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In Deep Water

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Thursday, June 13, 2024

Throughout history, we have witnessed the fierce pursuit of valuable commodities such as spices, gold, wheat, cotton and oil. Gabriela Cowperthwaite’s new documentary, The Grab, reveals that nations and multinational corporations are now urgently scouring the globe to hoard and control an even more crucial resource: water. Cowperthwaite directed the acclaimed 2013 documentary Blackfish, which investigated the death of a SeaWorld trainer, highlighted the mistreatment of orca whales in captivity, and ultimately led to SeaWorld ending its orca shows.  The Grab (streaming and in select theaters June 14) follows investigative reporter Nathan Halverson and his team from the Center for Investigative Reporting. Together, they have traveled the globe, from Arizona to Zambia, to shed light on the covert acquisition of water-rich lands. As global warming intensifies and water resources dwindle, these areas are becoming hotbeds for profit-driven companies and for nations desperate to sustain their populations.  This film reveals how a Chinese company backed by the government bought the American company Smithfield Foods; now China owns one in four pigs raised in the U.S. In Arizona, a Saudi-owned 10,000 acre hay farm has been using massive amounts of water in the middle of the desert and exporting the hay back to the Kingdom. And former mercenary and Blackwater Security Company founder Erik Prince is leading a group of Chinese investors on a hunt for natural resources and investment opportunities by snatching up land in Zambia and other African countries. Cowperthwaite recently spoke to Capital & Main about her intention to craft The Grab as a geopolitical thriller and the formidable challenges of documenting the global struggle for this increasingly precious resource. This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity. Capital & Main: What was your approach to covering this complex issue of foreign interests grabbing up land with water resources around the world? Gabriela Cowperthwaite: What I felt like I wanted to do was create a geopolitical thriller. I feel like there are people who need to hear about what’s happening with the grabbing of resources on the planet and need to hear it from the position of power and from the perspective of power. And if we do that, there is a possibility of getting half of this country to see themselves inside this story if we frame it in the context of power rather than going back to Blue State catch words like “environmentalism,” “global warming” and “climate change,” because they turn off the TV if they see those words. So I wanted to find access points that are human and personal to folks that are not in the environmental echo chamber. Finding a way to humanize this issue and put it in a context that they can relate to, which is powerful people surrounding them, making decisions that are going to destroy their livelihoods and communities. Right, like the Arizona farmers in the film having their water dry up because a massive plot of land owned by the Saudis is using much of the groundwater. But how do you get authoritarian countries like China and Saudi Arabia to stop buying up huge plots of land in places like Africa? Gabriela Cowperthwaite and Nathan Halverson. Photo: Gareth Cattermole/Getty Images. It’s not just “Oh, there’s these insidious countries and these dark countries and they’re adversarial and they’re doing these bad things.” First of all, we’re doing the same thing. Wall Street, United States, Western Europe, we’re all doing that. And second, they’re fighting for survival just as much as we are. And I think this is the most Sisyphean answer that you’ll ever get, but in my mind there are many, many things to do.  One of the most important, and, I guess, jarring moments for me in the film is when [Chinese leader] Xi Jinping revealed he ate raw pork as a kid [because he was starving]. And for me, it changed everything for me in terms of how I made this film. And that was because if there is someone who has understood starvation at that level — and I’m not talking about feeling hungry, I’m talking about just mass starvation — and that person is now essentially in charge of a country, it is the purview of that leader now to make sure that doesn’t happen again. So it gives you hope that you saw a glimmer of vulnerability in the world’s most powerful authoritarian leader. I think that’s right. I think if I had gone through what he went through, perhaps I’d make similar decisions. We must see ourselves in each other for anything to make sense about how we do life. And so I think that’s why I got into documentary, and that’s what I love about documentaries. But if powerful countries secure resources for themselves, won’t smaller, poorer nations suffer disproportionately? Yes, it will disproportionately affect them. Smaller countries will be hit faster with the ramifications of some of it, but nobody gets out alive is the thing. This is [like] OPEC right? Look at the wars we fought over oil and think about what that would be like over food and water. If all these powerful nations do this, and they control the levers of food and water, that’s going to affect everybody negatively. And if one country fails, whether it’s Zambia or China, we are