criminal complaint against its anonymous creators. Though it’s still unclear who exactly is behind the site, the group did indicate on X that it would give power of attorney to fight Štimac’s charge to Vladimir Đukanović, a lawyer and member of the Serbian National Assembly with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić’s’s ruling Serbian Progressive Party, or SNS. The powerful governments backing the Jadar Valley project have been relatively quiet about the protests against lithium development in Serbia; the government’s crackdown on dissent; and ominous, anonymous threats to mining critics. That may be because of just how anxious they are to unlock sources lithium, a critical component in the batteries that power electric vehicles, cell phones, and other technologies. The Eurozone’s largest economy, Germany, is facing persistently high levels of unemployment. Its industrial sector has struggled amid low demand and high interest rates. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Germany has been forced to grapple with its decades-long reliance on cheap Russian gas not just to heat homes but to make chemicals and cars too. Historically important automakers like Volkswagen and Mercedes-Benz owner Daimler are laying off thousands of workers as they adjust to sluggish European demand, foreign competition, and electrification. China’s somewhat chaotic quest to become a world-class E.V. manufacturer has started to bear fruit with juggernauts like BYD, which is now ably competing with U.S. and European E.V.s. America’s protectionist-minded investments in its own E.V. sector, though, have riled Europeans bound by their bloc’s strict spending and state aid rules, which largely prohibit the sorts of massive subsidies now flowing to U.S. automakers from the Inflation Reduction Act. To spur investment in its own green sector, the European Commission earlier this year passed the Critical Raw Materials Act, meant to build up the bloc’s supplies of and access to so-called critical minerals.Not much is known about the strategic cooperation agreement the United States and Serbia signed this week. Per remarks from Jose W. Fernandez—under secretary for economic growth, energy, and the environment—the agreement is meant to “expand opportunities for U.S. companies to invest in Serbia’s energy sector, including in green energy projects,” and will create a “level playing field” for U.S. companies that want to do business there. “This agreement represents a multiyear effort, involving the close attention of specialists from five U.S. agencies,” a State Department press release notes. “This commitment of resources reflects the U.S. Government’s strong support for U.S. investors and clean energy projects, as a means to drive a green transition and sustainable development.” Lithium isn’t mentioned in the official announcements put out by either country.The Serbian government, of course, has plenty to gain from Jadar’s lithium. The project is well aligned with Vučić’s quest to attract foreign direct investment to Serbia by any means necessary. As Matković noted in the op-ed that attracted the threats, foreign investment in Serbia’s mining sector increased sixfold between 2021 and 2023, jumping from $132 million to $784 million; Serbia’s gross domestic product, meanwhile, has stagnated. Not unlike U.S. cities’ bids to attract an Amazon headquarters, Serbians have found that courting big corporations often comes at a price: tax giveaways, weakened labor and environmental protections, and profits carried off to Frankfurt, New York, and the City of London. “I think Serbia has reached a plateau when it comes to the impact of foreign direct investment,” Matković said. “We subsidize the hell out of foreign companies without any budget limitations. The more we subsidize, the less money there is and the more we need to go out and get from foreign investors.” Vučić’s ruling SNS party has courted high rollers from geopolitical rivals in order to fuel that cycle, drawing investments from China, Russia, and the West even as those powers fight among themselves. Having gotten his start in politics on the far right before serving as Slobodon Milošević’s minister of information, Vučić has gradually moderated on certain fronts while consolidating control over Serbian media, state security forces, and his own party. Elections in Serbia are ostensibly competitive, yet the SNS has maintained virtual one-party control over Serbian politics and state institutions for over a decade. Though occasionally critical of Vučić’s ties to Putin—particularly since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine—EU and U.S. leaders have been willing to overlook some of the Vučić government’s more authoritarian tendencies as its lithium reserves become a more realistic, attractive prospect. That could open the door to Serbia’s long-awaited ascension to the EU.German Chancellor Olaf Sholz visited Serbia less than a week after Rio Tinto got its exploration license back. Alongside Vučić, Sholz oversaw the July 19 finalization of a memorandum of understanding between Serbia and the European Union. European Commission Vice President and Green Deal czar Maroš Šefčovič attended the summit, as well. So did representatives from the Mercedes-Benz and Stellantis European carmakers now working on their own agreements for access to Serbia’s lithium for their E.V.s. The EU-Serbia deal establishes a strategic partnership between the bloc and the Western Balkan Nation to co-develop value chains for raw materials, batteries, and electric vehicles, aimed (per the European Commission) at supporting “the development of new local industries and high-quality jobs along the electric vehicle value chain in full respect of high environmental and social standards while addressing the concerns of local communities with full transparency.”It’s not clear that the Rio Tinto mine is respecting “high environmental and social standards,” though. A peer-reviewed study published in July in Scientific Reports, a journal published by Nature, states that proposed lithium mining in the Jadar Valley could present “a constant threat of contamination” to local waterways and endanger the water supply for about 2.5 million people—roughly a third of the country. The study was based on an analysis of water, sediment, and soil samples collected from experimental drilling sites, deep mines, and the nearby Jadar and Korenita rivers—upstream, at, and downstream of the mine site where Rio Tinto has begun conducting exploratory activities. Researchers found that the water downstream from the site had a mineral fingerprint for arsenic, boron, and lithium that was “identical” to what they found in deep mine waters, explained Jovan M. Tadić, a co-author on the report and affiliate scientist at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory’s Climate Sciences Department. “Upon reaching the site, it was immediately apparent that something was wrong,” Tadić said, over email. “Plant growth around the drill sites was stunted, and the area was littered with unsightly concrete and steel structures left behind after the drillings.”The resource slated to be mined in the Jadar Valley is a unique mineral compound known as jadarite ore, found not long after Rio Tinto began exploring the area in 2004. Besides lithium, it contains “significant amounts of boron and arsenic, which will be, in some form, by-products of this mine. In our study, both were found to be leaking from the experimental drilling,” Tadić notes. The process for extracting lithium from jadarite is somewhat novel; a Rio Tinto patent for recovering valuable materials from jadarite—including lithium and boron—was just approved in August.In response to the Scientific Reports article, Rio Tinto’s chief scientist, Nigel Steward, sent a letter to the journal’s editors asking for the study—which underwent two rounds of peer review—to be “substantially changed” or redacted. Joining Steward were Aleksandar Jovović, Aleksadar Cvjetić and Nikola Lilić, all faculty at the University of Belgrade. All three were commissioned by Rio Tinto to create draft environmental impact assessments of the Jadar project; those assessments, undertaken voluntarily, are separate from those that the company will be legally required to conduct if the project advances. The company filed a request with Serbian regulators this week to begin establishing the scope and content of that environmental impact assessment. A spokesperson for Rio Tinto, Nikola Velickovic, noted over email that Rio Tinto “doesn’t have control” over the conclusions made by independent experts, and that covering the costs of such studies is standard practice for mining firms. She added that it “is not in the professional interest of the independent experts to be influenced in their analysis and conclusions, as that would damage their credibility.”Their complaints focused primarily on three areas: that authors overstated the size of the project area; that they didn’t establish baseline findings, from before drilling had started; and that they had ignored the possibility that the contamination observed in their samples could have come from another source. Tadić acknowledged the paper had one minor typo that was “completely irrelevant” to its conclusions, but sees the call for more substantive changes (or retraction) as “baseless.” While Rio Tinto defines the parameters of its operations as the mine site itself, Tadić and his colleagues analyzed the much larger entire area that would be “seriously affected by the mining operations, regardless of the nature of such operations. We used official numbers from the public and cited documents.” They collected samples upstream of mining operations as a means of getting around not having baseline samples from before drilling began. “We did not take samples before drilling began,” he said, “because we did not know where drilling would occur.” Scientific Reports did not respond to multiple requests for comment on this story. As of publication, no changes to the article have been made.Asked to respond to the claims in the Scientific Reports study, Chad Blewitt, managing director of the Jadar project, began by calling Ratko Ristić—one of the co-authors—an “aspiring politician.” He argued that the article was all a part of the “same disinformation” the company had been dealing with since 2021, referencing an article lead author Dragana Đorđević published that year. He directed me to Stewart’s letter to Scientific Reports and the draft environmental impact assessments commissioned by Rio Tinto. “There is a persistent campaign of disinformation from those two authors—I can’t speak to the other authors—against the project,” Blewitt said. Ristić, who is from Loznica, where the mine is based, did indeed run as the ultranationalist National Unity coalition’s Belgrade mayoral candidate in 2023. He’s also the dean of the University of Belgrade’s Faculty of Forestry, and has published over 130 research papers dealing with erosion control, land degradation, hydrology, and other water management topics. As the Serbian news outlet N1 pointed out, Đorđević—a professor at the University of Belgrade’s Center of Excellence in Environmental Chemistry and Engineering—has authored or co-authored more than 130 academic publications listed on the database ResearchGate. Rio Tinto head scientist Nigel Steward has just three.The University of Belgrade’s Faculty of Biology has publicly distanced itself from Rio Tinto’s draft environmental impact assessment. Department faculty were recruited by a consultant to do fieldwork at the Jadar site in 2020, the results of which were eventually integrated into the draft environmental impact assessment Rio Tinto released in June. The biologists found that the Jadar project would have an “extremely significant” impact on local biodiversity and that the measures the company proposed to mitigate those impacts were insufficient. They disassociated themselves from the resulting report, they wrote, over concerns about “inadequate and incorrect presentation” of key data, risk factors, proposals for protection measures and conclusions” in the published results of their study. Those were reviewed and edited by a Cambridge-based biodiversity consultancy, which the professors say is ultimately responsible for what went into the draft environmental impact assessment. Vučić called their warnings about the project “brutal lies.” In a statement to the press, Rio Tinto said it welcomed the faculty’s attempts at “clear and precise communication” about the Jadar project, though warned their statement could “mislead the public.”Blewitt repeatedly referred to a disinformation campaign throughout our conversation. “We have never seen a disinformation campaign like this anywhere in the world,” he told me, while saying the company has sought “common ground” via community engagement sessions with local residents during its time in Serbia. Asked where all that disinformation was coming from, Blewitt laughed and said, “You’re the reporter,” refusing to clarify who or what might be behind such a campaign. He denied that Rio Tinto had any involvement in the threats against Matković, Kopacemo, or the Serbian government’s treatment of mining critics.Governmental officials have similarly suggested opposition to the mine is part of a shadowy disinformation campaign. Vučić has frequently implied that outside forces are plotting to overthrow his government. He’s repeated that message in response to this most recent round of protests, accusing mining critics of attempting to carry out a “color revolution.” It’s a reference to the often Western-backed ousters of Eastern Bloc leaders, like the revolution that overthrew the Milošević government in which Vučić served. Assembly president and former Prime Minister Ana Brnabić has made similar