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How to build data centers without raising grid costs — and emissions

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Wednesday, February 26, 2025

This is the third article in our four-part series ​“Boon or bane: What will data centers do to the grid?” The world’s wealthiest tech companies want to build giant data centers across the United States to feed their AI ambitions, and they want to do it fast. Each data center can use as much electricity as a small city and cost more than $1 billion to construct. If built, these data centers would unleash a torrent of demand for electricity on the country’s power grids. Utilities, regulators, and policymakers are scrambling to keep pace. If they mismanage their response, it could lead to higher utility bills for customers and far more carbon emissions. But this mad dash for power could also push the U.S. toward a cleaner and cheaper grid — if tech giants and other data center developers decide to treat the looming power crunch as a clean-power opportunity. Utilities from Virginia to Texas are planning to build large numbers of new fossil-gas-fired power plants and to extend the life of coal plants. To justify this, they point to staggering — but dubious — forecasts of how much electricity data centers will gobble up in the coming years, mostly to power the AI efforts of the world’s largest tech companies. Most of the tech giants in question have set ambitious clean energy goals. They’ve also built and procured more clean power than any other corporations in the country, and they’re active investors in or partners of startups working on next-generation carbon-free energy sources like advanced geothermal. But some climate activists and energy analysts believe that given the current frenzy to build AI data centers, these firms have been too passive — too willing to accept the carbon-intensive plans that utilities have laid out on their behalf. It’s time, these critics say, for everyone involved — tech giants, utilities, regulators, and policymakers — to ​“demand better.” That’s how the Sierra Club put it in a recent report urging action from Amazon, Google, Meta, Microsoft, and other tech firms driving data center growth across the country. “I’m concerned the gold rush — to the extent there’s a true gold rush around AI — is trumping climate commitments,” said Laurie Williams, director of the Sierra Club’s Beyond Coal campaign and one of the report’s authors. Williams isn’t alone. Climate activists, energy analysts, and policymakers in states with fast-growing data center markets fear that data center developers are prioritizing expediency over solving cost and climate challenges. “I think what we’re seeing is a culture clash,” she said. ​“You have the tech industry, which is used to moving fast and making deals, and a highly regulated utility space.” Some tech firms intend to rely on unproven technologies like small modular nuclear reactors to build emissions-free data centers, an approach that analysts say is needlessly unreliable. Others want to divert electricity from existing nuclear plants — as Amazon hopes to do in Pennsylvania — which simply shifts clean power from utility grids to tech companies. Yet others are simply embracing new gas construction as the best path forward for now, albeit with promises to use cleaner energy down the road, as Meta is doing in Louisiana. Meanwhile, several fossil fuel companies are hoping to convince tech firms and data center developers to largely avoid the power grid by building fossil-gas-fired plants that solely serve data centers — an idea that’s both antithetical to climate goals and, according to industry analysts, impractical. But a number of tech firms and independent data center developers are pursuing more realistic strategies that are both affordable and clean in order to meet their climate goals.  These projects should be the model, clean power advocates say, if we want to ensure the predicted AI-fueled boom in energy demand doesn’t hurt utility customers or climate goals. And ideally, the companies involved would go even further, Williams said, by engaging in utility proceedings to demand a clean energy transition, by bringing their own grid-friendly ​“demand management” and clean power and batteries to the table, and by looking beyond the country’s crowded data center hubs to places with space to build more solar and wind farms. Getting utilities and data centers on the same page The basic mandate of utilities is to provide reliable and affordable energy to all customers. Many utilities also have mandates — issued by either their own executives or state