going to feel it in our food prices. We’re going to feel it geopolitically. We’re completely interconnected. If Zambia starves, that isn’t just a human rights issue. That means disease, and that disease does not respect national borders, as we’ve seen recently. That means refugees. And it means conflict. And that’s geopolitical conflict, because now that’s happening in a place that the world has deemed as a final breadbasket. We’re going to have to go into conflict with countries in areas that are deemed incredibly geopolitically important and are valuable for water, for the future of food. It’s going to affect them. It’s going to affect us. It’s going to affect everybody. What surprised you the most in making this film? What I was the most surprised of was the fear. It was purely the fear. The Saudi cables that suggested that they were terrified that the Arab Spring was going to come to them. Food prices go up, we’re in trouble. Look at what people can do on the streets. Same with China. Fear. They don’t admit it inside their country that there was a great famine [from 1959-1961]. They call it natural disaster, but they remember their grandparents starving. So it’s sort of like it’s fear and a lot of it. VIDEO Speaking of fear, there was a moment in the film when the crew thought they may be being bugged. Did you guys ever fear for your life, or do you fear for your life now? And are you taking any steps to mitigate that? So while we were making the film was the scariest part, I think because you don’t yet have a film, which means the people you are talking to could be in trouble. You could be in trouble. And then if someone does something to you, there’s no smoking gun because you don’t have a film out yet. So that period of time was very scary and very, very sensitive. Our information was on an air gap computer [such a computer is physically separated from and not capable of connecting to other computers or networks]. As you can see, Nate [Halverson] was putting glue into the ports and everything. So we were scared at that point.  Do I think that I was in danger? There was a moment in Zambia where I imagined anything could happen to me and it could just be anyone’s fault. Because everything works in the shadows in those places and the mercenaries operate with plausible deniability. So that was scary. I think what’s scarier and what I’m worried about and was always worried about is someone like Brig [a local Zambian activist in the film]. He’s in the shadows. He’s there surrounded by people who might just say, you’re hurting our profits. It could be people inside Zambia, it could be Zambians, and it could also be mercenaries working on behalf of big governments.  There’s a huge implication in the film that Ukraine was invaded by Russia because they had dammed a water source from flowing into Crimea. Do you really think water was the primary reason behind the current conflict?  It was certainly a big catalyst that nobody talks about. But is it the only catalyst? I don’t think so. I think there’s always a lot of calculated risk that someone like Putin’s going to take, and he’s going to come into that situation for a number of reasons. But the water thing, we felt like it was not given enough attention, especially when you really look at Ukraine being the biggest bread basket in the world and the biggest feeder of poverty stricken nations in the world. So it was something that bore mentioning. Blackfish had a tremendous real-world impact. How important is it for you to create change with your films? I think Blackfish made me realize that you can effect change through a film. And I think that it almost looms over me as a promise that I feel like I’m making when I make my films. Yes, I do hope that it effects change. I don’t go into the nuts and bolts of the filmmaking thinking that, because then I’m creating a 90-minute 1-800 number, and so the impetus when I’m making a film is to make it entertaining and help you learn. But once it’s finished, then I sort of catapult to another sphere, and that’s to get people to do life better, to make us do something after we feel something. So it’s an added pressure I think that I just give to myself. I just feel like that’s my lane because of what I saw happening with my own experience with Blackfish. So ultimately what’s the change you want to engender with this film? Let’s create a national water center that’s going to synthesize all the information about water. There is no national water policy because we’re a federalist country. It’s all state, right? So what we need to understand is how much water we have, which is something else we don’t know as a nation. We have groundwater, we know rivers, but we don’t know how much water we have and where it is. And that information is starting to become available and could become more available. So once we have that, we should create an agency or a national water center that’s really a clearinghouse for information.  It’s such a ridiculous pie in the sky dream. But now I have it, and so I want to just at least try to do that. So I don’t think I can leave this one because it is so ongoing and there’s no sort of decisive end to it. There is no “OK, now everybody’s fine and has water.” It’s continuing because, as someone said, the discussion about water constantly fluctuates, because water constantly fluctuates. Copyright 2024 Capital & Main