claims, speculating that Rio Tinto detractors are receiving “financing” on the order of tens of millions of euros to carry out a “campaign of disinformation and a campaign of spreading lies and fake news with the aim of destabilizing Serbia.” Russia, in turn, which Vučić credited for his coup intel, has praised his government for “countering these attempts, in defending those principles that cause irritation in the West.”The U.S. ambassador to Serbia, Christopher Hill, has also recently stated publicly that opposition to lithium mining in Serbia is the result of disinformation—from Russia. “If you look carefully at some of these people out on the streets,” Hill said at a conference last week, “they were not Western environmentalists. They were Russia supporters.” Hill elaborated that demonstrations featured “people who were quite comfortable there defending Russia’s position in the world. And there they were out there protesting a lithium decision. What were they protesting? Are they so worried that Serbia may end up as a leader in electric vehicles? Is that what they were concerned about? Or were they concerned about something deeper? And I think what is going on is, to some extent, there is a counterattack against Serbia moving westward.”A spokesperson for Hill’s office declined to substantiate those claims on the record or respond to questions about crackdowns on peaceful protesters and the targeting of scientists. The State Department’s Assistant Secretary for Energy Resources Geoffrey Pyatt—who recently voiced his support for Rio Tinto’s plans on X—also declined to answer specific questions about the project, sending a more general statement over email. “The citizens of Serbia understandably want to see this project developed in a way that respects the highest environmental, social and governance standards,” Pyatt wrote. “Ultimately, the sovereign decision regarding the issue of lithium will be made by the Government of Serbia, with intensive dialogue with its citizens, scientists, environment and mining experts.” Like Hill, Pyatt suggested Russia has “instrumentalized protests to pursue its own agenda in Serbia, as it does around the globe.”Pundits and politicians friendly to the Russian government, including right-wing extremists, have attended protests and otherwise spoken out about their opposition to lithium mining in Serbia. Protest organizers were outraged, however, at the suggestion that tens of thousands of people around the country were being manipulated by shadowy outside forces. “That’s just pure propaganda,” said Bojana Novakovic, a Serbian Australian actress who’s been active in the anti-mining group Marš Sa Drine. “We have nothing to do with Russia. The fact that there are individuals at protests who might support Russia is just as irrelevant as the fact that there are people at protests who want to be part of the European Union.”A spokesperson for the European Commission, Johanna Bernsel, declined to respond directly to questions about the contents of the Scientific Reports study, Rio Tinto’s attempts to have it altered or redacted, and the repression faced by mining critics. “We are aware of the scientific discussions about the environmental effects of this project, discussions which include but are not limited to the study you mention,” Bernsel wrote in an email. “Whoever exploits any mine in the world in response to the global demand for critical raw materials should do it in a framework ensuring that the world’s highest environmental standards are applied.”What’s happening in Serbia isn’t an anomaly. The threats facing Serbian activists are in some cases less dire than what their counterparts elsewhere face regularly. A report released last week from the nonprofit Global Witness found that mining was “by far” the biggest driving force behind killings of environmental defenders. Of the 196 environmental defenders killed worldwide last year—actual numbers are likely far higher—25 were killed as a result of fights against mining and extraction projects; 23 of those killings were in Latin America. Neither is it historically uncommon for rich countries to stomach authoritarians and look the other way for the sake of cheaper raw materials. The only novelty now is that they’re doing so in the name of fighting climate change. Climate policies meant to reduce emissions as quickly as possible, though, would probably focus elsewhere: on expanding and improving less resource-intensive forms of mass transit, for instance, and reducing carbon-intensive sprawl and car dependence simultaneously. Lithium would be important in either case; it’s not wrong to want to diversify hyperconcentrated supply chains. But the U.S. and EU’s intense focus on electric vehicles suggests that they’re likely more interested in protecting their own legacy industries than the planet’s chances of flying past two, three, or four degrees Celsius of global warming.As temperatures rise, the climate crisis is inflicting damage farther and farther north. Richer places once thought to be insulated from the extreme weather are now grappling with inescapable wildfires, unbearable heat and uninsurable homes. How countries respond to that crisis will alter landscapes in other ways. “If this is normalized in the Balkans—an already shaky region—I’m not sure what the green transition is going to look like,” Matković tells me. Serbia is already a source of precarious, outsourced labor for Chinese and European companies. If the Rio Tinto project goes through there, activists fear Serbia will become a de facto resource colony of the EU’s wealthiest nations. And Serbia could be a preview, Matković worries, of what an uneven, too-slow energy transition has in store for many other less-developed countries peripheral to major powers and their climate plans: “a violent and escalating situation in which raw materials and minerals are extracted from the periphery so the middle classes in the U.S. can continue to exist in the twentieth century and have cars as a status symbol.”

Rex Burkholder: Portland City Council District 3

Read the candidate’s responses to questions about homelessness, police accountability, Portland’s budget and taxes.

Name: Rex BurkholderNeighborhood: Sunnyside on the border of BuckmanRenter/homeowner: HomeownerEducation: B.S., Portland State University, in biology and education; M.A., Tufts University, in urban and environmental policy with certificate in nonprofit managementOccupation: Consultant on strategy and messaging for nonprofit organizations and campaignsLlived in the city of Portland: 46 yearsAge: 60Pronouns: He/hisPortland is facing an historic election involving a new voting system and an unusually high number of candidates. Journalists at The Oregonian/OregonLive and Oregon Public Broadcasting share a goal of ensuring that Portland voters have the information they need to make informed choices, and we also know candidates’ time is valuable and limited.That’s why the two news organizations teamed up this cycle to solicit Portland City Council candidates’ perspectives on the big issues in this election. Here’s what they had to say:For each of the following questions, we asked candidates to limit their answers to 150 words.Name two existing city policies or budget items you’d make it a priority to change. Why did you select those and how do you plan to line up at least 7 votes on the council to make them happen? Please avoid broad, sweeping statements and instead provide details.#1 goal of mine is to create the working agreements and structures to make the new council an effective and productive body. The city is an $8 billion a year operation that needs effective oversight and direction. I believe that the new council will be eager to work together and will adopt a practical, collaborative approach.#2 issue would be supporting efforts to provide safe shelter for homeless people with access to services. This is a major issue to Portlanders who want compassionate action. Almost everyone running sees this as a major issue and should be supportive.What previous accomplishments show that you are the best pick in your district? Please be specific.Forty years of effective community activism that required inspiring, leading, and empowering people to make changes in our community. Examples include: cofounding and leading the Bicycle Transportation Alliance and the Coalition for a Livable Future; 12 years at Metro Council, leading regional transportation planning and funding processes, bringing climate change and equity into all Metro operations and policies; leading restoration of funding for Outdoor School for all kids in Oregon (and Washington); a deep connection to the community through volunteering (Mt. Tabor, Food Front, NE Community School, Sunnyside Environmental Middle School and much more), and being a good neighbor to many.Portland is on track to permit the fewest number of multifamily units in 15 years and remains thousands of units below what’s needed to meet demand. What steps would you take to dramatically and quickly increase the availability of housing?There are many steps the city can take to increase housing availability but few are quick or easy. Some are regulatory – reform permitting system (new city organization should help streamline); review codes to rationalize; permit approved designs by right. Others are policy -- support homesharing through revision of tax code, promotion and licensing; donating publicly owned, underutilized land to affordable housing providers (⅓ cost of housing is typically land costs); work with other government agencies, such as school districts, TriMet (build housing on parking lots at Gateway, Parkrose, other transit centers) to do the same. Visionary? Create a city/Metro/state bank that can use earnings from parked tax revenues to finance housing construction.The next City Council is going to have to make some very difficult decisions regarding what to fund and how. What essential services must the city provide and how should the city sustainably fund them?Many people forget that the city is a major service provider, responsible for operating and maintaining streets, streetlights, sewers, water supply, parks, public safety, and more. The new city structure, including council, will enable us to take a holistic approach to understanding these needs as well as the full pool of resources available (versus current siloed approach). This will help us identify synergies, redundancies and opportunities for providing better services with existing resources.Portlanders have approved many tax measures in the past decade – supporting affordable housing, free preschool programs and green energy initiatives. Are there specific taxes or levies you want eliminated or would choose to not renew? Are there specific taxes or levies you would support creating? Why?First we need to understand the revenue streams and fiscal needs for the city as a whole. In addition, we must look at streamlining and rationalizing the confusing ways taxes are collected so that Portlanders can understand where their money is going. We should also do a tax impact assessment to show who pays and who benefits from the whole range of revenue sources the city depends upon.I do want to point out that the Preschool for All levy is a Multnonah County tax and the affordable housing levies are Metro charges, not city taxes. They were also community led ballot measures, as well.Do you have any concerns with the changes coming to city elections and city governance? If so, what would you like to see change?Effective implementation of these changes is a major reason that I am running. We need a city that is well-led, managed effectively, and is responsive and accountable to city residents. Portland also needs to be a good partner with other jurisdictions and be willing to work with and to lead the broader region and the state on key issues facing our communities.For the five remaining questions, we asked candidates to answer in 50 words or fewer:Do you favor arresting and jailing people who camp on public property in Portland who refuse repeated offers of shelter, such as the option to sleep in a city-designated tiny home cluster?First, if they refuse shelter and assistance, ask them to move on. If they are cited repeatedly, then mandatory treatment or jail are our only options.Would you vote yes on a proposal to fund hundreds more police officers than the City Council has already authorized? Why or why not? How would the city pay for it?In my research on this issue, there is no clear evidence that more police officers result in less crime or better public safety. I would have to see this evidence in order to support such a measure.Do you support putting the Clean Energy Fund measure back on the ballot? What, if any changes, would you support?No. The one change I would see helpful is to have the selection process brought directly under the council’s purview.Which would you prioritize: Creation of more protected bike lanes and priority bus lanes or improved surfacing of existing degraded driving lanes?I think this is a false choice. We can and must do both. I would add that the city should also maintain sidewalks as everyone uses these critical transportation facilities yet we deliberately ignore them.Have the problems impacting downtown Portland received too much or too little attention from current city leaders? Why?We’ve seen a dramatic change in the nature of work. Downtown must change to meet that new world. We need more attention and it should be on creating a downtown neighborhood through allowing and building much more housing downtown.Read answers from other Portland City Council and mayoral candidates

Andra Vltavín: Portland City Council District 4

Read the candidate’s responses to questions about homelessness, police accountability, Portland’s budget and taxes.