policymakers — to build clean energy and cut carbon emissions. But the scale and urgency of the data center boom has put these priorities on a collision course. As the primary drivers of that conflict, data centers have a responsibility to help out. That’s Brian Janous’ philosophy. He’s the cofounder of Cloverleaf Infrastructure, a developer of sites for large power users, including data centers. Cloverleaf is planning a flagship data center project in Port Washington, a city about 25 miles north of Milwaukee. Cloverleaf aims to build a data center campus that will draw up to 3.5 gigawatts of power from the grid when it reaches full capacity by the end of 2030, ​“which we think could be one of the biggest data center projects in the country,” Janous said. That’s equivalent to the power used by more than 2.5 million homes and a major increase in load for the region’s utility, We Energies, to try to serve. Together with We Energies and its parent company, WEC Energy, Cloverleaf is working on a plan that, the companies hope, will avoid exposing utility customers to increased cost and climate risks. “The utility has done a great job of building a very sustainable path,” Janous said. WEC Energy and Cloverleaf are in discussions to build enough solar, wind, and battery storage to meet more than half the site’s estimated energy needs. The campus may also be able to tap into zero-carbon electricity from the Point Beach nuclear power plant, which is now undergoing a federal relicensing process, he said. The key mechanism of the deal is what Janous called a ​“ring-fenced, bespoke tariff.” That structure is meant to shield other utility customers from paying more than their fair share for infrastructure built to meet data centers’ demand. “This tariff puts it completely in the hands of the buyer what energy mix they’re going to rely on,” he said. That allows Cloverleaf — and whatever customer or customers end up at the site it’s developing — to tap into the wind, solar, and battery storage capacity WEC Energy plans to build to meet its clean energy goals. To be clear, this tariff structure is still being finalized and hasn’t yet been submitted to state utility regulators, said Dan Krueger, WEC Energy’s executive vice president of infrastructure and generation planning. But its fundamental structure is based on what he called a ​“simple, just not easy,” premise: ​“If you come here and you say you’ll pay your own way”— covering the cost of the energy and the transmission grid you’ll use — ​“we invest in power plants” to provide firm and reliable power. “We make sure we can get power to the site, we make sure we have enough capacity to give you firm power, and then we start lining up the resources that can help make you green,” he said. WEC Energy’s broader plans to serve its customers’ growing demand for power haven’t won the backing of environmental advocates. The Sierra Club is protesting the utility’s proposal to build or repower 3 GW of gas-fired power plants in the next several years, and has pressed Microsoft, which is planning its own $3.3 billion data center in We Energies territory, to engage in the state-regulated planning process to demand cleaner options. Krueger said that the gas buildout is part of a larger $28 billion five-year capital plan that includes about $9.1 billion to add 4.3 GW of wind, solar, and battery capacity through 2029. That plan encompasses meeting new demand from a host of large customers including Microsoft, but it doesn’t include the resources being developed for Cloverleaf. Janous said he agreed with the Sierra Club’s proposition that ​“the biggest customers should be using their influence to affect policy.” At the same time, Cloverleaf is building its data center for an eventual customer, and ​“our customers are looking for speed, scale, and sustainability,” in that order. Cementing a tariff with a host utility is a more direct path to achieving this objective, he said. A ​“clean tariff” model for sustainable data center development? Similar developer partnerships between utilities and data centers are popping up nationwide. In Georgia, the Clean Energy Buyers Association and utility Georgia Power are negotiating to give tech companies more freedom to contract for clean energy supplies. In North Carolina, Duke Energy is working with Amazon, Google, Microsoft, and steelmaker Nucor to create tariffs for long-duration energy storage, modular nuclear reactors, and other ​“clean firm” resources. In Nevada, utility NV Energy and Google have proposed a ​“clean transition tariff,” which would commit both companies to securing power from an advanced geothermal plant that Fervo Energy is planning.