Around the world, lands with water and food resources are being snatched up by powerful interests. The Grab director Gabriela Cowperthwaite discusses her documentary that is both a geopolitical thriller and a call to action. The post In Deep Water appeared first on .

Throughout history, we have witnessed the fierce pursuit of valuable commodities such as spices, gold, wheat, cotton and oil. Gabriela Cowperthwaite’s new documentary, The Grab, reveals that nations and multinational corporations are now urgently scouring the globe to hoard and control an even more crucial resource: water.

Cowperthwaite directed the acclaimed 2013 documentary Blackfish, which investigated the death of a SeaWorld trainer, highlighted the mistreatment of orca whales in captivity, and ultimately led to SeaWorld ending its orca shows. 

The Grab (streaming and in select theaters June 14) follows investigative reporter Nathan Halverson and his team from the Center for Investigative Reporting. Together, they have traveled the globe, from Arizona to Zambia, to shed light on the covert acquisition of water-rich lands. As global warming intensifies and water resources dwindle, these areas are becoming hotbeds for profit-driven companies and for nations desperate to sustain their populations. 

This film reveals how a Chinese company backed by the government bought the American company Smithfield Foods; now China owns one in four pigs raised in the U.S. In Arizona, a Saudi-owned 10,000 acre hay farm has been using massive amounts of water in the middle of the desert and exporting the hay back to the Kingdom. And former mercenary and Blackwater Security Company founder Erik Prince is leading a group of Chinese investors on a hunt for natural resources and investment opportunities by snatching up land in Zambia and other African countries.

Cowperthwaite recently spoke to Capital & Main about her intention to craft The Grab as a geopolitical thriller and the formidable challenges of documenting the global struggle for this increasingly precious resource.

This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.


Capital & Main: What was your approach to covering this complex issue of foreign interests grabbing up land with water resources around the world?

Gabriela Cowperthwaite: What I felt like I wanted to do was create a geopolitical thriller. I feel like there are people who need to hear about what’s happening with the grabbing of resources on the planet and need to hear it from the position of power and from the perspective of power. And if we do that, there is a possibility of getting half of this country to see themselves inside this story if we frame it in the context of power rather than going back to Blue State catch words like “environmentalism,” “global warming” and “climate change,” because they turn off the TV if they see those words.

So I wanted to find access points that are human and personal to folks that are not in the environmental echo chamber. Finding a way to humanize this issue and put it in a context that they can relate to, which is powerful people surrounding them, making decisions that are going to destroy their livelihoods and communities.

Right, like the Arizona farmers in the film having their water dry up because a massive plot of land owned by the Saudis is using much of the groundwater. But how do you get authoritarian countries like China and Saudi Arabia to stop buying up huge plots of land in places like Africa?

Gabriela Cowperthwaite and Nathan Halverson. Photo: Gareth Cattermole/Getty Images.

It’s not just “Oh, there’s these insidious countries and these dark countries and they’re adversarial and they’re doing these bad things.” First of all, we’re doing the same thing. Wall Street, United States, Western Europe, we’re all doing that. And second, they’re fighting for survival just as much as we are. And I think this is the most Sisyphean answer that you’ll ever get, but in my mind there are many, many things to do. 

One of the most important, and, I guess, jarring moments for me in the film is when [Chinese leader] Xi Jinping revealed he ate raw pork as a kid [because he was starving]. And for me, it changed everything for me in terms of how I made this film. And that was because if there is someone who has understood starvation at that level — and I’m not talking about feeling hungry, I’m talking about just mass starvation — and that person is now essentially in charge of a country, it is the purview of that leader now to make sure that doesn’t happen again.