Name: Andra VltavínNeighborhood: South BurlingameRenter/homeowner: RenterEducation: Bachelor’s DegreeOccupation: Director of Ethical Yarn Community co-op and climate activistHow long you’ve lived in the city of Portland: 10 yearsAge: 30Pronouns: They/themPortland is facing an historic election involving a new voting system and an unusually high number of candidates. Journalists at The Oregonian/OregonLive and Oregon Public Broadcasting share a goal of ensuring that Portland voters have the information they need to make informed choices, and we also know candidates’ time is valuable and limited.That’s why the two news organizations teamed up this cycle to solicit Portland City Council candidates’ perspectives on the big issues in this election. Here’s what they had to say:For each of the following questions, we asked candidates to limit their answers to 150 words.Name two existing city policies or budget items you’d make it a priority to change. Why did you select those and how do you plan to line up at least 7 votes on the council to make them happen? Please avoid broad, sweeping statements and instead provide details.I want to see Portland Street Response expanded to respond to more calls and at all times of day. This takes pressure off other first responders and gives people in crisis empathetic, trauma-informed care. I have been building relationships with many of the other candidates knowing that these could very well be my colleagues in the future. I know that PSR has a lot of citizen support.Additionally, I would like to see sweeping zoning reforms that allow for apartment complexes in more areas of the city. Portland has shifted away from single-family home zones, but many residential zones still only allow up to a quadplex. If we are serious about solving the housing crisis, we need to create denser living accommodations in more areas of the city, which will also help Portland become more environmentally friendly. Zoning reform has had bipartisan support in many other cities.What previous accomplishments show that you are the best pick in your district? Please be specific.I co-founded a local nonprofit, First Matter Press, which publishes books by first-time LGBTQ+ and BIPOC authors. Later, I also co-founded Ethical Yarn Community, which is a co-op focused on sustainable yarn production. Before that, I worked as a creative reuse specialist creating strategies for businesses and individuals to reduce waste. And, prior to that, I specialized in class action lawsuit documentation.Furthermore, I have been a very active volunteer. For six months, I volunteered at the Columbia River Correctional Facility helping inmates learn gardening and landscaping skills to reduce recidivism rates. I’ve been a climate activist with 350PDX and Extinction Rebellion PDX for several years now, giving me a thorough understanding of local climate issues. This year, I have begun doing direct mutual aid to the unhoused population to learn what they need to thrive. I am also a member of my Neighborhood Emergency Team.Portland is on track to permit the fewest number of multifamily units in 15 years and remains thousands of units below what’s needed to meet demand. What steps would you take to dramatically and quickly increase the availability of housing?The state has recently supplied Portland with money to start doing commercial building conversions to residential living centers. Given that Portland has the highest rate of office building vacancy in the nation, these conversions present the perfect opportunity to house people and create space for social services. Repurposing these structures will cut down on the environmental costs of new construction and make better use of our downtown space. They also have the potential to create communal environments where people can work where they live.By prioritizing work on these conversions, we can offer more housing opportunities and create a new model for living that helps us connect with our neighbors.The next City Council is going to have to make some very difficult decisions regarding what to fund and how. What essential services must the city provide and how should the city sustainably fund them?This year, the Portland Bureau of Emergency Management’s budget was cut such that they now only have two staff members. This is irresponsible in a rapidly changing climate. In recent years, Portland has experienced deadly heat waves, ice storms, fires, and floods. These disasters will only become more common, and we need a robust emergency bureau to prepare us for that, especially situated as close as we are to the Cascadia Subduction Zone.This money can come from a variety of sources. It is my understanding that there is money set aside for new district offices for the new city councilors. In District 4, given that City Hall is in the district, it is unlikely that we will need our own office. Some of that money could be apportioned to PBEM. I would also like to decrease the Police Bureau’s budget for surveillance and munitions.Portlanders have approved many tax measures in the past decade – supporting affordable housing, free preschool programs and green energy initiatives. Are there specific taxes or levies you want eliminated or would choose to not renew? Are there specific taxes or levies you would support creating? Why?Portland has one of the highest tax rates of any large city, and yet there is little to show for it. That indicates that there are more efficient ways to spend the money. While I support the taxes and levies currently in place, it is the role of the new City Council to take a thorough look at the current budget and build in efficacy metrics (qualitatively as well as quantitatively) to ensure that the money is being spent wisely.That said, adapting to climate change and updating our infrastructure, especially our stormwater management systems, is going to be difficult and expensive. I would like to see known polluters in the city heavily taxed to create a pool of funds to support more resilient infrastructure systems for the city, which would improve our ability to weather impending climate disasters.Do you have any concerns with the changes coming to city elections and city governance? If so, what would you like to see change?While I understand that ranked-choice voting is an improvement on our previous voting system, the style of ranked-choice voting that the City selected is not the most mathematically sound and does not prevent all the pitfalls of our previous voting system. STAR voting would be more effective and would allow citizens to rank each candidate on a scale from one to five.In an election where there are more than two dozen candidates running in some districts, STAR voting would give each individual more of a say in who ultimately gets elected. With our current style of ranked-choice voting, citizens only rank six candidates, which creates many situations in which all the candidates an individual voted for are ultimately eliminated. In future years, I would like to see Portland switch to STAR voting.For the five remaining questions, we asked candidates to answer in 50 words or fewer:Do you favor arresting and jailing people who camp on public property in Portland who refuse repeated offers of shelter, such as the option to sleep in a city-designated tiny home cluster?No. There are many reasons someone would refuse shelter, and we need to listen to what each individual needs. Arresting an unhoused person is not going to help them. It would ultimately cost the city less to assign that person a case worker rather than put them in jail.Would you vote yes on a proposal to fund hundreds more police officers than the City Council has already authorized? Why or why not? How would the city pay for it?No. I would much rather see funding for alternatives to police. The very uniform triggers many unhoused, queer, and BIPOC individuals, and the city needs to think seriously about how to provide services and care rather than create more opportunities for dehumanization and criminalization.Do you support putting the Clean Energy Fund measure back on the ballot? What, if any changes, would you support?No. It would be a waste of time, effort, and money to put PCEF back on the ballot. The citizens have already approved it. The fund allows underserved zones of the city to make livability and sustainability improvements that positively affect many people.Which would you prioritize: Creation of more protected bike lanes and priority bus lanes or improved surfacing of existing degraded driving lanes?I will prioritize more protected bike lanes and priority bus lines. We need to shift away from being a car-dependent culture, especially as Portland grows. The safer and more enjoyable we make biking and public transit, the more people will use those methods of transportation.Have the problems impacting downtown Portland received too much or too little attention from current city leaders? Why?I do think there are a lot of problems facing downtown that deserve attention, but I also want to call attention to the fact that East Portland has been underserved for all of Portland’s official history, so we must holistically examine and balance the needs of all citizens.Read answers from other Portland City Council and mayoral candidates.

Honduran Anti-Mining Activist Who Fought to Save Rivers Is Killed

By Gustavo PalenciaTEGUCIGALPA, Honduras (Reuters) - An environmental activist who protested mining and hydro-electric projects in northern...

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras (Reuters) - An environmental activist who protested mining and hydro-electric projects in northern Honduras in an effort to preserve tropical forests and rivers has been killed, police said on Sunday.Juan Lopez was shot dead on Saturday night by several men as he headed home in his car from church, an official told Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity.Lopez belonged to the Municipal Committee for the Defense of Common and Public Goods, an environmental organization in the city of Tocoa on the country's Atlantic coast.Three other members of the group were killed last year in what the organization saw as retaliation, in a country that is one of the world's most dangerous for activists.The group had suffered threats and harassment for years amid efforts to preserve the Guapinol and San Pedro rivers, and the Carlos Escaleras nature reserve, amid the growing presence of mining and hydro-electric companies."We demand clear and conclusive answers, this government must answer for the killing of our colleague Juan Lopez," the group said in a post on social media.Last October, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights granted precautionary measures in favor of 30 members of the group and their legal representatives, including Lopez. It urged the Honduras government to strengthen its protection mechanisms.According to the commission, Lopez reported numerous threats, including from a gang member, a local businessperson, and a mining company representative. Since June, two men on motorcycles began appearing around his home, the commission said.The United Nations resident coordinator in Honduras, Alice Shackelford, said Lopez had been threatened for his activism, and she praised his efforts to stand up to powerful interests."We condemn the terrible murder of Juan Lopez, a human rights defender threatened for his work," she said in a post on social media.Latin America accounted for 85% of the world's environmentalists who were killed last year, according to UK advocacy group Global Witness, with 18 deaths registered in Honduras.(Reporting by Gustavo Palencia; Writing by Daina Beth Solomon; Editing by Leslie Adler)Copyright 2024 Thomson Reuters.

Confessions of a Former Carnivore

Nearly two decades on, the mask worn by the anarchist revolutionary in V for Vendetta still commands attention. One recent afternoon, four black-clad figures, all sporting the same maniacal visage, stood back-to-back in silence on a pedestrian plaza in downtown Jersey City, video flat-screens slung across their chests. Strolling couples, commuters, delivery cyclists, and families paused to check out the show, and one felt a grim poignance watching their expressions fall in real time as the images on the screens, hazy in the glare of the June sun, gradually came into focus: baby chicks tumbling live into industrial grinders; pigs writhing and gasping for breath in CO2 gas chambers; steer bellowing in stunned agony after receiving a bolt to the head.What might first appear an instance of street theater was instead a carefully designed intervention—known as a Cube of Truth—staged by the activist group Anonymous for the Voiceless. The video clips were from the documentary Dominion. Made up of hidden-camera and drone footage captured by animal rights organizers, the 2018 feature has won a slew of awards and been streamed more than five million times on YouTube. I urge anyone willing to contend with the less pleasant aspects of our food system to give it a look, but this is not light entertainment. The Internet Movie Database classifies it as “documentary/horror,” and the film’s website offers self-care resources for traumatized viewers.Displaying clips of what some might consider a snuff film to unwitting passersby is undoubtedly a bare-knuckled strategy. But for AV’s devoted volunteers, such measures are the only way to counteract an elaborate apparatus of erasure—crafted over decades, inculcated by parents and teachers, financed by industry, subsidized by government, and underpinned by legislation—designed to sever the connection between the food on our plates and the industrialized mass violence that put it there.There’s good reason for this obfuscation. Few of us want to see innocent creatures suffer and die, and we prefer to know as little about it as possible. (Congratulations on having read this far.) For members of AV, shattering our complacency is just the first step. Then comes what the group calls “outreach,” engaging onlookers in conversation about how their choices as consumers perpetuate practices they view as abhorrent.At one point, I watched Vittorio Chiparo, a reedy 30-year-old Sicilian immigrant who became vegan three years ago, chat with a middle-aged couple. Warily, they agreed to give him just one minute of their time. After haggling to get an additional 30 seconds, he took a deep breath and launched into what was essentially an elevator pitch for basic compassion. “This,” he told them, gesturing toward the gruesome images