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In 2014, Protests Around Michael Brown's Death Broke Through the Everyday, a Catalyst for Change

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Friday, September 13, 2024

NEW YORK (AP) — There have been moments before, times of heartbreak and grief that led to anger and calls for justice. Sometimes, they never make it past a few sparks. Sometimes they smolder for a little bit before dying out. And sometimes, in certain conditions, they light a fire.Ten years ago, in August 2014, that was the case when a white police officer shot and killed Black 18-year-old Michael Brown on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri. Coming just weeks after the July 2014 chokehold death of Eric Garner at the hands of New York City police, in a country where the nascent push of Black Lives Matter was still reeling after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the 2012 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, the protests over Brown’s death and the heavily armed law enforcement response to them erupted in the nation’s consciousness.It set off a new chapter in the United States’ fraught civil rights history, bringing a spotlight to longstanding issues of race and police use of force. And in doing so, it created space for ripple effects to fan out in the years after – not just in conversations about race and policing, but about race and well, everything; about protest and what it should or shouldn’t look like and who is allowed to engage in it, about equality and fairness in all kinds of directions.This story is part of an AP series exploring the impact, legacy and ripple effects of what is widely called the Ferguson uprising. Social movements break through the everyday Having a ripple effect is part of what social movements do. They break through the cycle of day-to-day life to get people to think and hopefully act differently in any number of ways.“What really emerges in the most effective social movements is that they’re trying to not just make visible change in the world on policy, on structure and things like that,” said Hahrie Han, a professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland. “But they’re also trying to change the kind of assumptions that people carry around in their head about how the world works.”She pointed to the Civil Right Movement of the 1960s as an example, which was about racial equality. By the end of the decade, though, other movements had started as well, like the women's movement and the environmental movement. “Was it true that the early 1960s agitated a conversation about structural inequality and rights that was new in American politics? I think so,” she said. “And then did that then kind of relate to and lead to the kind of conversation around rights for all these other groups that emerged in the late 1960s? I would say, arguably, absolutely those are related.” Ferguson did more than call attention to police brutality In regards to Ferguson, think about some of the things that have happened since 2014, or things we talk about regularly that we didn't a decade ago: Professional athletes engaging in protest online and on the fields of play, setting off a furor about athletes and activism that has turned into its own conversation; diversity and representation on camera and behind the scenes in the world of entertainment after April Reign created the viral #OscarsSoWhite hashtag, the speed and furor of protests after the 2020 death of George Floyd, as Black Lives Matter took to the streets, and of course, the backlash to all of it, the views from some quarters that those on the left have gone too far.The Ferguson protests didn't directly make those things happen, of course; but by breaking through the everyday to raise issues of justice and equity, it helped create an atmosphere in the months and years after where people were paying attention in different ways and those things COULD happen.When Reign sent out her initial tweet in January 2015, after the unveiling of slate of Academy Award nominees that featured no people of color, her one-liner of “ #OscarsSoWhite they asked to touch my hair” quickly went viral. It wasn't that no one had brought up the lack of representation on screen before, but she was able to take advantage of the social media landscape of the time to create a perfectly encapsulated hashtag that others were able to get in on. And coming mere months after Brown's death in Ferguson, her tweet reached audiences at a moment where equality and justice issues were being talked about in a different way than in years prior.Her catalyst tweet “was as successful as it was because people were open to having the conversation about what it means to be a person of color in this country, whether under the jackboot of state-sanctioned violence or on TV or in film,” Reign said. Protest solidarity jumped from the streets to sports fields and the halls of Congress Some of those people were professional athletes. They had already started to speak out in the wake of Trayvon Martin's death in 2012, with high-profile online posts. That activism went into a higher gear after Ferguson, in moments including a November 2014 NFL game, where five members of the St. Louis Rams came onto the field with their hands raised in a pose that had become synonymous with the protests; athletes referencing the names of those who had been killed on the clothing they wore at games, and in at least one case, joining a protest like New York Knicks basketball player Carmelo Anthony did in 2015.Then came 2016, when San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick began his protest, declining to stand for the national anthem, at first by remaining seated and then by kneeling. It set off a furor as some others, in football and in other sports leagues like women's soccer player Megan Rapinoe, followed. Not just a furor about what they were protesting, the police abuse of power, but about whether it was ok for them to protest at all, athletes as activists.Since then, athletes have continued to make their voices heard, like when the players of the WNBA got involved in the 2020 race for U.S. Senate for Georgia.Douglas Hartmann, a professor of sociology at the University of Minnesota who has written about sports and society said the activism of athletes and sports has been “dramatically different in the last decade” than it had been in the decades before when people didn't look to, or really want, athletes as political actors or activists.“It’s radically new historically that all of a sudden we now kind of allow and accept athletes to be figures like many others,” he said. “I think it’s great in some ways for athletes, but it’s really different.”He also pointed out that when looking at the impact of a social movement, one has to take into consideration the backlash to it. In the current climate, he highlighted the conservative backlash against the diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts of recent years, as well as protections for members of LGBTQ+ communities. ‘Very different visions of America that are being fought over’ Social movements and the pushback that comes are “intimately connected in terms of being very different visions of America that are being fought over,” he said. That the last decade has seen pushes for equality in LGBTQ+ issues as well as in the treatment of women, most famously in the #MeToo movement against sexual misconduct is not a surprise, said Tarana Burke, the longtime activist who has worked on issues including voting rights and gender equity, and is most well-known in the public as the overall founder of #MeToo. “It’s all really under one big umbrella. We are ultimately fighting for a type of liberation that is across the board,” she said.“When you start seeing this domino effect, that’s not unintentional,” she said. “That is because one thing emboldens another.”Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - July 2024