So it gives you hope that you saw a glimmer of vulnerability in the world’s most powerful authoritarian leader.

I think that’s right. I think if I had gone through what he went through, perhaps I’d make similar decisions. We must see ourselves in each other for anything to make sense about how we do life. And so I think that’s why I got into documentary, and that’s what I love about documentaries.

But if powerful countries secure resources for themselves, won’t smaller, poorer nations suffer disproportionately?

Yes, it will disproportionately affect them. Smaller countries will be hit faster with the ramifications of some of it, but nobody gets out alive is the thing. This is [like] OPEC right? Look at the wars we fought over oil and think about what that would be like over food and water. If all these powerful nations do this, and they control the levers of food and water, that’s going to affect everybody negatively.

And if one country fails, whether it’s Zambia or China, we are going to feel it in our food prices. We’re going to feel it geopolitically. We’re completely interconnected. If Zambia starves, that isn’t just a human rights issue. That means disease, and that disease does not respect national borders, as we’ve seen recently. That means refugees. And it means conflict. And that’s geopolitical conflict, because now that’s happening in a place that the world has deemed as a final breadbasket. We’re going to have to go into conflict with countries in areas that are deemed incredibly geopolitically important and are valuable for water, for the future of food. It’s going to affect them. It’s going to affect us. It’s going to affect everybody.

What surprised you the most in making this film?

What I was the most surprised of was the fear. It was purely the fear. The Saudi cables that suggested that they were terrified that the Arab Spring was going to come to them. Food prices go up, we’re in trouble. Look at what people can do on the streets. Same with China. Fear. They don’t admit it inside their country that there was a great famine [from 1959-1961]. They call it natural disaster, but they remember their grandparents starving. So it’s sort of like it’s fear and a lot of it.



Speaking of fear, there was a moment in the film when the crew thought they may be being bugged. Did you guys ever fear for your life, or do you fear for your life now? And are you taking any steps to mitigate that?

So while we were making the film was the scariest part, I think because you don’t yet have a film, which means the people you are talking to could be in trouble. You could be in trouble. And then if someone does something to you, there’s no smoking gun because you don’t have a film out yet. So that period of time was very scary and very, very sensitive. Our information was on an air gap computer [such a computer is physically separated from and not capable of connecting to other computers or networks]. As you can see, Nate [Halverson] was putting glue into the ports and everything. So we were scared at that point. 

Do I think that I was in danger? There was a moment in Zambia where I imagined anything could happen to me and it could just be anyone’s fault. Because everything works in the shadows in those places and the mercenaries operate with plausible deniability. So that was scary.

I think what’s scarier and what I’m worried about and was always worried about is someone like Brig [a local Zambian activist in the film]. He’s in the shadows. He’s there surrounded by people who might just say, you’re hurting our profits. It could be people inside Zambia, it could be Zambians, and it could also be mercenaries working on behalf of big governments. 

There’s a huge implication in the film that Ukraine was invaded by Russia because they had dammed a water source from flowing into Crimea. Do you really think water was the primary reason behind the current conflict? 

It was certainly a big catalyst that nobody talks about. But is it the only catalyst? I don’t think so. I think there’s always a lot of calculated risk that someone like Putin’s going to take, and he’s going to come into that situation for a number of reasons. But the water thing, we felt like it was not given enough attention, especially when you really look at Ukraine being the biggest bread basket in the world and the biggest feeder of poverty stricken nations in the world. So it was something that bore mentioning.

Blackfish had a tremendous real-world impact. How important is it for you to create change with your films?

I think Blackfish made me realize that you can effect change through a film. And I think that it almost looms over me as a promise that I feel like I’m making when I make my films. Yes, I do hope that it effects change. I don’t go into the nuts and bolts of the filmmaking thinking that, because then I’m creating a 90-minute 1-800 number, and so the impetus when I’m making a film is to make it entertaining and help you learn. But once it’s finished, then I sort of catapult to another sphere, and that’s to get people to do life better, to make us do something after we feel something. So it’s an added pressure I think that I just give to myself. I just feel like that’s my lane because of what I saw happening with my own experience with Blackfish.