on the video monitors, “is standard, even for products with the label ‘organic,’ ‘grass fed,’ ‘local,’ ‘humane,’ and so on. If you are personally against animal abuse, but you pay for these products, you’re basically going against your own values. And that makes you a hypocrite.” I thought I detected a stiffening in his listeners when he said the word. Chiparo then made a quick pivot, addressing his own culpability and offering a remedy. “So that’s what made me go vegan,” he went on. “I realized I was responsible for this pain and violence, and I knew I wanted to align my actions with my values.”After an exchange of pleasantries, Chiparo moved along to his next outreach. I hung back to ask what the couple, who declined to share their names, thought of his arguments. The man said the spiel had been “overly simplified” before conceding that he had, after all, demanded the abridged version. He seemed to think “changing how we actually farm foods” might be a more reasonable answer than forgoing animal products entirely.Neither he nor his companion was ready to go vegan, but the conversation had made them think. “When you’re honest, people appreciate it,” Chiparo told me later. “They get the urgency of the message. I’ve learned, speak the truth. Don’t just bullshit around. I call them hypocrites, and they want to shake my hand. They’re like, ‘Thank you!’”Having adopted a vegan diet myself just a few years ago, following decades of blissful unconcern and another few years of guilty but defiant self-indulgence, I’ve found myself increasingly mystified by our culture’s intractable attachment to using animals for food. Why, given the growing plethora of decent alternatives and the many reasons to forswear meat, dairy, and, yes, seafood—self-evidently good reasons, involving ethics, personal health, environmental devastation, and social justice—aren’t more of us doing it? Why are so many otherwise thoughtful, conscientious, and deeply caring individuals so willing to cause so much suffering for the most trifling and transient of gratifications?And relatedly, what took me so long?There was a Brief moment when America’s postwar love affair with meat and dairy products seemed finally to be coming to an end. Vegan cuisine, long known for its sprouts-forward austerity, was embracing a decadent, sexy new aesthetic (e.g., fast-food chain Slutty Vegan). Google searches for veganism doubled. “Alternative milks” were elbowing the old-school stuff off supermarket shelves. Schools and workplaces were declaring Meatless Mondays. And alternative-meat startups were posting unicorn-level valuations. Beyond Meat’s 2019 IPO was the most successful by a major company in nearly two decades. Meanwhile, by 2020, Anonymous for the Voiceless, launched by two friends in Melbourne, had grown to more than 1,000 chapters around the world.And then it all kind of fizzled. When the coronavirus forced a pause in AV’s in-person outreach efforts, the group’s momentum stalled. McDonald’s ended its experiment with the McPlant due to soft demand. As of early August, a share of Beyond Meat Inc. could be had for less than a four-pack of its Hot Italian sausages. Meanwhile, a slew of YouTubers who’d become successful touting the health benefits of various plant-based diets jumped on new wellness bandwagons, and the “Why I’m no longer vegan” volte-face became a genre of its own. “Me and a few other girls were vegan and all kind of denounced or went back on that, like, ‘We’re not vegan anymore,’” recovering wellness influencer Leigh Tilghman (@leefromamerica) told me. Those who become vegan out of concern for animal welfare, known as “ethical vegans,” are believed to be more likely to stick with it than those who adopt the diet primarily for health reasons, like Tilghman. Though her reintroduction of meat enraged some followers, she noted that it also juiced engagement (“Any big reveal is going to get eyeballs”). Indeed: Another popular influencer who made the switch, Alyse Parker, landed a segment on Good Morning America and a sponsorship deal with a meat subscription company.And they don’t call them influencers for nothing. According to Gallup, the percentage of Americans identifying as vegan has fallen from 3 percent in 2018 to just 1 percent now (4 percent profess vegetarianism, forswearing meat but not dairy and eggs).When Noah Hyams, the founder of the “plant-based business community” Vegpreneur, held his first networking event at a New York restaurant in 2018, turnout was so large that late arrivals were kept waiting until the crowd thinned out. Many of those founders have since moved on to other endeavors, he told me. “There was a lot of hype,” he explained. Food startups were being treated like tech companies, and the enthusiasm may have inflated the industry beyond actual demand.And yet the argument for a mass transition away from animal products has, if anything, grown more urgent. The cruelty inherent in the system remains, although an array of “ag-gag” laws have sought to protect the industry from public scrutiny. Slaughterhouses and meatpacking plants exploit immigrant workers, some of them children, who routinely suffer serious workplace injuries. (When ninth grader Duvan Robert Tomas Perez was killed by a machine at a Mississippi chicken plant in 2023, he became the third worker to die in an accident at that facility in a year.) Meanwhile, even as the meat lobby leans into the free-lunch fantasy of “regenerative agriculture,” the vast majority of poultry and pigs (more than 98 percent) and even cows (70 percent) are actually the products of what the United States Department of Agriculture calls “concentrated animal feeding operations,” or CAFOs. Better known as factory farms, they are disproportionally sited in low-income and minority areas, where they issue hazardous levels of ammonia and animal waste and create ideal breeding grounds for new pathogens, like the avian flu, which has spread to cattle and humans, and may well mutate further, creating another pandemic.As for climate change, animal agriculture accounts for as much as 19.6 percent of greenhouse gas emissions, according to one recent estimate. That said, global warming is only part of the sector’s environmental footprint, as John Sanbonmatsu, a scholar of critical animal studies and associate professor of philosophy at Worcester Polytechnic Institute, pointed out. “It’s depletion of the soil,” he explained. “It’s the way all the freshwater is being pumped out of the ground.” It’s deforestation “destroying all the biotic diversity of the planet.” Animal agriculture and the fishing industry, he asserted, “are the most ecologically destructive forces on the earth.”Psychologist Albert Bandura pioneered the idea of moral disengagement, the psychological mechanism by which people preserve a belief in their own fundamental goodness even while doing harm. Bandura found practitioners of “self-exoneration” just about everywhere he looked—from cyberbullies and terrorists to gun manufacturers and the architects of the 2008 financial crisis. He also drew attention to the societal tendency to justify various atrocities by “dehumanizing” the victims—calling them beasts, animals, vermin, etc. But when it came to the treatment of actual animals, Bandura evidently practiced some disengagement of his own. The topic never appears to have come up.Nonetheless, the so-called meat paradox—the common tendency to profess one’s love for animals even while unnecessarily exploiting them for food—has attracted considerable attention from scholars of social psychology, and for good reason. There may be no human activity at once as widespread, deeply cherished, and fraught with moral conflict. “People have a lot of sentimental attachments to animals,” Sanbonmatsu said. “And at the same time, the same people say brutally killing them in the billions and trillions is not only morally unobjectionable but it’s even the best way to live a human life.”“It’s hard to think of a better example of routinely performing self-serving activities at a harmful cost to others,” agreed João Carlos Graça, a professor of sociology and economics at the University of Lisbon, and author of a 2015 study that applied Bandura’s framework to the consumption of meat. Indeed, the full menu of psychic evasions available to the guilty carnivore rivals the bounteous offerings of a typical Greek diner. Hank Rothgerber, a professor of psychology at Bellarmine University, has spent more than a decade studying the issue. “We can talk abstractly about certain values or beliefs we hold, but this is one where you can’t really fake it,” he said. “Diet is where the rubber meets the road.” In 2019, Rothgerber published a scientific paper in the international social science journal Appetite, in which he explored a phenomenon he called “meat-related cognitive dissonance”—a feeling of psychic distress, or “aversive arousal,” arising from the desire to eat meat while simultaneously maintaining one’s positive self-image.Rothgerber has identified 14 distinct strategies by which people manage this psychological conflict. By far the most popular is to avoid it altogether, which turns out to be remarkably easy to do. Unless we stumble across, say, a Cube of Truth or a magazine article (again, congrats for making it this far), our choice to eat animal products will be validated at every turn. The conditioning begins in childhood, when we’re taught to love meat and dairy products before we even know what they are. Then there’s our language, which makes powerful use of euphemism. Philosopher Joan Dunayer, in her 2001 book, Animal Equality: Language and Liberation, declared words “that specify cut of flesh or manner of preparation”—cutlet, pastrami, sirloin—to be “morally irresponsible because they obliterate the victims and their murder.” (That said, lexical precision doesn’t always help; as Homer Simpson once put it, “Lisa, get a hold of yourself! This is laaamb, not ‘a lamb.’”)Unsurprisingly, Dunayer’s preferred terminology (“cow-flesh industry” for beef industry, etc.) has yet to penetrate the mainstream, although when one activist at the Cube told me of his decision to renounce “animal secretions,” he extinguished for all time whatever secret cravings for mozzarella I still harbored. Meanwhile, Dunayer has hardly been alone in taking note of how consumer behavior is framed by linguistic choices. The meat industry has furiously lobbied to prohibit plant-based alternatives from using words like meat and steak. And as Dunayer reported, the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association has urged members to avoid the word slaughter, suggesting that they “substitute process or harvest, or say that animals ‘go to market.’”Speaking of market, the old-school butcher shops, where customers might once have found body parts such as heads, intestines, blood, and feet, leading to uncomfortable associations with a dead animal, have long since given way to upscale groceries filled with neat packages of sirloin tips and breast tenderloins—“mechanisms designed to keep this illusion festering,” Rothgerber said.Those of us who were around when New York’s meatpacking district was still “in transition” may recall the queasy experience of stumbling from a club in the wee hours only to encounter a throng of corpses swaying from hooks, effluvia blackening the cobblestones. But in New York as elsewhere, such displays have long since been shuffled out of view.Willful ignorance still fails us on occasion, at which point carnivores are faced with a choice. Either alter their diet, or select from a bad-faith buffet of defensive countermeasures.That said, willful ignorance still fails us on occasion, at which point, Rothgerber observes, carnivores are faced with a choice. Either alter their diet, or select from a bad-faith buffet of defensive countermeasures. Among the most potent are what have been termed the “4 Ns”: claiming that meat is necessary (Where else will we get protein?); natural (What do you think cavemen ate?); and nice (I could never live without cheese). Fortifying all of the above is the most overwhelming “n” of all, that it’s just normal. The most open-minded, progressive person will “still know lots of people like you who eat meat,” Rothgerber explained. “So you can use those individuals. ‘Well, if they’re still eating meat, it must be OK.’ There’s no panic or sense of like, ‘I’m out of step.’” Other “direct justifications,” as he terms them, include denigrating the victims (insisting that farm animals lack intelligence or the capacity to suffer) and claiming that our domination of the animal kingdom is divinely ordained or “just the way things are.”Rothgerber said such direct strategies are more popular among conservatives, for whom moral arguments like those made by AV often backfire. In such cases, appeals to health tend to have more traction.Then there are the somewhat more sophisticated rationalizations, the “indirect strategies,” typically deployed by those who, while ruefully condemning the practice of abusing animals for food, are nonetheless determined to keep doing so. Such people may convince themselves, as I long did, that they eat meat less frequently than they really do. They may highlight what they see as the negative qualities of vegans, framing them as annoying, fanatical, humorless, effeminate, or just kind of weird, what Rothgerber calls “do-gooder derogation” (a weapon long wielded against progressives of all stripes). Spotting perceived acts of hypocrisy among vegans is another favored approach, as if any hint of imperfection (“Is that a leather belt?”) instantly renders the issue moot. Off-loading responsibility to third parties—grocers or restaurants for failing to offer better vegan options, one’s children for being too fussy, or the factory-farm system as a whole—is another venerable technique. So is shifting focus to one’s other social contributions, such as donating to environmental nonprofits.There’s at least one more popular escape hatch: buying “humane” products—free-range chicken, grass-fed beef, eggs from cage-free hens, and so on. “It’s what I call the myth of the Enlightened Omnivore,” said John Sanbonmatsu. “You look at the liberal left; they love the discourse of humane agriculture and sustainability. It gives them the patina of an environmentalist ethos without actually having one.”Sanbonmatsu’s forthcoming book, The Omnivore’s Deception: What We Get Wrong About Meat, Animals, and Ourselves, is a sharp denunciation of what he calls “the new American pastoral—a