Ten years ago, in August 2014, when a white police officer shot and killed Black 18-year-old Michael Brown on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri, protests erupted in the nation’s consciousness

NEW YORK (AP) — There have been moments before, times of heartbreak and grief that led to anger and calls for justice. Sometimes, they never make it past a few sparks. Sometimes they smolder for a little bit before dying out. And sometimes, in certain conditions, they light a fire.

Ten years ago, in August 2014, that was the case when a white police officer shot and killed Black 18-year-old Michael Brown on the streets of Ferguson, Missouri.

Coming just weeks after the July 2014 chokehold death of Eric Garner at the hands of New York City police, in a country where the nascent push of Black Lives Matter was still reeling after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the 2012 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, the protests over Brown’s death and the heavily armed law enforcement response to them erupted in the nation’s consciousness.

It set off a new chapter in the United States’ fraught civil rights history, bringing a spotlight to longstanding issues of race and police use of force. And in doing so, it created space for ripple effects to fan out in the years after – not just in conversations about race and policing, but about race and well, everything; about protest and what it should or shouldn’t look like and who is allowed to engage in it, about equality and fairness in all kinds of directions.

This story is part of an AP series exploring the impact, legacy and ripple effects of what is widely called the Ferguson uprising.

Social movements break through the everyday

Having a ripple effect is part of what social movements do. They break through the cycle of day-to-day life to get people to think and hopefully act differently in any number of ways.

“What really emerges in the most effective social movements is that they’re trying to not just make visible change in the world on policy, on structure and things like that,” said Hahrie Han, a professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University in Maryland. “But they’re also trying to change the kind of assumptions that people carry around in their head about how the world works.”

She pointed to the Civil Right Movement of the 1960s as an example, which was about racial equality. By the end of the decade, though, other movements had started as well, like the women's movement and the environmental movement.

“Was it true that the early 1960s agitated a conversation about structural inequality and rights that was new in American politics? I think so,” she said. “And then did that then kind of relate to and lead to the kind of conversation around rights for all these other groups that emerged in the late 1960s? I would say, arguably, absolutely those are related.”

Ferguson did more than call attention to police brutality

In regards to Ferguson, think about some of the things that have happened since 2014, or things we talk about regularly that we didn't a decade ago: Professional athletes engaging in protest online and on the fields of play, setting off a furor about athletes and activism that has turned into its own conversation; diversity and representation on camera and behind the scenes in the world of entertainment after April Reign created the viral #OscarsSoWhite hashtag, the speed and furor of protests after the 2020 death of George Floyd, as Black Lives Matter took to the streets, and of course, the backlash to all of it, the views from some quarters that those on the left have gone too far.