So ultimately what’s the change you want to engender with this film?

Let’s create a national water center that’s going to synthesize all the information about water. There is no national water policy because we’re a federalist country. It’s all state, right? So what we need to understand is how much water we have, which is something else we don’t know as a nation. We have groundwater, we know rivers, but we don’t know how much water we have and where it is. And that information is starting to become available and could become more available. So once we have that, we should create an agency or a national water center that’s really a clearinghouse for information. 

It’s such a ridiculous pie in the sky dream. But now I have it, and so I want to just at least try to do that. So I don’t think I can leave this one because it is so ongoing and there’s no sort of decisive end to it. There is no “OK, now everybody’s fine and has water.” It’s continuing because, as someone said, the discussion about water constantly fluctuates, because water constantly fluctuates.


Copyright 2024 Capital & Main

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Revealed: Thames Water diverted ‘cash for clean-ups’ to help pay bonuses

Exclusive: UK’s biggest water company assessed risks before cutting back on cost of environmental work, investigation showsThames Water intentionally diverted millions of pounds pledged for environmental clean-ups towards other costs including bonuses and dividends, the Guardian can reveal.The company, which serves more than 16 million customers, cut the funds after senior managers assessed the potential risks of such a move. Continue reading...

Thames Water intentionally diverted millions of pounds pledged for environmental clean-ups towards other costs including bonuses and dividends, the Guardian can reveal.The company, which serves more than 16 million customers, cut the funds after senior managers assessed the potential risks of such a move.Discussions – held in secret – considered the risk of a public and regulatory backlash if it emerged that cash set aside for work such as cutting river pollution had been spent elsewhere.This could be seen as a breach of the company’s licence commitments and leave it vulnerable to accusations it had broken the law, according to sources and material seen by the Guardian.Thames Water continued to pay staff bonuses worth hundreds of thousands of pounds, and also paid tens of millions in dividends as recently as March this year, while cutting back on its spending promises. The company did so despite public claims from its leaders that improvements to its environmental performance, including on pollution, were a priority.Wildlife presenter Liz Bonnin and naturalist and TV presenter Chris Packham join thousands of environmental campaigners from more than 130 organisations in a March for Clean Water on 3 November 2024 in London. Photograph: Mark Kerrison/In Pictures/Getty ImagesSources told the Guardian that internal deliberations about cutting back on the environmental works occurred as early as the end of 2021 and throughout 2022, when bosses weighed up the political and reputational risks of such a move.Meanwhile, Thames continued to charge customers for the works and Ofwat was only formally told of some of the company’s plans not to deliver these major projects in August 2023. A letter, seen by the Guardian, was sent to the head of the regulator Ofwat, David Black, by the company’s then interim co-chief executive and former boss of the watchdog, Cathryn Ross.In its response to the Guardian and the 2023 letter to Ofwat, Thames said sharp increases in its costs such as energy and chemicals – which it claims went beyond standard measures of inflation – lay behind its decisions to delay the works.It told the regulator that it would not deliver 98 of 826 schemes under the water industry national environment programme (Winep) during the five-year window it had promised. The delivery of these projects, which include schemes to reduce phosphorus pollution in rivers, was a key justification for how much Thames was allowed to charge customers.The revelation comes as Britain’s biggest water company fights for its survival. It is trying to secure £3bn in emergency funding and at least £3.25bn more in equity investment to prevent its collapse, after years of poor performance, fines and hefty dividend payouts.Winep projects include statutory obligations for water companies with potential criminal liability if they breach their licence by failing to deliver them.Thames decided behind the scenes to hold up almost 100 projects as early as 2022 without first warning its regulators. Sources said of some of the projects Thames delayed were among the largest it agreed to do when