romanticization of what is in fact a relation of domination of humans over other beings.” As the title indicates, he is especially critical of Michael Pollan, whose 2006 bestseller The Omnivore’s Dilemma provided a “rhetorical scaffolding,” as Sanbonmatsu puts it, for maintaining eating habits that remain as destructive as ever. Nearly two decades after the book’s publication, he reports, “99 percent of meat, eggs, and dairy today still comes from animals raised in intensive confinement.”Sanbonmatsu takes particular issue with what he considers Pollan’s central thesis, the idea that “simply by supporting local farmers, seeking out fresh foods, and sitting at table with family and friends for luxurious meals, we could all be food revolutionaries.” The incoherence of this vision becomes obvious “when you get into the nuts and bolts of how animal agriculture works,” he explained. “You’ve got to sexually reproduce billions of beings, you’ve got to house them, feed them, and then kill them—forever? And you’re gonna do that without causing them suffering?”Pollan’s foodie bible is notably dismissive of vegans. The author declares animal rights an ideology that “could only thrive in a world where people have lost contact with the natural world,” and describes the “vegan utopia” that rejects animal products as “parochial.” Perhaps more utopian, though, is the notion that the small-scale farms he mythologizes could ever begin to feed the world’s 8.2 billion people without a wholesale change in dietary patterns. While the United Nations has come out in favor of regenerative agriculture (a set of more sustainable farming practices), calling it “affordable and effective,” for example, it also nonetheless makes clear that a transition to plant-based diets is a “a logical first step as nearly 80% of total agricultural land is dedicated to feed and livestock production while providing less than 20% of the world’s food calories.”Even as Pollan’s book was garnering ecstatic reviews, scientists working with the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization were readying a major report on the climate impacts of the livestock industry, which found that animal agriculture was “one of the largest sources of greenhouse gases and one of the leading causal factors in the loss of biodiversity.”The Omnivore’s Dilemma doesn’t mention methane, the heat-trapping gas (some 28 times more potent than CO2) that wafts heavenward with every ruminant belch. It touches briefly on nitrous oxide (nearly 300 times as potent), critiquing the overuse of nitrogen fertilizers, but fails to note that a significant portion of N2O comes from animal manure. Pollan suggests that we could mitigate agriculture-related atmospheric warming by converting all the farmland devoted to feed crops to pasture instead. Unfortunately, no such conversion has happened; instead, the popularity of the sort of grass-finished beef championed in the book has led to rampant deforestation in Brazil and elsewhere, with the attendant collapse of biodiversity. Moreover, it turns out that transitioning the U.S. beef industry to grass-only feeding would require 30 percent more livestock—each of which would produce 43 percent more methane.I hadn’t read The Omnivore’s Dilemma until I began researching this story, but it was under the sway of the same Arcadian fetish Pollan helped popularize that my family and I decided, in the Covid summer of 2020, to decamp from our Brooklyn apartment to a tumbledown clapboard house on a 44-acre former dairy farm in the western Catskills. Like so many urbanites, we’d long harbored inchoate primeval yearnings: for dirt, physical labor, night skies exploding with stars. The virus, punctuated by the unceasing wail of ambulance sirens, supplied just enough urgency to get us moving.In retrospect, I think I was less worried that the world might change forever than that it might not. Our lives, at least, would be different. I ordered a subscription to Self-Reliance magazine and assembled a library of Foxfire books and other back-to-the-land classics. We’d learn to pickle, can, chop wood, tap, forage, garden, fish in our own stream, and perhaps—if I could persuade our new neighbor to take me out one morning—even hunt. Eventually, I bought a used tractor (charmingly classified as a subcompact) and an assortment of 3-point implements. We built a big fenced-in garden, covered it with salvaged cardboard, and called in 15 yards of compost. Naturally, there was talk of animals: goats, pigs, maybe a mule. A neighbor had bison, which would cut a handsome figure, I thought, on our craggy hillside. We started small, with chickens.Contrary to Pollan’s lofty claim, I think it was precisely our new experiences with the natural world—sharing a landscape with deer, raccoons, groundhogs, snakes, foxes, eagles, frogs, fish, and so on, and getting to know farmers in our area—that led us to begin appreciating living animals more than dead ones. One day, we all went to volunteer at a small cooperative farm run on regenerative principles, precisely the sort of place in which Pollan sees the possibility of a soulful agrarian restoration. My middle kid, Russell, chatted with one co-op member about his experience slaughtering broiler hens for the local community-supported agriculture group and was struck by how troubled the man was as he described the chore. By this time, Russell had come to know our own chickens as individuals, occasionally sitting in the coop while they crowded into his lap. A few days after our visit to the co-op, he announced his decision to go vegan.In the weeks that followed, Russell and I had a series of dialogues about my ongoing carnism. I adopted a fatherly tone of broadmindedness and ecumenicism. The world is a complicated place, I sermonized, and that’s what makes it interesting. Black-and-white thinking, blind dogma, and reductionism are intellectual traps to be avoided at all costs. I pointed out that I’m a journalist and therefore strive to be objective, nonjudgmental, and adventuresome. I told him one must never say never. Unwittingly echoing an argument of Pollan’s, I asserted the value of being an easygoing guest when invited to dinner parties and barbecues. Besides, I insisted, “I’m pretty much vegetarian anyway.”Though Russell was by this point impressively well-armed with an array of arguments—he had seen Dominion and was soon to don his own Guy Fawkes mask as a member of AV—he didn’t bother to recite them. I knew the broad outlines, of course, and he knew that I knew. Instead, he looked me full in the face, apprising me evenly, with a serious, uncompromising expression. “Dad,” he said. “This is really happening.”Something in that clear, unimpeachable formulation, in the way it called bullshit on all my rationalizations in one go, was precisely what I needed to hear. Changing my diet was a process for me, as it is for many vegans. PETA co-founder Ingrid Newkirk, for instance, told me she was “slow to change,” making the switch “one animal, or taxon, at a time.” For a while, I still enjoyed an occasional egg from our chickens (that is, when I could snag one before Russell threw them into the run for the hens to feast on). And once in a while, on finding myself at a local diner and not especially tempted by the “side salad,” I’d indulge in a grilled cheese. Gradually, however, the appeal just sort of faded, until it became harder to rationalize the caveats than simply to move on.Meanwhile, Russell’s admonition seems to have short-circuited a proclivity I didn’t even know I’d acquired, an ability to take in the dire facts of a given situation while distancing myself from their implications. In time, his words became a kind of gravitational mantra, pulling me back down to Earth as I struggled to absorb the latest news about the devastation of the climate, about the carnage in Gaza, about the sputtering of democracy, and on and on.In the latter half of the last decade, as red-meat sales were declining and excitement about plant-based alternatives was reaching a fever pitch, the beef industry received a welcome gift in the form of an old-school TV drama. Debuting in 2018, Yellowstone was the defiantly atavistic saga of wealthy cattleman John Dutton, played by Kevin Costner, fighting to hang on to his expansive Montana ranch. Despite airing on a second-tier cable network, it soon became the most popular show on television. Big Beef couldn’t have wished for a better P.R. vehicle—a gorgeously produced modern-day Western starring one of the world’s top movie stars, shrink-wrapping their benighted product in such all-American virtues as honor, hard work, family, cowboy stoicism, and the masculine exercise of power. Better yet, the only animals viewers would see getting brutalized were the human ones, a parade of city slickers, hired goons, journalists, and one very unlucky officer of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, who dared to challenge Dutton’s sovereignty.The show didn’t take on animal rights directly until season four, in which dozens of activists arrive in town to protest “the mass murder of millions of animals every year,” in the words of organizer Summer Higgins, played by Piper Perabo.“You ever plow a field, Summer? To plant quinoa or sorghum or whatever the hell it is you eat?” Dutton replies with withering contempt. “You kill everything on the ground and under it. You kill every snake, every frog, every mouse, mole, vole, worm, quail—you kill ’em all. So I guess the only real question is, how cute does an animal have to be before you care if it dies to feed you?” (Stung and speechless, Higgins obviously has no choice but to sleep with him.)Dutton’s argument is one often lobbed at vegans. As Pollan put it, “The grain that the vegan eats is harvested with a combine that shreds field mice, while the farmer’s tractor wheel crushes woodchucks in their burrows.... If America were suddenly to adopt a strictly vegetarian diet, it isn’t at all clear that the total number of animals killed each year would necessarily decline.” What this rebuttal fails to account for is that around 40 percent of the world’s cropland is actually devoted to growing animal feed. So yes, some critters may be killed due to the industrial farming of soybeans, corn, and other crops, but a vegan diet is killing considerably fewer. Perhaps more important, studies indicate that global agricultural land use could be reduced by as much as 75 percent if the world adopted a plant-based diet. “Ultimately, we can grow more food on less land, and rewild the rest,” according to Nicholas Carter, director of environmental science for the Game Changers Institute. “Honestly, it’s a complete lack of understanding of how we use land around the world. I mean, how do you think these animals are fed?”Yellowstone creator, showrunner, writer, and sometime actor Taylor Sheridan is hardly a neutral observer. In 2022, he became principal owner of the 260,000-acre Four Sixes Ranch in northwest Texas, which sells its products online (offering a Reserve First Cut Brisket for $75) and will soon be the centerpiece of its own series, 6666. Last year, Sheridan was a keynote speaker at CattleCon, the annual convention of the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association.Given that Yellowstone remains a phenomenon of the heartland, preaching largely to the red-meat choir, its ability to drive the public conversation is limited. But it represents just a small part of the multifront battle for hearts, minds, and stomachs being waged by the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association and other Big Ag lobbyists, P.R. flacks, industry-financed researchers, influencers, and advocacy groups.These meat and dairy interests have been extraordinarily successful at shaping public opinion. Carter recently published a comprehensive study of industry propaganda. One of the most successful campaigns he found was a coordinated response to the 2019 EAT-Lancet “Food in the Anthropocene” report. If you’ve never heard of this extraordinary three-year study by an international commission of 37 scientists, which called for “a radical transformation of the global food system” and concluded that worldwide consumption of unhealthy foods, such as red meat and sugar, would need to be cut in half by 2050 to protect human health and that of the planet, there’s a reason. A week before its expected release, the industry-funded CLEAR Center launched a massive, coordinated internet campaign called #YesToMeat that effectively buried it. “When you have lots of time to kind of create stories and marketing, and you don’t need to necessarily use facts, you can win over lots of people and derail progress,” Carter observed.Another more overt campaign was the handiwork of the Center for Consumer Freedom. An industry-financed astroturf organization, now known as the Center for Organizational Research and Education, it was founded by P.R. man Richard Berman in 1995 with funding from Philip Morris, in order to, as Berman wrote in an internal memo that became public as a result of the anti-Big Tobacco litigation, “defend ... consumers and marketing programs from anti-smoking, anti-drinking, anti-meat activists.” A quarter-century later, the front group was still at it, running a 2020 Super Bowl ad in which a series of young spelling bee contestants are bewildered by the ingredients used in plant-based burgers—part of a sweeping effort to demonize such products and clean up beef’s image. Another target is so-called cultivated meat, the manufacture and sale of which has already been banned in Florida, with the explicit goal of protecting industry interests. In all, Carter’s dossier runs to 120 pages.Overwhelming as this sprawling effort may seem, it betrays a profound insecurity. Corporate purveyors of animal products are every bit as aware as the “abolitionists” of AV that our diet is largely a function of cultural norms, and that such norms are far from stable. That said, given our many political crises, it’s not unreasonable to wonder whether a focus on animal rights isn’t a massive distraction. A Muslim American I met at the Cube of Truth wondered why activists were displaying images of animal cruelty rather than, say, the ongoing suffering in Gaza. “I think people believe that caring is divisible, and we only have so much of it,” Carol J. Adams, author of The Sexual Politics of Meat, told me. But empathy, compassion, love—these are best seen not as finite substances to dole out sparingly, but as skills to be cultivated. They grow easier with practice. In that sense, eschewing animal products is an act of social justice, part of a comprehensive battle against sexism, racism, homophobia, and other forms of oppression—one reason, perhaps, why vegetarian and vegan diets are more common among progressives, women, and Black Americans.That also helps explain why far-right political figures champion the consumption of beef and milk as totems of masculinity and denigrate “soy boys.” (Never mind the evidence linking full-fat dairy consumption with reduced sperm quality, as well as cancers of the prostate and testicles.) If the elaborate social hierarchy that has long placed affluent white men at the top rests to some extent on a foundation of animal exploitation, rejecting our own place in this architecture of dominance, beginning with the food we eat, seems a logical first step in creating a more just world. “As long as people will shed the blood of innocent creatures there can be no peace, no liberty, no harmony between people,” Isaac Bashevis Singer said. “Slaughter and justice cannot dwell together.”