The Ferguson protests didn't directly make those things happen, of course; but by breaking through the everyday to raise issues of justice and equity, it helped create an atmosphere in the months and years after where people were paying attention in different ways and those things COULD happen.

When Reign sent out her initial tweet in January 2015, after the unveiling of slate of Academy Award nominees that featured no people of color, her one-liner of “ #OscarsSoWhite they asked to touch my hair” quickly went viral.

It wasn't that no one had brought up the lack of representation on screen before, but she was able to take advantage of the social media landscape of the time to create a perfectly encapsulated hashtag that others were able to get in on. And coming mere months after Brown's death in Ferguson, her tweet reached audiences at a moment where equality and justice issues were being talked about in a different way than in years prior.

Her catalyst tweet “was as successful as it was because people were open to having the conversation about what it means to be a person of color in this country, whether under the jackboot of state-sanctioned violence or on TV or in film,” Reign said.

Protest solidarity jumped from the streets to sports fields and the halls of Congress

Some of those people were professional athletes. They had already started to speak out in the wake of Trayvon Martin's death in 2012, with high-profile online posts. That activism went into a higher gear after Ferguson, in moments including a November 2014 NFL game, where five members of the St. Louis Rams came onto the field with their hands raised in a pose that had become synonymous with the protests; athletes referencing the names of those who had been killed on the clothing they wore at games, and in at least one case, joining a protest like New York Knicks basketball player Carmelo Anthony did in 2015.

Then came 2016, when San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick began his protest, declining to stand for the national anthem, at first by remaining seated and then by kneeling. It set off a furor as some others, in football and in other sports leagues like women's soccer player Megan Rapinoe, followed. Not just a furor about what they were protesting, the police abuse of power, but about whether it was ok for them to protest at all, athletes as activists.

Since then, athletes have continued to make their voices heard, like when the players of the WNBA got involved in the 2020 race for U.S. Senate for Georgia.

Douglas Hartmann, a professor of sociology at the University of Minnesota who has written about sports and society said the activism of athletes and sports has been “dramatically different in the last decade” than it had been in the decades before when people didn't look to, or really want, athletes as political actors or activists.

“It’s radically new historically that all of a sudden we now kind of allow and accept athletes to be figures like many others,” he said. “I think it’s great in some ways for athletes, but it’s really different.”

He also pointed out that when looking at the impact of a social movement, one has to take into consideration the backlash to it. In the current climate, he highlighted the conservative backlash against the diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts of recent years, as well as protections for members of LGBTQ+ communities.

‘Very different visions of America that are being fought over’

Social movements and the pushback that comes are “intimately connected in terms of being very different visions of America that are being fought over,” he said.

That the last decade has seen pushes for equality in LGBTQ+ issues as well as in the treatment of women, most famously in the #MeToo movement against sexual misconduct is not a surprise, said Tarana Burke, the longtime activist who has worked on issues including voting rights and gender equity, and is most well-known in the public as the overall founder of #MeToo.

“It’s all really under one big umbrella. We are ultimately fighting for a type of liberation that is across the board,” she said.

“When you start seeing this domino effect, that’s not unintentional,” she said. “That is because one thing emboldens another.”

Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Photos You Should See - July 2024

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Tunisians Escalate Protests Against Saied, Demanding Return of Democracy

By Tarek AmaraTUNIS (Reuters) -Thousands of Tunisians marched in the capital on Saturday in a protest against “injustice and repression”, accusing...