This is the third article in our four-part series “ Boon or bane: What will data centers do to the grid? ” The world’s wealthiest tech companies want to build giant data centers across the United States to feed their AI ambitions, and they want to do it fast. Each data center can use as much electricity as a small…

This is the third article in our four-part series Boon or bane: What will data centers do to the grid?

The world’s wealthiest tech companies want to build giant data centers across the United States to feed their AI ambitions, and they want to do it fast. Each data center can use as much electricity as a small city and cost more than $1 billion to construct.

If built, these data centers would unleash a torrent of demand for electricity on the country’s power grids. Utilities, regulators, and policymakers are scrambling to keep pace. If they mismanage their response, it could lead to higher utility bills for customers and far more carbon emissions. But this mad dash for power could also push the U.S. toward a cleaner and cheaper grid — if tech giants and other data center developers decide to treat the looming power crunch as a clean-power opportunity.

Utilities from Virginia to Texas are planning to build large numbers of new fossil-gas-fired power plants and to extend the life of coal plants. To justify this, they point to staggering — but dubious — forecasts of how much electricity data centers will gobble up in the coming years, mostly to power the AI efforts of the world’s largest tech companies.

Most of the tech giants in question have set ambitious clean energy goals. They’ve also built and procured more clean power than any other corporations in the country, and they’re active investors in or partners of startups working on next-generation carbon-free energy sources like advanced geothermal.

But some climate activists and energy analysts believe that given the current frenzy to build AI data centers, these firms have been too passive — too willing to accept the carbon-intensive plans that utilities have laid out on their behalf.

It’s time, these critics say, for everyone involved — tech giants, utilities, regulators, and policymakers — to demand better.” That’s how the Sierra Club put it in a recent report urging action from Amazon, Google, Meta, Microsoft, and other tech firms driving data center growth across the country.

I’m concerned the gold rush — to the extent there’s a true gold rush around AI — is trumping climate commitments,” said Laurie Williams, director of the Sierra Club’s Beyond Coal campaign and one of the report’s authors.

Williams isn’t alone. Climate activists, energy analysts, and policymakers in states with fast-growing data center markets fear that data center developers are prioritizing expediency over solving cost and climate challenges.

I think what we’re seeing is a culture clash,” she said. You have the tech industry, which is used to moving fast and making deals, and a highly regulated utility space.”

Some tech firms intend to rely on unproven technologies like small modular nuclear reactors to build emissions-free data centers, an approach that analysts say is needlessly unreliable. Others want to divert electricity from existing nuclear plants — as Amazon hopes to do in Pennsylvania — which simply shifts clean power from utility grids to tech companies. Yet others are simply embracing new gas construction as the best path forward for now, albeit with promises to use cleaner energy down the road, as Meta is doing in Louisiana.

Meanwhile, several fossil fuel companies are hoping to convince tech firms and data center developers to largely avoid the power grid by building fossil-gas-fired plants that solely serve data centers — an idea that’s both antithetical to climate goals and, according to industry analysts, impractical.

But a number of tech firms and independent data center developers are pursuing more realistic strategies that are both affordable and clean in order to meet their climate goals. 

These projects should be the model, clean power advocates say, if we want to ensure the predicted AI-fueled boom in energy demand doesn’t hurt utility customers or climate goals.

And ideally, the companies involved would go even further, Williams said, by engaging in utility proceedings to demand a clean energy transition, by bringing their own grid-friendly demand management” and clean power and batteries to the table, and by looking beyond the country’s crowded data center hubs to places with space to build more solar and wind farms.

Getting utilities and data centers on the same page

The basic mandate of utilities is to provide reliable and affordable energy to all customers. Many utilities also have mandates — issued by either their own executives or state policymakers — to build clean energy and cut carbon emissions.

But the scale and urgency of the data center boom has put these priorities on a collision course.

As the primary drivers of that conflict, data centers have a responsibility to help out. That’s Brian Janous’ philosophy. He’s the cofounder of Cloverleaf Infrastructure, a developer of sites for large power users, including data centers. Cloverleaf is planning a flagship data center project in Port Washington, a city about 25 miles north of Milwaukee.

Cloverleaf aims to build a data center campus that will draw up to 3.5 gigawatts of power from the grid when it reaches full capacity by the end of 2030, which we think could be one of the biggest data center projects in the country,” Janous said. That’s equivalent to the power used by more than 2.5 million homes and a major increase in load for the region’s utility, We Energies, to try to serve.

Together with We Energies and its parent company, WEC Energy, Cloverleaf is working on a plan that, the companies hope, will avoid exposing utility customers to increased cost and climate risks.

The utility has done a great job of building a very sustainable path,” Janous said. WEC Energy and Cloverleaf are in discussions to build enough solar, wind, and battery storage to meet more than half the site’s estimated energy needs. The campus may also be able to tap into zero-carbon electricity from the Point Beach nuclear power plant, which is now undergoing a federal relicensing process, he said.

The key mechanism of the deal is what Janous called a ring-fenced, bespoke tariff.” That structure is meant to shield other utility customers from paying more than their fair share for infrastructure built to meet data centers’ demand.