“Anima” is Latin for the life force, the spirit, the vital principle. The word also connotes wind or breath, a paradoxical essence at once invisible and replete with ineffable substance. It’s the root of animation, animism, and of course animal. This divine gift is what must be cast aside, through what can only be described as violence, in order to turn a cow into smashburgers, a sow into strips of bacon, a chicken into “tendies.”While the statistics are staggering—the system churns through 150,000 animals every minute—these big numbers can make it hard to comprehend what is, to my mind, a more disturbing reality: Each “broiler hen,” each catfish, every single lamb, is an individual. While their inner lives surely differ from ours, they’re probably not as remote as we like to think. There’s a reason, after all, that people spend $136.8 billion annually on their pets and populate our feeds with videos of their antics. Not only do animals have unique personalities, readily apparent when we bother to look, they have desires, fears, and yearnings just as we do—less complicated perhaps but no less worthy of respect and decency.The Inuit didn’t have a lot of plant-based options when anthropologist Knud Rasmussen visited the community of Iglulik more than a century ago. They hunted seal, caribou, whale, and other animals. But their understanding of what that meant couldn’t have been more different than ours. “The greatest peril of life lies in the fact that human food consists entirely of souls,” Ivaluartjuk, a grizzled ballad-singer, told Rasmussen. “All creatures which we have to kill and eat, all those that we have to strike down and destroy to make clothes for ourselves, have souls as we have, souls that do not perish and which therefore must be propitiated lest they revenge themselves on us for taking away their bodies.”What I find criminal about our food system is not so much that it brings so many innocent creatures into this world only to condemn them to suffer and die for our pleasure, but that it so ruthlessly commodifies the process, turning anima, like clockwork, into a waste product—life itself rendered a kind of refuse.Russell disagrees. “No. It’s both,” he scribbled in the margin after I let him read an early draft of this essay: “Animals don’t care about our attitude when killing or hurting them.” As usual, my son has a point. And yet, as much as I’m disturbed by all the mistreatment and slaughter, and feel grateful to have finally stepped away from the overladen sideboard, I remain even more horrified by a collective madness that now imperils our own species and so many others, lunacy of which I’ve come to regard animal agriculture as only the most salient manifestation.In the 1970s, chemist James Lovelock and biologist Lynn Margulis put forth what they called the Gaia hypothesis, which proposed that living creatures and the environment co-evolved—shaping and nurturing one another over time. As the effects of global warming are increasingly apparent, this once radical-sounding idea has come to seem self-evident. Initially, some readers misunderstood the theory, imagining Gaia as a perfect self-regulating system that could absorb and counterbalance whatever damage humans saw fit to do. In The Ages of Gaia, Lovelock clarified his meaning. Gaia, he wrote, “is stern and tough, always keeping the world warm and comfortable for those who obey the rules, but ruthless in her destruction of those who transgress.”Lovelock was wrong in one key respect. The destruction he describes has been visited mostly on the obedient—not only those nonhuman animals trapped in our food system, but the world’s wildlife, which has declined by two-thirds due to habitat loss since the Gaia theory was introduced. The transgression began centuries ago, when the grand prerogatives of scientific rationalism met the flywheel of capitalist exploitation—and then it just kept getting worse. Whether you prefer to conceive it in spiritual terms or purely as a matter of degrees Celsius, at some point we have to acknowledge: This is really happening.Perhaps we resist this truth because we feel powerless to do anything about it, and as individuals, for the most part, we are. That said, the reason we’re omnivores in the first place is that our distant ancestors were forced to survive on a wide variety of foods, and then learned to use fire to make others more palatable. It’s only thanks to their dietary flexibility that we’re here at all to ponder our gustatory “dilemmas.” Altering our diet once more is something we actually can do—not only mitigating the ruination of the world that sustains our existence, but reimagining our relationship to that world and to the living creatures, human and nonhuman alike, with whom we’re privileged to share it.

Nearly two decades on, the mask worn by the anarchist revolutionary in V for Vendetta still commands attention. One recent afternoon, four black-clad figures, all sporting the same maniacal visage, stood back-to-back in silence on a pedestrian plaza in downtown Jersey City, video flat-screens slung across their chests. Strolling couples, commuters, delivery cyclists, and families paused to check out the show, and one felt a grim poignance watching their expressions fall in real time as the images on the screens, hazy in the glare of the June sun, gradually came into focus: baby chicks tumbling live into industrial grinders; pigs writhing and gasping for breath in CO2 gas chambers; steer bellowing in stunned agony after receiving a bolt to the head.What might first appear an instance of street theater was instead a carefully designed intervention—known as a Cube of Truth—staged by the activist group Anonymous for the Voiceless. The video clips were from the documentary Dominion. Made up of hidden-camera and drone footage captured by animal rights organizers, the 2018 feature has won a slew of awards and been streamed more than five million times on YouTube. I urge anyone willing to contend with the less pleasant aspects of our food system to give it a look, but this is not light entertainment. The Internet Movie Database classifies it as “documentary/horror,” and the film’s website offers self-care resources for traumatized viewers.Displaying clips of what some might consider a snuff film to unwitting passersby is undoubtedly a bare-knuckled strategy. But for AV’s devoted volunteers, such measures are the only way to counteract an elaborate apparatus of erasure—crafted over decades, inculcated by parents and teachers, financed by industry, subsidized by government, and underpinned by legislation—designed to sever the connection between the food on our plates and the industrialized mass violence that put it there.There’s good reason for this obfuscation. Few of us want to see innocent creatures suffer and die, and we prefer to know as little about it as possible. (Congratulations on having read this far.) For members of AV, shattering our complacency is just the first step. Then comes what the group calls “outreach,” engaging onlookers in conversation about how their choices as consumers perpetuate practices they view as abhorrent.At one point, I watched Vittorio Chiparo, a reedy 30-year-old Sicilian immigrant who became vegan three years ago, chat with a middle-aged couple. Warily, they agreed to give him just one minute of their time. After haggling to get an additional 30 seconds, he took a deep breath and launched into what was essentially an elevator pitch for basic compassion. “This,” he told them, gesturing toward the gruesome images on the video monitors, “is standard, even for products with the label ‘organic,’ ‘grass fed,’ ‘local,’ ‘humane,’ and so on. If you are personally against animal abuse, but you pay for these products, you’re basically going against your own values. And that makes you a hypocrite.” I thought I detected a stiffening in his listeners when he said the word. Chiparo then made a quick pivot, addressing his own culpability and offering a remedy. “So that’s what made me go vegan,” he went on. “I realized I was responsible for this pain and violence, and I knew I wanted to align my actions with my values.”After an exchange of pleasantries, Chiparo moved along to his next outreach. I hung back to ask what the couple, who declined to share their names, thought of his arguments. The man said the spiel had been “overly simplified” before conceding that he had, after all, demanded the abridged version. He seemed to think “changing how we actually farm foods” might be a more reasonable answer than forgoing animal products entirely.Neither he nor his companion was ready to go vegan, but the conversation had made them think. “When you’re honest, people appreciate it,” Chiparo told me later. “They get the urgency of the message. I’ve learned, speak the truth. Don’t just bullshit around. I call them hypocrites, and they want to shake my hand. They’re like, ‘Thank you!’”Having adopted a vegan diet myself just a few years ago, following decades of blissful unconcern and another few years of guilty but defiant self-indulgence, I’ve found myself increasingly mystified by our culture’s intractable attachment to using animals for food. Why, given the growing plethora of decent alternatives and the many reasons to forswear meat, dairy, and, yes, seafood—self-evidently good reasons, involving ethics, personal health, environmental devastation, and social justice—aren’t more of us doing it? Why are so many otherwise thoughtful, conscientious, and deeply caring individuals so willing to cause so much suffering for the most trifling and transient of gratifications?And relatedly, what took me so long?There was a Brief moment when America’s postwar love affair with meat and dairy products seemed finally to be coming to an end. Vegan cuisine, long known for its sprouts-forward austerity, was embracing a decadent, sexy new aesthetic (e.g., fast-food chain Slutty Vegan). Google searches for veganism doubled. “Alternative milks” were elbowing the old-school stuff off supermarket shelves. Schools and workplaces were declaring Meatless Mondays. And alternative-meat startups were posting unicorn-level valuations. Beyond Meat’s 2019 IPO was the most successful by a major company in nearly two decades. Meanwhile, by 2020, Anonymous for the Voiceless, launched by two friends in Melbourne, had grown to more than 1,000 chapters around the world.And then it all kind of fizzled. When the coronavirus forced a pause in AV’s in-person outreach efforts, the group’s momentum stalled. McDonald’s ended its experiment with the McPlant due to soft demand. As of early August, a share of Beyond Meat Inc. could be had for less than a four-pack of its Hot Italian sausages. Meanwhile, a slew of YouTubers who’d become successful touting the health benefits of various plant-based diets jumped on new wellness bandwagons, and the “Why I’m no longer vegan” volte-face became a genre of its own. “Me and a few other girls were vegan and all kind of denounced or went back on that, like, ‘We’re not vegan anymore,’” recovering wellness influencer Leigh Tilghman (@leefromamerica) told me. Those who become vegan out of concern for animal welfare, known as “ethical vegans,” are believed to be more likely to stick with it than those who adopt the diet primarily for health reasons, like Tilghman. Though her reintroduction of meat enraged some followers, she noted that it also juiced engagement (“Any big reveal is going to get eyeballs”). Indeed: Another popular influencer who made the switch, Alyse Parker, landed a segment on Good Morning America and a sponsorship deal with a meat subscription company.And they don’t call them influencers for nothing. According to Gallup, the percentage of Americans identifying as vegan has fallen from 3 percent in 2018 to just 1 percent now (4 percent profess vegetarianism, forswearing meat but not dairy and eggs).When Noah Hyams, the founder of the “plant-based business community” Vegpreneur, held his first networking event at a New York restaurant in 2018, turnout was so large that late arrivals were kept waiting until the crowd thinned out. Many of those founders have since moved on to other endeavors, he told me. “There was a lot of hype,” he explained. Food startups were being treated like tech companies, and the enthusiasm may have inflated the industry beyond actual demand.And yet the argument for a mass transition away from animal products has, if anything, grown more urgent. The cruelty inherent in the system remains, although an array of “ag-gag” laws have sought to protect the industry from public scrutiny. Slaughterhouses and meatpacking plants exploit immigrant workers, some of them children, who routinely suffer serious workplace injuries. (When ninth grader Duvan Robert Tomas Perez was killed by a machine at a Mississippi chicken plant in 2023, he became the third worker to die in an accident at that facility in a year.) Meanwhile, even as the meat lobby leans into the free-lunch fantasy of “regenerative agriculture,” the vast majority of poultry and pigs (more than 98 percent) and even cows (70 percent) are actually the products of what the United States Department of Agriculture calls “concentrated animal feeding operations,” or CAFOs. Better known as factory farms, they are disproportionally sited in low-income and minority areas, where they issue hazardous levels of ammonia and animal waste and create ideal breeding grounds for new pathogens, like the avian flu, which has spread to cattle and humans, and may well mutate further, creating another pandemic.As for climate change, animal agriculture accounts for as much as 19.6 percent of greenhouse gas emissions, according to one recent estimate. That said, global warming is only part of the sector’s environmental footprint, as John Sanbonmatsu, a scholar of critical animal studies and associate professor of philosophy at Worcester Polytechnic Institute, pointed out. “It’s depletion of the soil,” he explained. “It’s the way all the freshwater is being pumped out of the ground.” It’s deforestation “destroying all the biotic diversity of the planet.” Animal agriculture and the fishing industry, he asserted, “are the most ecologically destructive forces on the earth.”Psychologist Albert Bandura pioneered the idea of moral disengagement, the psychological mechanism by which people preserve a belief in their own fundamental goodness even while doing harm. Bandura found practitioners of “self-exoneration” just about everywhere he looked—from cyberbullies and terrorists to gun manufacturers and the architects of the 2008 financial crisis. He also drew attention to the societal tendency to justify various atrocities by “dehumanizing” the victims—calling them beasts, animals, vermin, etc. But when it came to the treatment of actual animals, Bandura evidently practiced some disengagement of his own. The topic never appears to have come up.Nonetheless, the so-called meat paradox—the common tendency to profess one’s love for animals even while unnecessarily exploiting them for food—has attracted considerable attention from scholars of social psychology, and for good reason. There may be no human activity at once as widespread, deeply cherished, and fraught with moral conflict. “People have a lot of sentimental attachments to animals,” Sanbonmatsu said. “And at the same time, the same people say brutally killing them in the billions and trillions is not only morally unobjectionable but it’s even the best way to live a human life.”