TUNIS (Reuters) -Thousands of Tunisians marched in the capital on Saturday in a protest against “injustice and repression”, accusing President Kais Saied of cementing one-man rule by using the judiciary and police.The protest was the latest in a wave that has swept Tunisia involving journalists, doctors, banks and public transport systems. Thousands have also demanded the closure of a chemical plant on environmental grounds.The protesters dressed in black to express anger and grief over what they called Tunisia’s transformation into an "open-air prison". They raised banners reading "Enough repression", "No fear, no terror, the streets belong to the people".The rally brought together activists, NGOs and fragmented parties from across the spectrum in a rare display of unity in opposition to Saied.It underscores Tunisia’s severe political and economic crisis and poses a major challenge to Saied, who seized power in 2021 and started ruling by decree.The protesters chanted slogans saying "We are suffocating!", "Enough of tyranny!" and "The people want the fall of the regime!"."Saied has turned the country into an open prison, we will never give up," Ezzedine Hazgui, father of jailed politician Jawhar Ben Mbark, told Reuters.Opposition parties, civil society groups and journalists all accuse Saied of using the judiciary and police to stifle criticism.Last month, three prominent civil rights groups announced that the authorities had suspended their activities over alleged foreign funding.Amnesty International has said the crackdown on rights groups has reached critical levels with arbitrary arrests, detentions, asset freezes, banking restrictions and suspensions targeting 14 NGOs.Opponents say Saied has destroyed the independence of the judiciary. In 2022 he dissolved the Supreme Judicial Council and sacked dozens of judges — moves that opposition groups and rights advocates condemned as a coup.Most opposition leaders and dozens of critics are in prison.Saied denies having become a dictator or using the judiciary against opponents, saying he is cleansing Tunisia of “traitors”.(Reporting by Tarek Amara; Editing by Kevin Liffey)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

At UN Climate Conference, Some Activists and Scientists Want More Talk on Reforming Agriculture

Many of the activists, scientists and government leaders at United Nations climate talks underway in Brazil have a beef: They want more to be done to transform the world’s food system

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — With a spotlight on the Brazilian Amazon, where agriculture drives a significant chunk of deforestation and planet-warming emissions, many of the activists, scientists and government leaders at United Nations climate talks have a beef. They want more to be done to transform the world's food system.Protesters gathered outside a new space at the talks, the industry-sponsored “Agrizone,” to call for a transition toward a more grassroots food system, even as hundreds of lobbyists for big agriculture companies are attending the talks.Though agriculture contributes about a third of Earth-warming emissions worldwide, most of the money dedicated to fighting climate change goes to causes other than agriculture, according to the U.N.'s Food and Agriculture Organization.The FAO didn't offer any single answer as to how that spending should be shifted, or on what foods people should be eating.“All the countries are coming together. I don’t think we can impose on them one specific worldview,” said Kaveh Zahedi, director of the organization's Office of Climate Change, Biodiversity and Environment."We have to be very, very aware and conscious of those nuances, those differences that exist,” Zahedi said. An alternative universe at COP for agriculture When world leaders gather every year to try to address climate change, they spend much of their time in a giant, artificial world that typically gets built up just for the conference.One corner of COP30, as this year's conference is known, featured the alternative universe of AgriZone, where visitors could step into a world of immersive videos and exhibits with live plants and food products. Those included a research farm that Brazilian national agricultural research corporation Embrapa built to showcase what they call low-carbon farming methods for raising cattle, and growing crops like corn and soy as well as ways to integrate cover crops like legumes or trees like teak and eucalyptus. Ana Euler, executive director of innovation, business and technology transfer at Embrapa, said her industry can offer solutions needed especially in the Global South where climate change is hitting hardest."We need to be part of the discussions in terms of climate funds," Euler said. "We researchers, we speak loud, but nobody listens.”AgriZone was averaging about 2,000 visitors a day during COP30's two-week run, said Gabriel Faria, an Embrapa spokesman. That included tours for Queen Mary of Denmark, COP President André Corrêa do Lago and other Brazilian state and local officials.But while the AgriZone seeks to spread a message of lower-carbon agriculture possibilities, industrial agriculture retains a big influence at the climate talks. The climate-focused news site DeSmog reported that more than 300 industrial agriculture lobbyists are attending COP30. In the face of big industry, some call for a voice for smallholder farmers On a humid evening at COP30's opening, a group of activists gathered on the grassy center of a busy roundabout in front of the AgriZone to call for food systems that prioritize good working conditions and sustainability and for industry lobbyists to not be allowed at the talks.Those with the most sway are "not the smallholder food producers, ... not the peasants, and ... definitely not all these people in the Global South that are experiencing the brunt of the crisis," said Pang Delgra, an activist with the Asian People’s Movement on Debt and Development who was among the protesters. “It’s this industrial agriculture and corporate lobbyists that are shifting the narrative inside COPs.”“We have to decolonize our thoughts. It’s not just about changing to a different food,” said Sara Omi, from the Embera people of Panama and president of the Coordination of Territorial Leaders of the Mesoamerican Alliance of Peoples and Forests.“The agro-industrial systems are not the solution," she added. "The solution is our own ancestral systems that we maintain as Indigenous peoples."The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