it asked Ofwat for higher bills as part of its 2019 price review.The cuts to environmental works did not stop the company from paying dividends or bonuses to staff. It continued to pay both throughout the 2020-25 billing period, for which it claimed it lacked the funds to complete works.Ofwat fined the company £18.2m on 19 December for breaching rules on paying “unjustified” dividends, after the company paid out £37.5m in October 2023 and £158.3m in March 2024. On the same day it also gave Thames permission to increase consumer bills by 35% by 2030.Thames’s regulated water services are part of a sprawling network of holding companies. Dividends were paid out of its operating company up towards its shareholders.Ofwat’s dividend rules, which were toughened in April 2023, are meant to stop companies taking money out businesses where their performance does not merit it, and where the payouts do not take financial resilience into account, or “service delivery for customers and the environment”.A spokesperson for Thames Water did not deny that it had delayed environmental works that it had promised and been paid to carry out. The spokesperson also did not deny that some of the funds had been used for other business costs including bonuses and dividend payments.When first asked for a response by the Guardian, Thames said that allegations that it had diverted funds were “entirely false and without merit”.In a later statement, Thames said only that the allegation that it did so “secretly” was false.In public statements from its six chief executives over the past five years, Thames has consistently maintained its position that environmental improvements are a high priority for the company.“Maintaining and improving the health of the rivers in our area matters to me, and I have made reducing pollution a key part of the turnaround plan for the company,” Chris Weston, the current chief executive at Thames Water, said in a river health report published by the company this year. His comments echo those of predecessors in the top job at the water company.The document states that “addressing the level of nutrients (particularly phosphorus) in our rivers remains a key focus”, despite the company secretly trying to cut the money pledged to address such concerns.Phosphorus in rivers and waterways can cause algal blooms that suffocate wildlife.“It is right that we are held to account for complying with our legal obligations,” Weston said on a call with journalists on 10 December, as he noted a sharp increase in pollution caused by the business.“We’ve also maintained high levels of capital investment for the benefit of our customers and the environment,” its former joint chief executive and chief financial officer Alastair Cochran said on the same call.The government’s Winep effort was created to address water companies’ “role in protecting and enhancing the environment” after a series of sewage and pollution scandals. It was intended to “challenge” water suppliers to provide resilient, safe and environment enhancing services to consumers.Thames could face criminal prosecution and unlimited fines if it was found to have breached its permits by Ofwat or the Environment Agency (EA).The EA has fined water companies more than £130m since 2015 and fined Southern Water £90m in 2021, after what was then its largest ever criminal investigation.In response to detailed questions from the Guardian, a Thames spokesperson said: “The allegation of ‘secretly diverted money’ is entirely false and without merit.“The board and leadership team of Thames Water remain focused on turning round the business, and have submitted to Ofwat a robust business plan for the next five years that proposes record investment in our assets.“We’ve been very open about the challenges of delivering all the elements of our Winep 7 programme, which has been impacted by cost increases that are higher than the inflation index applied to our allowances. In this Winep 7 period, we are forecast to spend £601m against an allowance of £369m. This is well documented in our business plan for 2025-30 and on our website.“We remain fully committed to delivering all our Winep commitments, and indeed all the outstanding projects are currently under way and in the process of being delivered.“Shareholders have not received an external dividend since 2017, and our business plan assumes dividends will not be paid before 2030.”

South Texas Groups Sue State Agency for Allowing SpaceX to Discharge Industrial Water Without Permit

Rio Grande Valley groups are accusing the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality in a lawsuit of bypassing state regulations by allowing SpaceX to temporarily discharge industrial water at its South Texas launch site without a proper permit