This tariff puts it completely in the hands of the buyer what energy mix they’re going to rely on,” he said. That allows Cloverleaf — and whatever customer or customers end up at the site it’s developing — to tap into the wind, solar, and battery storage capacity WEC Energy plans to build to meet its clean energy goals.

To be clear, this tariff structure is still being finalized and hasn’t yet been submitted to state utility regulators, said Dan Krueger, WEC Energy’s executive vice president of infrastructure and generation planning. But its fundamental structure is based on what he called a simple, just not easy,” premise: If you come here and you say you’ll pay your own way”— covering the cost of the energy and the transmission grid you’ll use — we invest in power plants” to provide firm and reliable power.

We make sure we can get power to the site, we make sure we have enough capacity to give you firm power, and then we start lining up the resources that can help make you green,” he said.

WEC Energy’s broader plans to serve its customers’ growing demand for power haven’t won the backing of environmental advocates. The Sierra Club is protesting the utility’s proposal to build or repower 3 GW of gas-fired power plants in the next several years, and has pressed Microsoft, which is planning its own $3.3 billion data center in We Energies territory, to engage in the state-regulated planning process to demand cleaner options.

Krueger said that the gas buildout is part of a larger $28 billion five-year capital plan that includes about $9.1 billion to add 4.3 GW of wind, solar, and battery capacity through 2029. That plan encompasses meeting new demand from a host of large customers including Microsoft, but it doesn’t include the resources being developed for Cloverleaf.

Janous said he agreed with the Sierra Club’s proposition that the biggest customers should be using their influence to affect policy.” At the same time, Cloverleaf is building its data center for an eventual customer, and our customers are looking for speed, scale, and sustainability,” in that order. Cementing a tariff with a host utility is a more direct path to achieving this objective, he said.

A clean tariff” model for sustainable data center development?

Similar developer partnerships between utilities and data centers are popping up nationwide.

In Georgia, the Clean Energy Buyers Association and utility Georgia Power are negotiating to give tech companies more freedom to contract for clean energy supplies. In North Carolina, Duke Energy is working with Amazon, Google, Microsoft, and steelmaker Nucor to create tariffs for long-duration energy storage, modular nuclear reactors, and other clean firm” resources. In Nevada, utility NV Energy and Google have proposed a clean transition tariff,” which would commit both companies to securing power from an advanced geothermal plant that Fervo Energy is planning.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

More Americans Are Going to Fall Into Toxic Traps

Environmental justice was patching over gaps in federal law that allowed for zones of concentrated harms.