“It’s hard to think of a better example of routinely performing self-serving activities at a harmful cost to others,” agreed João Carlos Graça, a professor of sociology and economics at the University of Lisbon, and author of a 2015 study that applied Bandura’s framework to the consumption of meat. Indeed, the full menu of psychic evasions available to the guilty carnivore rivals the bounteous offerings of a typical Greek diner. Hank Rothgerber, a professor of psychology at Bellarmine University, has spent more than a decade studying the issue. “We can talk abstractly about certain values or beliefs we hold, but this is one where you can’t really fake it,” he said. “Diet is where the rubber meets the road.” In 2019, Rothgerber published a scientific paper in the international social science journal Appetite, in which he explored a phenomenon he called “meat-related cognitive dissonance”—a feeling of psychic distress, or “aversive arousal,” arising from the desire to eat meat while simultaneously maintaining one’s positive self-image.Rothgerber has identified 14 distinct strategies by which people manage this psychological conflict. By far the most popular is to avoid it altogether, which turns out to be remarkably easy to do. Unless we stumble across, say, a Cube of Truth or a magazine article (again, congrats for making it this far), our choice to eat animal products will be validated at every turn. The conditioning begins in childhood, when we’re taught to love meat and dairy products before we even know what they are. Then there’s our language, which makes powerful use of euphemism. Philosopher Joan Dunayer, in her 2001 book, Animal Equality: Language and Liberation, declared words “that specify cut of flesh or manner of preparation”—cutlet, pastrami, sirloin—to be “morally irresponsible because they obliterate the victims and their murder.” (That said, lexical precision doesn’t always help; as Homer Simpson once put it, “Lisa, get a hold of yourself! This is laaamb, not ‘a lamb.’”)Unsurprisingly, Dunayer’s preferred terminology (“cow-flesh industry” for beef industry, etc.) has yet to penetrate the mainstream, although when one activist at the Cube told me of his decision to renounce “animal secretions,” he extinguished for all time whatever secret cravings for mozzarella I still harbored. Meanwhile, Dunayer has hardly been alone in taking note of how consumer behavior is framed by linguistic choices. The meat industry has furiously lobbied to prohibit plant-based alternatives from using words like meat and steak. And as Dunayer reported, the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association has urged members to avoid the word slaughter, suggesting that they “substitute process or harvest, or say that animals ‘go to market.’”Speaking of market, the old-school butcher shops, where customers might once have found body parts such as heads, intestines, blood, and feet, leading to uncomfortable associations with a dead animal, have long since given way to upscale groceries filled with neat packages of sirloin tips and breast tenderloins—“mechanisms designed to keep this illusion festering,” Rothgerber said.Those of us who were around when New York’s meatpacking district was still “in transition” may recall the queasy experience of stumbling from a club in the wee hours only to encounter a throng of corpses swaying from hooks, effluvia blackening the cobblestones. But in New York as elsewhere, such displays have long since been shuffled out of view.Willful ignorance still fails us on occasion, at which point carnivores are faced with a choice. Either alter their diet, or select from a bad-faith buffet of defensive countermeasures.That said, willful ignorance still fails us on occasion, at which point, Rothgerber observes, carnivores are faced with a choice. Either alter their diet, or select from a bad-faith buffet of defensive countermeasures. Among the most potent are what have been termed the “4 Ns”: claiming that meat is necessary (Where else will we get protein?); natural (What do you think cavemen ate?); and nice (I could never live without cheese). Fortifying all of the above is the most overwhelming “n” of all, that it’s just normal. The most open-minded, progressive person will “still know lots of people like you who eat meat,” Rothgerber explained. “So you can use those individuals. ‘Well, if they’re still eating meat, it must be OK.’ There’s no panic or sense of like, ‘I’m out of step.’” Other “direct justifications,” as he terms them, include denigrating the victims (insisting that farm animals lack intelligence or the capacity to suffer) and claiming that our domination of the animal kingdom is divinely ordained or “just the way things are.”Rothgerber said such direct strategies are more popular among conservatives, for whom moral arguments like those made by AV often backfire. In such cases, appeals to health tend to have more traction.Then there are the somewhat more sophisticated rationalizations, the “indirect strategies,” typically deployed by those who, while ruefully condemning the practice of abusing animals for food, are nonetheless determined to keep doing so. Such people may convince themselves, as I long did, that they eat meat less frequently than they really do. They may highlight what they see as the negative qualities of vegans, framing them as annoying, fanatical, humorless, effeminate, or just kind of weird, what Rothgerber calls “do-gooder derogation” (a weapon long wielded against progressives of all stripes). Spotting perceived acts of hypocrisy among vegans is another favored approach, as if any hint of imperfection (“Is that a leather belt?”) instantly renders the issue moot. Off-loading responsibility to third parties—grocers or restaurants for failing to offer better vegan options, one’s children for being too fussy, or the factory-farm system as a whole—is another venerable technique. So is shifting focus to one’s other social contributions, such as donating to environmental nonprofits.There’s at least one more popular escape hatch: buying “humane” products—free-range chicken, grass-fed beef, eggs from cage-free hens, and so on. “It’s what I call the myth of the Enlightened Omnivore,” said John Sanbonmatsu. “You look at the liberal left; they love the discourse of humane agriculture and sustainability. It gives them the patina of an environmentalist ethos without actually having one.”Sanbonmatsu’s forthcoming book, The Omnivore’s Deception: What We Get Wrong About Meat, Animals, and Ourselves, is a sharp denunciation of what he calls “the new American pastoral—a romanticization of what is in fact a relation of domination of humans over other beings.” As the title indicates, he is especially critical of Michael Pollan, whose 2006 bestseller The Omnivore’s Dilemma provided a “rhetorical scaffolding,” as Sanbonmatsu puts it, for maintaining eating habits that remain as destructive as ever. Nearly two decades after the book’s publication, he reports, “99 percent of meat, eggs, and dairy today still comes from animals raised in intensive confinement.”Sanbonmatsu takes particular issue with what he considers Pollan’s central thesis, the idea that “simply by supporting local farmers, seeking out fresh foods, and sitting at table with family and friends for luxurious meals, we could all be food revolutionaries.” The incoherence of this vision becomes obvious “when you get into the nuts and bolts of how animal agriculture works,” he explained. “You’ve got to sexually reproduce billions of beings, you’ve got to house them, feed them, and then kill them—forever? And you’re gonna do that without causing them suffering?”Pollan’s foodie bible is notably dismissive of vegans. The author declares animal rights an ideology that “could only thrive in a world where people have lost contact with the natural world,” and describes the “vegan utopia” that rejects animal products as “parochial.” Perhaps more utopian, though, is the notion that the small-scale farms he mythologizes could ever begin to feed the world’s 8.2 billion people without a wholesale change in dietary patterns. While the United Nations has come out in favor of regenerative agriculture (a set of more sustainable farming practices), calling it “affordable and effective,” for example, it also nonetheless makes clear that a transition to plant-based diets is a “a logical first step as nearly 80% of total agricultural land is dedicated to feed and livestock production while providing less than 20% of the world’s food calories.”Even as Pollan’s book was garnering ecstatic reviews, scientists working with the U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization were readying a major report on the climate impacts of the livestock industry, which found that animal agriculture was “one of the largest sources of greenhouse gases and one of the leading causal factors in the loss of biodiversity.”The Omnivore’s Dilemma doesn’t mention methane, the heat-trapping gas (some 28 times more potent than CO2) that wafts heavenward with every ruminant belch. It touches briefly on nitrous oxide (nearly 300 times as potent), critiquing the overuse of nitrogen fertilizers, but fails to note that a significant portion of N2O comes from animal manure. Pollan suggests that we could mitigate agriculture-related atmospheric warming by converting all the farmland devoted to feed crops to pasture instead. Unfortunately, no such conversion has happened; instead, the popularity of the sort of grass-finished beef championed in the book has led to rampant deforestation in Brazil and elsewhere, with the attendant collapse of biodiversity. Moreover, it turns out that transitioning the U.S. beef industry to grass-only feeding would require 30 percent more livestock—each of which would produce 43 percent more methane.I hadn’t read The Omnivore’s Dilemma until I began researching this story, but it was under the sway of the same Arcadian fetish Pollan helped popularize that my family and I decided, in the Covid summer of 2020, to decamp from our Brooklyn apartment to a tumbledown clapboard house on a 44-acre former dairy farm in the western Catskills. Like so many urbanites, we’d long harbored inchoate primeval yearnings: for dirt, physical labor, night skies exploding with stars. The virus, punctuated by the unceasing wail of ambulance sirens, supplied just enough urgency to get us moving.In retrospect, I think I was less worried that the world might change forever than that it might not. Our lives, at least, would be different. I ordered a subscription to Self-Reliance magazine and assembled a library of Foxfire books and other back-to-the-land classics. We’d learn to pickle, can, chop wood, tap, forage, garden, fish in our own stream, and perhaps—if I could persuade our new neighbor to take me out one morning—even hunt. Eventually, I bought a used tractor (charmingly classified as a subcompact) and an assortment of 3-point implements. We built a big fenced-in garden, covered it with salvaged cardboard, and called in 15 yards of compost. Naturally, there was talk of animals: goats, pigs, maybe a mule. A neighbor had bison, which would cut a handsome figure, I thought, on our craggy hillside. We started small, with chickens.Contrary to Pollan’s lofty claim, I think it was precisely our new experiences with the natural world—sharing a landscape with deer, raccoons, groundhogs, snakes, foxes, eagles, frogs, fish, and so on, and getting to know farmers in our area—that led us to begin appreciating living animals more than dead ones. One day, we all went to volunteer at a small cooperative farm run on regenerative principles, precisely the sort of place in which Pollan sees the possibility of a soulful agrarian restoration. My middle kid, Russell, chatted with one co-op member about his experience slaughtering broiler hens for the local community-supported agriculture group and was struck by how troubled the man was as he described the chore. By this time, Russell had come to know our own chickens as individuals, occasionally sitting in the coop while they crowded into his lap. A few days after our visit to the co-op, he announced his decision to go vegan.In the weeks that followed, Russell and I had a series of dialogues about my ongoing carnism. I adopted a fatherly tone of broadmindedness and ecumenicism. The world is a complicated place, I sermonized, and that’s what makes it interesting. Black-and-white thinking, blind dogma, and reductionism are intellectual traps to be