How U.S. Universities Used Counterterror Fusion Centers to Surveil Student Protests for Palestine

Internal university communications reveal how a network established for post-9/11 intelligence sharing was turned on students protesting genocide.  The post How U.S. Universities Used Counterterror Fusion Centers to Surveil Student Protests for Palestine appeared first on The Intercept.

From a statewide counterterrorism surveillance and intelligence-sharing hub in Ohio, a warning went out to administrators at the Ohio State University: “Currently, we are aware of a demonstration that is planned to take place at Ohio State University this evening (4/25/2024) at 1700 hours. Please see the attached flyers. It is possible that similar events will occur on campuses across Ohio in the coming days.” Founded in the wake of 9/11 to facilitate information sharing between federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies, fusion centers like Ohio’s Statewide Terrorism Analysis and Crime Center, or STACC, have become yet another way for law enforcement agencies to surveil legally protected First Amendment activities. The 80 fusion centers across the U.S. work with the military, private sector, and other stakeholders to collect vast amounts of information on American citizens in a stated effort to prevent future terror attacks. In Ohio, it seemed that the counterterrorism surveillance hub was also keeping close tabs on campus events. It wasn’t just at Ohio State: An investigative series by The Intercept has found that fusion centers were actively involved in monitoring pro-Palestine demonstrations on at least five campuses across the country, as shown in more than 20,000 pages of documents obtained via public records requests exposing U.S. universities’ playbooks for cracking down on pro-Palestine student activism. Related How California Spent Natural Disaster Funds to Quell Student Protests for Palestine As the documents make clear, not only did universities view the peaceful, student-led demonstrations as a security issue — warranting the outside police and technological surveillance interventions detailed in the rest of this series — but the network of law enforcement bodies responsible for counterterror surveillance operations framed the demonstrations in the same way. After the Ohio fusion center’s tip-off to the upcoming demonstration, officials in the Ohio State University Police Department worked quickly to assemble an operations plan and shut down the demonstration. “The preferred course of action for disorderly conduct and criminal trespass and other building violations will be arrest and removal from the event space,” wrote then-campus chief of police Kimberly Spears-McNatt in an email to her officers just two hours after the initial warning from Ohio’s primary fusion center. OSUPD and the Ohio State Highway Patrol would go on to clear the encampment that same night, arresting 36 demonstrators. Fusion centers were designed to facilitate the sharing of already collected intelligence between local, state, and federal agencies, but they have been used to target communities of color and to ever-widen the gray area of allowable surveillance. The American Civil Liberties Union, for example, has long advocated against the country’s fusion center network, on the grounds that they conducted overreaching surveillance of activists from the Black Lives Matter movement to environmental activism in Oregon. “Ohio State has an unwavering commitment to freedom of speech and expression. We do not discuss our security protocols in detail,” a spokesperson for Ohio State said in a statement to The Intercept. Officials at STACC didn’t respond to multiple requests for comment. The proliferation of fusion centers has contributed to a scope creep that allows broader and more intricate mass surveillance, said Rory Mir, associate director of community organizing at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. “Between AI assessments of online speech, the swirl of reckless data sharing from fusion centers, and often opaque campus policies, it’s a recipe for disaster,” Mir said. While the Trump administration has publicized its weaponization of federal law enforcement agencies against pro-Palestine protesters — with high-profile attacks including attempts to illegally deport student activists — the documents obtained by The Intercept display its precedent under the Biden administration, when surveillance