Tracking the Trump administration’s rollback of climate and environmental policies can seem like being forced through a wormhole back in time. The administration tried to freeze funding that Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act directed to clean energy, turning that particular clock back to 2022. The Environmental Protection Agency could scrap the finding that greenhouse-gas emissions pose threats to human health and the environment, which has underpinned federal climate efforts since 2009. The Trump administration has also barred scientists from working on the UN’s benchmark international climate report, a continuous collaboration since 1990. And it has demolished federal work on environmental justice, which dates back to the George H. W. Bush administration. As part of its purge of so-called DEI initiatives, the administration put 160 EPA employees who work on environmental justice on leave, rescinded Biden’s executive orders prioritizing this work, and pushed to terminate, “to the maximum extent allowed by law,” all environmental-justice offices and positions by March 21.The concept of environmental justice is grounded in activists’ attempt in the early ’80s to block a dump for polychlorinated biphenyls, once widely used toxic chemicals, from being installed in Warren Country, North Carolina, a predominantly Black community. Evidence quickly mounted that Americans who were nonwhite or poor, and particularly those who were both, were more likely to live near hazardous-waste sites and other sources of pollution. Advocates for addressing these ills called unequal toxic exposures “environmental racism,” and the efforts to address them “environmental justice.” In the early ’90s, the first President Bush established the Office of Environmental Equity, eventually known as the EPA’s Office of Environmental Justice, and President Bill Clinton mandated that federal agencies incorporate environmental justice into their work.Biden, though, was the first president to direct real money toward communities disproportionately affected by pollution—places where, say, multiple factories, refineries, truck yards, and garbage incinerators all operated in a condensed area. As with so many targets of Trump’s crusade against DEI, the damage will be felt by poor people across the country. This choice will certainly harm communities of color, but it will also touch everyone, including many of Trump’s supporters, living in a place burdened by multiple forms of environmental stress. Under Trump’s deregulatory policies, that category will only keep expanding.“There are still these places where life expectancy is 10 to 15 years less than other parts of the country,” Adam Ortiz, the former administrator for EPA Region 3, which covers the mid-Atlantic, told me. Cancer rates are sky high in many of these areas too. Some of these communities are predominantly Black, such as Ivy City, in Washington, D.C., a historically redlined, segregated, working-class community where the air is fouled by a rail switchyard, a highway, and dozens of industrial sites located in a small area. But plenty of the small rural areas that have benefited from environmental-justice money look like Richwood, West Virginia, where catastrophic flooding—a growing climate hazard in the region—knocked out the local water-treatment plant. Residents there are poor, white, and generally politically conservative. In many cases, these communities had gotten little federal attention for generations, Ortiz said.Untangling the knot of pollution in these places is slow work, in part because federal laws don’t adequately address overlapping environmental ills: The Clean Water Act and Clean Air Act regulate only one form and one source of pollution at a time. A population exposed to many pollution sources simultaneously, or to a cocktail of toxins, has little redress. Each business regulated by these laws may follow them and still end up creating places that, like Ivy City, have dangerously bad air quality. Cumulative impact is a gaping regulatory chasm into which millions of Americans fall each year. Federal environmental-justice efforts aimed to fill it.The Trump administration has now halted projects such as the ones Ortiz worked on. People who had spent years gaining trust with local communities, and who had worked with local companies to help them alter things such as how they vented pollution, were dismissed or reassigned. By then, in Ivy City, the EPA had managed to address a “handful” of the 40 or 50 pollution sources plaguing the area, Ortiz said.But some work did get done, and its benefit will likely persist despite the Trump administration’s attempt to make environmental justice disappear. Paul Mohai, a professor at the University of Michigan who served as a senior adviser to the EPA’s environmental-justice office, told me. In his view, one president can’t erase the progress made over the past decades, particularly outside the federal government.Because he was there at the beginning, Mohai knows what these knotty pollution problems looked like when few in government were paying attention. When he co-wrote a review of the literature on environmental justice in the early 1990s, he struggled to find more than a dozen papers on the topic. Now, he said, more publications are coming out and more nonprofit groups have formed to tackle these issues than he can keep track of.Surely some of them will be affected by the president’s restrictions on grant making for scientific research. But the facts accrued through existing research cannot be erased: People of color in the U.S. are exposed to a 38 percent higher level of the respiratory irritant nitrogen dioxide, on average, than white people. Low-income communities are disproportionately targeted for hazardous-waste sites. Poor people and people of color suffer the most from climate impacts such as flooding and extreme heat. Several states have also put environmental-justice considerations into their laws; one in New Jersey restricts certain new industrial permits in places that are already overburdened, for instance. The decisions of a single administration can’t undo all that.But millions of disadvantaged Americans live in states that are not interested in passing these kinds of laws. And layoffs at the EPA will dilute what protections federal clean-air and water legislation do afford, by making enforcement less possible. As the climate crisis deepens—growing the threats of extreme heat, sea-level rise, and catastrophic rainfall, each a hazard that can rob people of safety—more places could succumb to the gaps in these laws as well. Many climate dangers are akin to those of pollution because they create zones of harm where residents bear the costs of the country’s environmental compromises and have little to help them through it. Nothing in any federal law specifically compels the government to protect people from extreme heat, or from unprecedented flooding, though both are set to descend on Americans more often and disproportionately harm poor people and people of color.As these stresses multiply, they’ll be layered onto a landscape already dotted with sites where heavy industry and major traffic create concentrations of emissions. Without laws to address the cumulative impact of these, more Americans will be left sicker and will die sooner. It’s taken decades for the country to start reckoning with that fact to begin to move toward a more useful vision of safety. For now, it seems, all progress is on pause.

Analysis-Germany's Climate Activists on Edge as Parties Shape Coalition Agenda

By Riham AlkousaaBERLIN (Reuters) - Climate activists fear the worst when Germany's conservatives and Social Democrats begin to thrash out a joint...