avoided at all costs. I pointed out that I’m a journalist and therefore strive to be objective, nonjudgmental, and adventuresome. I told him one must never say never. Unwittingly echoing an argument of Pollan’s, I asserted the value of being an easygoing guest when invited to dinner parties and barbecues. Besides, I insisted, “I’m pretty much vegetarian anyway.”Though Russell was by this point impressively well-armed with an array of arguments—he had seen Dominion and was soon to don his own Guy Fawkes mask as a member of AV—he didn’t bother to recite them. I knew the broad outlines, of course, and he knew that I knew. Instead, he looked me full in the face, apprising me evenly, with a serious, uncompromising expression. “Dad,” he said. “This is really happening.”Something in that clear, unimpeachable formulation, in the way it called bullshit on all my rationalizations in one go, was precisely what I needed to hear. Changing my diet was a process for me, as it is for many vegans. PETA co-founder Ingrid Newkirk, for instance, told me she was “slow to change,” making the switch “one animal, or taxon, at a time.” For a while, I still enjoyed an occasional egg from our chickens (that is, when I could snag one before Russell threw them into the run for the hens to feast on). And once in a while, on finding myself at a local diner and not especially tempted by the “side salad,” I’d indulge in a grilled cheese. Gradually, however, the appeal just sort of faded, until it became harder to rationalize the caveats than simply to move on.Meanwhile, Russell’s admonition seems to have short-circuited a proclivity I didn’t even know I’d acquired, an ability to take in the dire facts of a given situation while distancing myself from their implications. In time, his words became a kind of gravitational mantra, pulling me back down to Earth as I struggled to absorb the latest news about the devastation of the climate, about the carnage in Gaza, about the sputtering of democracy, and on and on.In the latter half of the last decade, as red-meat sales were declining and excitement about plant-based alternatives was reaching a fever pitch, the beef industry received a welcome gift in the form of an old-school TV drama. Debuting in 2018, Yellowstone was the defiantly atavistic saga of wealthy cattleman John Dutton, played by Kevin Costner, fighting to hang on to his expansive Montana ranch. Despite airing on a second-tier cable network, it soon became the most popular show on television. Big Beef couldn’t have wished for a better P.R. vehicle—a gorgeously produced modern-day Western starring one of the world’s top movie stars, shrink-wrapping their benighted product in such all-American virtues as honor, hard work, family, cowboy stoicism, and the masculine exercise of power. Better yet, the only animals viewers would see getting brutalized were the human ones, a parade of city slickers, hired goons, journalists, and one very unlucky officer of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, who dared to challenge Dutton’s sovereignty.The show didn’t take on animal rights directly until season four, in which dozens of activists arrive in town to protest “the mass murder of millions of animals every year,” in the words of organizer Summer Higgins, played by Piper Perabo.“You ever plow a field, Summer? To plant quinoa or sorghum or whatever the hell it is you eat?” Dutton replies with withering contempt. “You kill everything on the ground and under it. You kill every snake, every frog, every mouse, mole, vole, worm, quail—you kill ’em all. So I guess the only real question is, how cute does an animal have to be before you care if it dies to feed you?” (Stung and speechless, Higgins obviously has no choice but to sleep with him.)Dutton’s argument is one often lobbed at vegans. As Pollan put it, “The grain that the vegan eats is harvested with a combine that shreds field mice, while the farmer’s tractor wheel crushes woodchucks in their burrows.... If America were suddenly to adopt a strictly vegetarian diet, it isn’t at all clear that the total number of animals killed each year would necessarily decline.” What this rebuttal fails to account for is that around 40 percent of the world’s cropland is actually devoted to growing animal feed. So yes, some critters may be killed due to the industrial farming of soybeans, corn, and other crops, but a vegan diet is killing considerably fewer. Perhaps more important, studies indicate that global agricultural land use could be reduced by as much as 75 percent if the world adopted a plant-based diet. “Ultimately, we can grow more food on less land, and rewild the rest,” according to Nicholas Carter, director of environmental science for the Game Changers Institute. “Honestly, it’s a complete lack of understanding of how we use land around the world. I mean, how do you think these animals are fed?”Yellowstone creator, showrunner, writer, and sometime actor Taylor Sheridan is hardly a neutral observer. In 2022, he became principal owner of the 260,000-acre Four Sixes Ranch in northwest Texas, which sells its products online (offering a Reserve First Cut Brisket for $75) and will soon be the centerpiece of its own series, 6666. Last year, Sheridan was a keynote speaker at CattleCon, the annual convention of the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association.Given that Yellowstone remains a phenomenon of the heartland, preaching largely to the red-meat choir, its ability to drive the public conversation is limited. But it represents just a small part of the multifront battle for hearts, minds, and stomachs being waged by the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association and other Big Ag lobbyists, P.R. flacks, industry-financed researchers, influencers, and advocacy groups.These meat and dairy interests have been extraordinarily successful at shaping public opinion. Carter recently published a comprehensive study of industry propaganda. One of the most successful campaigns he found was a coordinated response to the 2019 EAT-Lancet “Food in the Anthropocene” report. If you’ve never heard of this extraordinary three-year study by an international commission of 37 scientists, which called for “a radical transformation of the global food system” and concluded that worldwide consumption of unhealthy foods, such as red meat and sugar, would need to be cut in half by 2050 to protect human health and that of the planet, there’s a reason. A week before its expected release, the industry-funded CLEAR Center launched a massive, coordinated internet campaign called #YesToMeat that effectively buried it. “When you have lots of time to kind of create stories and marketing, and you don’t need to necessarily use facts, you can win over lots of people and derail progress,” Carter observed.Another more overt campaign was the handiwork of the Center for Consumer Freedom. An industry-financed astroturf organization, now known as the Center for Organizational Research and Education, it was founded by P.R. man Richard Berman in 1995 with funding from Philip Morris, in order to, as Berman wrote in an internal memo that became public as a result of the anti-Big Tobacco litigation, “defend ... consumers and marketing programs from anti-smoking, anti-drinking, anti-meat activists.” A quarter-century later, the front group was still at it, running a 2020 Super Bowl ad in which a series of young spelling bee contestants are bewildered by the ingredients used in plant-based burgers—part of a sweeping effort to demonize such products and clean up beef’s image. Another target is so-called cultivated meat, the manufacture and sale of which has already been banned in Florida, with the explicit goal of protecting industry interests. In all, Carter’s dossier runs to 120 pages.Overwhelming as this sprawling effort may seem, it betrays a profound insecurity. Corporate purveyors of animal products are every bit as aware as the “abolitionists” of AV that our diet is largely a function of cultural norms, and that such norms are far from stable. That said, given our many political crises, it’s not unreasonable to wonder whether a focus on animal rights isn’t a massive distraction. A Muslim American I met at the Cube of Truth wondered why activists were displaying images of animal cruelty rather than, say, the ongoing suffering in Gaza. “I think people believe that caring is divisible, and we only have so much of it,” Carol J. Adams, author of The Sexual Politics of Meat, told me. But empathy, compassion, love—these are best seen not as finite substances to dole out sparingly, but as skills to be cultivated. They grow easier with practice. In that sense, eschewing animal products is an act of social justice, part of a comprehensive battle against sexism, racism, homophobia, and other forms of oppression—one reason, perhaps, why vegetarian and vegan diets are more common among progressives, women, and Black Americans.That also helps explain why far-right political figures champion the consumption of beef and milk as totems of masculinity and denigrate “soy boys.” (Never mind the evidence linking full-fat dairy consumption with reduced sperm quality, as well as cancers of the prostate and testicles.) If the elaborate social hierarchy that has long placed affluent white men at the top rests to some extent on a foundation of animal exploitation, rejecting our own place in this architecture of dominance, beginning with the food we eat, seems a logical first step in creating a more just world. “As long as people will shed the blood of innocent creatures there can be no peace, no liberty, no harmony between people,” Isaac Bashevis Singer said. “Slaughter and justice cannot dwell together.”“Anima” is Latin for the life force, the spirit, the vital principle. The word also connotes wind or breath, a paradoxical essence at once invisible and replete with ineffable substance. It’s the root of animation, animism, and of course animal. This divine gift is what must be cast aside, through what can only be described as violence, in order to turn a cow into smashburgers, a sow into strips of bacon, a chicken into “tendies.”While the statistics are staggering—the system churns through 150,000 animals every minute—these big numbers can make it hard to comprehend what is, to my mind, a more disturbing reality: Each “broiler hen,” each catfish, every single lamb, is an individual. While their inner lives surely differ from ours, they’re probably not as remote as we like to think. There’s a reason, after all, that people spend $136.8 billion annually on their pets and populate our feeds with videos of their antics. Not only do animals have unique personalities, readily apparent when we bother to look, they have desires, fears, and yearnings just as we do—less complicated perhaps but no less worthy of respect and decency.The Inuit didn’t have a lot of plant-based options when anthropologist Knud Rasmussen visited the community of Iglulik more than a century ago. They hunted seal, caribou, whale, and other animals. But their understanding of what that meant couldn’t have been more different than ours. “The greatest peril of life lies in the fact that human food consists entirely of souls,” Ivaluartjuk, a grizzled ballad-singer, told Rasmussen. “All creatures which we have to kill and eat, all those that we have to strike down and destroy to make clothes for ourselves, have souls as we have, souls that do not perish and which therefore must be propitiated lest they revenge themselves on us for taking away their bodies.”What I find criminal about our food system is not so much that it brings so many innocent creatures into this world only to condemn them to suffer and die for our pleasure, but that it so ruthlessly commodifies the process, turning anima, like clockwork, into a waste product—life itself rendered a kind of refuse.Russell disagrees. “No. It’s both,” he scribbled in the margin after I let him read an early draft of this essay: “Animals don’t care about our attitude when killing or hurting them.” As usual, my son has a point. And yet, as much as I’m disturbed by all the mistreatment and slaughter, and feel grateful to have finally stepped away from the overladen sideboard, I remain even more horrified by a collective madness that now imperils our own species and so many others, lunacy of which I’ve come to regard animal agriculture as only the most salient manifestation.In the 1970s, chemist James Lovelock and biologist Lynn Margulis put forth what they called the Gaia hypothesis, which proposed that living creatures and the environment co-evolved—shaping and nurturing one another over time. As the effects of global warming are increasingly apparent, this once radical-sounding idea has come to seem self-evident. Initially, some readers misunderstood the theory, imagining Gaia as a perfect self-regulating system that could absorb and counterbalance whatever damage humans saw fit to do. In The Ages of Gaia, Lovelock clarified his meaning. Gaia, he wrote, “is stern and tough, always keeping the world warm and comfortable for those who obey the rules, but ruthless in her destruction of those who transgress.”Lovelock was wrong in one key respect. The destruction he describes has been visited mostly on the obedient—not only those nonhuman animals trapped in our food system, but the world’s wildlife, which has declined by two-thirds due to habitat loss since the Gaia theory was introduced. The transgression began centuries ago, when the grand prerogatives of scientific rationalism met the flywheel of capitalist exploitation—and then it just kept getting worse. Whether you prefer to conceive it in spiritual terms or purely as a matter of degrees Celsius, at some point we have to acknowledge: This is really happening.Perhaps we resist this truth because we feel powerless to do anything about it, and as individuals, for the most part, we are. That said, the reason we’re omnivores in the first place is that our distant ancestors were forced to survive on a wide variety of foods, and then learned to use fire to make others more palatable. It’s only thanks to their dietary flexibility that we’re here at all to ponder our gustatory “dilemmas.” Altering our diet once more is something we actually can do—not only mitigating the ruination of the world that sustains our existence, but reimagining our relationship to that world and to the living creatures, human and nonhuman alike, with whom we’re privileged to share it.

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