and repression were coordinated behind the scenes. “ All of that was happening under Biden,” said Dylan Saba, a staff attorney at Palestine Legal, “and what we’ve seen with the Trump administration’s implementation of Project 2025 and Project Esther is really just an acceleration of all of these tools of repression that were in place from before.” Not only was the groundwork for the Trump administration’s descent into increasingly repressive and illegal tactics laid under Biden, but the investigation revealed that the framework for cracking down on student free speech was also in place before the pro-Palestine encampments. Among other documentation, The Intercept obtained a copy of Clemson University Police Department’s 2023 Risk Analysis Report, which states: “CUPD participates in regular information and intelligence sharing and assessment with both federal and state partners and receives briefings and updates throughout the year and for specific events/incidents form [sic] the South Carolina Information and Intelligence Center (SCIIC)” — another fusion center. The normalization of intelligence sharing between campus police departments and federal law enforcement agencies is widespread across U.S. universities, and as pro-Palestine demonstrations escalated across the country in 2024, U.S. universities would lean on their relationships with outside agencies and on intelligence sharing arrangements with not only other universities, but also the state and federal surveillance apparatus. Read our complete coverage Chilling Dissent OSU was not the only university where fusion centers facilitated briefings, intelligence sharing, and, in some cases, directly involved federal law enforcement agencies. At California State Polytechnic University, Humboldt, where the state tapped funds set aside for natural disasters and major emergencies to pay outside law enforcement officers to clear an occupied building, the university president noted that the partnership would allow them “to gather support from the local Fusion Center to assist with investigative measures.” Cal Poly Humboldt had already made students’ devices a target for their surveillance, as then-President Tom Jackson confirmed in an email. The university’s IT department had “tracked the IP and account user information for all individuals connecting to WiFi in Siemens Hall,” a university building that students occupied for eight days, Jackson wrote. With the help of the FBI – and warrants for the search and seizure of devices – the university could go a step further in punishing the involved students. The university’s IT department had “tracked the IP and account user information for all individuals connecting to WiFi in Siemens Hall.” In one email exchange, Kyle Winn, a special agent at the FBI’s San Francisco Division, wrote to a sergeant at the university’s police department: “Per our conversation, attached are several different warrants sworn out containing language pertaining to electronic devices. Please utilize them as needed. See you guys next week.” Cal Poly Humboldt said in a statement to The Intercept that it “remains firmly committed to upholding the rights guaranteed under the First Amendment, ensuring that all members of our community can speak, assemble, and express their views.” “The pro-Palestine movement really does face a crisis of repression,” said Tariq Kenney-Shawa, Al-Shabaka’s U.S. policy fellow. “We are up against repressive forces that have always been there, but have never been this advanced. So it’s really important that we don’t underestimate them — the repressive forces that are arrayed against us.” Related How Northern California’s Police Intelligence Center Tracked Protests In Mir’s view, university administrators should have been wary about unleashing federal surveillance at their schools due to fusion centers’ reputation for infringing on civil rights. “Fusion centers have also come under fire for sharing dubious intelligence and escalating local police responses to BLM,” Mir said, referring to the Black Lives Matter protests. “For universities to knowingly coordinate and feed more information into these systems to target students puts them in harm’s way and is a threat to their civil rights.” Research support provided by the nonprofit newsroom Type Investigations. The post How U.S. Universities Used Counterterror Fusion Centers to Surveil Student Protests for Palestine appeared first on The Intercept.