BERLIN (Reuters) - Climate activists fear the worst when Germany's conservatives and Social Democrats begin to thrash out a joint climate policy for their future coalition government. A country once seen as a beacon of progressive climate policy is poised for a significant reset, with the conservatives - having in part blamed Germany's ambitious green goals for chronic economic weakness - keen to roll back targets and policies amid rising voter apathy on climate.As Europe's largest emitter of CO2 but also Europe's biggest generator of renewable energy, Germany's future stance on climate issues will be even more critical after the United States' withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and with the European Union under pressure from some members to ease regulations and goals."If there was ever a time to panic about climate and politics, now would be it," Luisa Neubauer, a prominent German climate activist with Fridays for Future, told Reuters.Since winning February's election, the CDU has affirmed its commitment to Germany's overarching 2045 target of being climate neutral but emphasizes a "pragmatic approach that supports the economy, industry, and public acceptance", according to Andreas Jung, the conservatives' climate policy spokesperson.The party wants to abolish a future ban on the sale of new petrol and diesel cars, end restrictions on the use of cars, reverse a law phasing out fossil fuel heating, and reintroduce diesel subsidies in agriculture. How strongly the SPD will defend its green election pledges - to stick to national and EU targets, invest in green infrastructure and renewables, and focus on affordable climate protection - in coalition talks is key, climate activists say. Nina Scheer, an SPD climate spokeswoman, told Reuters it would be important to develop a common understanding with the conservatives on an accelerated and systematic transition to renewable energies. But that could be tricky. The SPD has been significantly weakened and came in third place in the election, with just 16.4% of the vote, its worst ever result."The SPD is not a traditional climate policy party like the Greens, so we shouldn’t expect them to push this issue as strongly," said Stefan Marschall, political scientist at the University of Duesseldorf.Greenhouse gas emissions in Germany fell by 12.5% under the three-party "traffic light" coalition of the SPD, Greens, and Free Democrats, thanks to a renewable energy push and a drop in industrial production.But emissions cuts in sectors such as transport and building - 38% of Germany's 2024 total emissions- have stalled.Expanding net-zero policies to these sectors has faced growing resistance in Germany and Europe, amid a cost-of-living crisis that has shifted climate protection lower on German voters' priorities in the February election.Only 12.8% of Germans saw climate protection as the most important issue in this election, down from 24.4% in 2021, a study by IW Koeln economic institute showed.Environmental and expert groups say Germany is not expected to meet the 2045 target as things stand. The Green Party, heading for opposition, still wields some influence, after threatening to tie its support for a new conservative-SPD financial package to the inclusion of some climate investment commitments within that plan.    Germany cannot unilaterally reverse EU laws, but its influence is strong. The center-right European People's Party (EPP), the largest group at the European parliament and which includes Germany's conservatives, launched a campaign in December to weaken the bloc's climate rules.At a recent EPP retreat in Berlin, conservative leader and Germany's likely next chancellor Friedrich Merz signed a declaration calling on the EU to abandon its renewable energy goals, a step backed by industry."If Germany is not standing by the Green Deal, the Green Deal is gone," said German Green MEP Michael Bloss, referring to the EU's target. The conservatives' climate policy relies heavily on CO2 pricing as a mechanism to cut emissions and fund investment."We are focusing on three pillars: gradual CO2 pricing with social compensation, reliable subsidies, and a strategy of enabling rather than excessive regulation," CDU's Jung said. The European emissions trading system (ETS), extending to the transport and buildings sectors from 2027, is expected to increase prices and make heating or powering vehicles with fossil fuels less appealing. But if prices rise too much that creates a crisis of affordability.Germany must annually invest about 3% of its GDP in climate protection measures like power grid upgrades, industry electrification and public transport expansion, to meet its 2045 climate neutrality goal, says Berlin-based think tank Agora.The conservatives and SPD this week agreed to create a 500 billion euro infrastructure fund and overhaul borrowing rules but dedicated climate investments are not included in the fund. The conservatives have also promised sweeping tax cuts that would deprive state coffers of almost 100 billion euros of annual revenue, according to the Ifo economic institute. "The biggest gap in the conservatives’ current program is the lack of a clear strategy to make climate transition fair or affordable for the poorer half of the population," said Christoph Bals, political director at research group Germanwatch.The chance of sluggish climate action under a future conservative-led government is likely to spark more legal battles and direct action activism, which surged in Germany, despite the greener SPD-led government.Roadblocks, airport protests, and demonstrations at oil installations captured national attention and triggered a government crackdown and there are already three climate-related constitutional complaints pending before Germany's top court."It's our job to keep this issue alive. The next few years will be challenging, not just for us but also for the CDU (conservatives)," Lena Donat, Greenpeace mobility expert, said. (Reporting by Riham Alkousaa; Editing by Alexandra Hudson)Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.Photos You Should See - Feb. 2025