MCALLEN, Texas (AP) — Rio Grande Valley groups are suing the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, accusing the agency of bypassing state regulations by allowing SpaceX to temporarily discharge industrial water at its South Texas launch site without a proper permit.The groups — the South Texas Environmental Justice Network, along with the Carrizo/Comecrudo Nation of Texas, and Save RGV — filed the lawsuit Monday after the agency decided last month to allow SpaceX to continue its operations for 300 days or until the company obtained the appropriate permit.It is the latest in a string of lawsuits filed by environmental groups aimed at curbing the possible environmental impacts of SpaceX’s operations at Boca Chica on the southern tip of Texas.Earlier this year, TCEQ cited SpaceX for discharging water into nearby waterways after it was used to protect the launchpad from heat damage during Starship launches four times this year.SpaceX did not admit to any violation but agreed to pay a $3,750 penalty. Part of the penalty was deferred until SpaceX obtains the proper permit and on the condition that future water discharges meet pollution restrictions.The environmental groups say that allowing SpaceX to continue is a violation of permitting requirements and that TCEQ is acting outside of its authority.“The Clean Water Act requires the TCEQ to follow certain procedural and technical requirements when issuing discharge permits meant to protect public participation and ensure compliance with Texas surface water quality standards,” Lauren Ice, the attorney for the three Rio Grande Valley organizations, said in a statement.“By bypassing these requirements, the Commission has put the Boca Chica environment at risk of degradation,” Ice said.A TCEQ spokesperson said the agency cannot comment on pending litigation.Some of the Rio Grande Valley groups are also involved in a lawsuit against the Federal Aviation Administration for allegedly failing to conduct an environmental review of SpaceX’s rocket test launch in April. The case remains pending in federal court.They also sued the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department for agreeing to a land exchange that would give 43 acres of Boca Chica State Park to SpaceX in exchange for 477 acres adjacent to Laguna Atascosa National Wildlife Refuge. SpaceX canceled the deal in November.This story was originally published by The Texas Tribune and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

After Victory Over Florida in Water War, Georgia Will Let Farmers Drill New Irrigation Wells

For more than a decade, farmers in parts of southwest Georgia haven’t been able to drill new irrigation wells to the Floridian aquifer

ATLANTA (AP) — Jason Cox, who grows peanuts and cotton in southwest Georgia, says farming would be economically impossible without water to irrigate his crops.“I'd be out of business,” said Cox, who farms 3,000 acres (1,200 hectares) acres around Pelham.For more than a decade, farmers in parts of southwest Georgia haven't been able to drill new irrigation wells to the Floridian aquifer, the groundwater nearest the surface. That's because Georgia put a halt to farmers drilling wells or taking additional water from streams and lakes in 2012. Farmers like Cox, though, will get a chance to drill new wells beginning in April. Gov. Brian Kemp announced Wednesday that Georgia's Environmental Protection Division will begin accepting applications for new agricultural wells in areas along the lower Flint River starting April 1. Jeff Cown, the division's director, said in a statement that things have changed since 2012. The moratorium was imposed amid a parching drought and the collapse of the once-prolific oyster fishery in Florida's Apalachicola Bay. The state of Florida sued in 2013, arguing that Georgia's overuse of water from the Flint was causing negative impacts downstream where the Flint and Chattahoochee River join to become the Apalachicola River. But a unanimous U.S. Supreme Court in 2021 rejected the lawsuit, saying Florida hadn't proved its case that water use by Flint River farmers was at fault.That was one lawsuit in decades of sprawling litigation that mostly focused on fear that Atlanta’s ever-growing population would suck up all the upstream water and leave little for uses downstream. The suits include the Apalachicola-Chattahoochee-Flint system and the Alabama-Coosa-Tallapoosa system, which flows out of Georgia to drain much of Alabama. Georgia also won victories guaranteeing that metro Atlanta had rights to water from the Chattahoochee River's Lake Lanier to quench its thirst.Georgia officials say new water withdrawals won't disregard conservation. No new withdrawals from streams or lakes will be allowed. And new wells will have to stop sucking up water from the Floridian aquifer when a drought gets too bad, in part to protect water levels in the Flint, where endangered freshwater mussels live. New wells will also be required to be connected to irrigation systems that waste less water and can be monitored electronically, according to a November presentation posted by the environmental agency.In a statement, Cown said the plans "support existing water users, including farmers, and set the stage to make room for new ones. We look forward to working with all water users as they obtain these newly, developed permits.”Georgia had already been taking baby steps in this direction by telling farmers they could withdraw water to spray vulnerable crops like blueberries during freezing temperatures.Flint Riverkeeper Gordon Rogers, who heads the environmental organization of the same name, said Georgia's action is “good news.” He has long contended that the ban on new withdrawals was “an admission of failure," showing how Georgia had mismanaged water use along the river. But he said investments in conservation are paying off: Many farmers are installing less wasteful irrigators and some agreed to stop using existing shallow wells during drought in exchange for subsidies to drill wells to deeper aquifers that don't directly influence river flow.“What we’re going to do is make it more efficient, make it more equitable and make it more fair," Rogers said. "And we’re in the middle of doing that.”A lawyer for Florida environmental groups that contend the Apalachicola River and Bay are being harmed declined comment in an email. Representatives for the Florida Department of Environmental Protection and state Attorney General Ashley Moody did not immediately respond to requests for comment.Cox, who lives about 165 miles (265 kilometers) south of Atlanta, said he's interested in drilling a new well on some land that he owns. Right now, that land relies on water from a neighboring farmer's well. He knows the drought restrictions would mean there would be times he couldn't water his crops, but said data he's seen show there wouldn't have been many days over the last 10 years when he would have been barred from irrigating, and that most of those days wouldn't have been during peak watering times for his crops.Three years ago, Cox drilled a well for some land into a deeper aquifer, but he said even spending $30,000 or more on a shallower well would boost the productivity and value of his land.“It would enhance my property if I had a well myself," Cox said.Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