K-Pop Fans' Environmental Activism Comes to UN Climate Talks

K-pop is turning up in force at the United Nations climate talks in Brazil, with fans-turned-activists hosting protest and events to mobilize their millions-strong online community to back concrete climate actions

BELEM, Brazil (AP) — Fans of K-pop have an intensity that's turned the music into a global phenomenon. Some are determined to channel that energy into action on climate change.Meanwhile, panels attended by high-ranking South Korean officials during the talks, known as COP30, strategized on how to mobilize the K-pop fanbase.“It’s the first time K-pop fans have been introduced on a COP stage — not bands or artists — but fans,” said Cheulhong Kim, director of the Korean Cultural Center in Brazil, a branch of South Korea's Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism. “K-pop fans are the real protagonists behind this culture that has the power to shape social and political issues."While attending a K-pop event at COP30, South Korea's Minister of Climate, Energy and Environment Kim Seong-hwan told The Associated Press that his ministry “will support K-pop fans and their artists so that K-pop can contribute to tackling the climate crisis.” K-pop on the climate front Banners reading “Export K-pop, not fossil fuels” filled part of the main hall at COP30 on Monday, as activists demanded South Korea cut its funding for foreign fossil fuel development.Seokhwan Jeong, who organized the protest with the Seoul-based advocacy group, Solutions for Our Climate, alluded to a storyline from the demon hunters movie with a character leading a double life, hiding a secret.“South Korea must overcome its dual stance — championing coal phase-out on the global stage while supporting fossil-fuel finance behind the scenes,” Jeong said. “It is time for the country to stop hiding and become a genuine climate champion.”When organized, the fan base is a force to be reckoned with because of its size and intense loyalty, said Gyu Tag Lee, a professor at George Mason University Korea who studies the cultural impact of K-pop.Dayeon Lee, a campaigner with KPOP4PLANET, believes “cultural power is driving real climate action.”“Our love extends beyond artists," Lee said. “We care for each other across fandoms and borders. We are young people facing the same future, fluent in social media, keen to respond to injustice.”The K-pop activism aligns with the Brazilian Portuguese concept of “mutirão” — a spirit of collective effort — that the COP30 Presidency is using as a rallying cry on the problem of climate change, according to Vinicius Gurtler, general coordinator for international affairs in Brazil’s Ministry of Culture.More than 80 countries have voiced support for the “mutirão” call in what environmentalists have said “could be the turning point of COP30.”“One of the best ways for us to do this is through music and through the youth," Gurtler said. "I don’t think that we will create a better planet if we cannot sing and if we cannot imagine a better world."The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.This story was produced as part of the 2025 Climate Change Media Partnership, a journalism fellowship organized by Internews’ Earth Journalism Network and the Stanley Center for Peace and Security.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

Costa Rica Environmentalists Face Rising Threats and Harassment

Environmental activists in Costa Rica continue to face escalating threats, harassment, and legal intimidation as they challenge projects that harm ecosystems. Groups report a systematic pattern of repression, including public stigmatization, digital attacks, and abusive lawsuits meant to exhaust resources and silence opposition. In Puntarenas, billboards have appeared labeling local defenders as “persona non grata,” […] The post Costa Rica Environmentalists Face Rising Threats and Harassment appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Environmental activists in Costa Rica continue to face escalating threats, harassment, and legal intimidation as they challenge projects that harm ecosystems. Groups report a systematic pattern of repression, including public stigmatization, digital attacks, and abusive lawsuits meant to exhaust resources and silence opposition. In Puntarenas, billboards have appeared labeling local defenders as “persona non grata,” a form of symbolic violence that isolates activists in their communities. Similar tactics include online campaigns spreading disinformation and gendered threats, particularly against women who speak out against coastal developments or illegal logging. Legal actions add another layer of pressure. Developers have sued content creators for posting videos that question the environmental impact of tourism projects, claiming defamation or false information. Organizations identify these as SLAPP suits—strategic lawsuits against public participation—designed to drain time and money through lengthy court processes rather than seek genuine redress. In recent cases, bank accounts have been frozen, forcing individuals to halt their work. The Federation for Environmental Conservation (FECON), Bloque Verde, and other groups link these incidents to broader institutional changes. The State of the Nation Report released this month documents sustained weakening of environmental bodies. Budget cuts and staff reductions at the Ministry of Environment and Energy (MINAE) and the National System of Conservation Areas (SINAC) have left larger protected areas with fewer resources. Policy shifts concentrate decision-making power while reducing scientific and community input. Activists argue this dismantling exposes water sources, forests, and biodiversity to greater risks. They point to rapid coastal development in areas like Guanacaste, where unplanned tourism strains wetlands and mangroves. Indigenous communities and rural defenders face added vulnerabilities, with reports of death threats tied to land recovery efforts. These pressures coincide with debates over resource extraction and regulatory rollbacks. Environmental organizations stress that protecting nature supports public health, jobs in sustainable tourism, and democratic rights. They maintain that freedom of expression and participation remain essential for holding projects accountable. Without stronger safeguards for defenders and reversal of institutional decline, groups warn that Costa Rica risks undermining its conservation achievements. They call for protocols to address threats, anti-SLAPP measures, and renewed commitment to environmental governance. Defending ecosystems, they say, equals defending the country’s future stability and justice. The post Costa Rica Environmentalists Face Rising Threats and Harassment appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

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