South Texas groups sue TCEQ for temporarily allowing SpaceX to discharge industrial water without a permit

In the lawsuit, the groups accuse TCEQ of exceeding its authority by allowing the discharges.

Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news. McALLEN — Rio Grande Valley groups are suing the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, accusing the agency of bypassing state regulations by allowing SpaceX to temporarily discharge industrial water at its South Texas launch site without a proper permit. The groups — the South Texas Environmental Justice Network, along with the Carrizo/Comecrudo Nation of Texas, and Save RGV — filed the lawsuit Monday after the agency decided last month to allow SpaceX to continue its operations for 300 days or until the company obtained the appropriate permit. It is the latest in a string of lawsuits filed by environmental groups aimed at curbing the possible environmental impacts of SpaceX’s operations at Boca Chica on the southern tip of Texas. Earlier this year, TCEQ cited SpaceX for discharging water into nearby waterways after it was used to protect the launchpad from heat damage during Starship launches four times this year. SpaceX did not admit to any violation but agreed to pay a $3,750 penalty. Part of the penalty was deferred until SpaceX obtains the proper permit and on the condition that future water discharges meet pollution restrictions. The environmental groups say that allowing SpaceX to continue is a violation of permitting requirements and that TCEQ is acting outside of its authority. “The Clean Water Act requires the TCEQ to follow certain procedural and technical requirements when issuing discharge permits meant to protect public participation and ensure compliance with Texas surface water quality standards," Lauren Ice, the attorney for the three Rio Grande Valley organizations, said in a statement. "By bypassing these requirements, the Commission has put the Boca Chica environment at risk of degradation," Ice said. The most important Texas news,sent weekday mornings. A TCEQ spokesperson said the agency cannot comment on pending litigation. Some of the Rio Grande Valley groups are also involved in a lawsuit against the Federal Aviation Administration for allegedly failing to conduct an environmental review of SpaceX's rocket test launch in April. The case remains pending in federal court. They also sued the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department for agreeing to a land exchange that would give 43 acres of Boca Chica State Park to SpaceX in exchange for 477 acres adjacent to Laguna Atascosa National Wildlife Refuge. SpaceX canceled the deal in November. Reporting in the Rio Grande Valley is supported in part by the Methodist Healthcare Ministries of South Texas, Inc. Disclosure: Texas Parks And Wildlife Department has been a financial supporter of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune's journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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