Greenpeace on Trial: $300M Lawsuit over Standing Rock Protests Could Shutter Group & Chill Free Speech

A closely watched civil trial that began in North Dakota last week could bankrupt Greenpeace and chill environmental activism as the climate crisis continues to deepen. The multimillion-dollar lawsuit by Energy Transfer, the oil corporation behind the Dakota Access Pipeline, claims Greenpeace organized the mass protests and encampment at Standing Rock between 2016 and 2017 aimed at stopping construction of the project. Although the uprising at Standing Rock was led by Indigenous water defenders, Energy Transfer is instead going after Greenpeace for $300 million in damages — an amount that could effectively shutter the group’s U.S. operations. “This case is not just an obvious and blatant erasure of Indigenous leadership, of Indigenous resistance,” says Deepa Padmanabha, a senior legal adviser for Greenpeace USA. “It is an attack on the broader movement and all of our First Amendment rights to free speech and peaceful protest.”

A closely watched civil trial that began in North Dakota last week could bankrupt Greenpeace and chill environmental activism as the climate crisis continues to deepen. The multimillion-dollar lawsuit by Energy Transfer, the oil corporation behind the Dakota Access Pipeline, claims Greenpeace organized the mass protests and encampment at Standing Rock between 2016 and 2017 aimed at stopping construction of the project. Although the uprising at Standing Rock was led by Indigenous water defenders, Energy Transfer is instead going after Greenpeace for $300 million in damages — an amount that could effectively shutter the group’s U.S. operations. “This case is not just an obvious and blatant erasure of Indigenous leadership, of Indigenous resistance,” says Deepa Padmanabha, a senior legal adviser for Greenpeace USA. “It is an attack on the broader movement and all of our First Amendment rights to free speech and peaceful protest.”

Why detecting methane is difficult but crucial work

From handheld to space-based, new methane detectors are making it easier to track the greenhouse gas.

Why detecting methane is difficult but crucial workChristine RoTechnology ReporterHelen GebregiorgisHandheld devices can detect methane and other gasesIn and around Washington DC, volunteers and activists have been walking through streets and homes to see how healthy the air is.They're armed with industry-grade monitors that detect the presence of several gases. The devices look a bit like walkie-talkies.But they are equipped with sensors that reveal the extent of methane, turning this invisible gas into concrete numbers on a screen.Those numbers can be worrying. In a 25-hour period, neighbourhood researchers found 13 outdoor methane leaks at concentrations exceeding the lower explosive limit. They have also found methane leaks within homes.A key concern has been health. Methane and other gases, notably nitrogen oxide from gas stoves, are linked to higher risks of asthma.Djamila Bah, a healthcare worker as well as a tenant leader for the community organisation Action in Montgomery, reports that one out of three children have asthma in the homes tested by the organisation."It's very heartbreaking and alarming when you're doing the testing and then you find out that some people are living in that condition that they can't change for now," Ms Bah says.Methane might be a hazard to human health, but it is also powerful greenhouse gas.While it has a much shorter lifespan in the atmosphere than carbon dioxide (CO2), methane is much better at trapping heat and it accounts for about one-quarter of the rise in global temperature since industrialisation.Methane emissions come from a diverse array of sectors. Chief among these are fossil fuels, waste and agriculture.But methane is not always easy to notice.It can be detected using handheld gas sensors like the ones used by the community researchers. It can also be visualised using infrared cameras, as methane absorbs infrared light.Monitoring can be ground-based, including vehicle-mounted devices, or aerial, including drone-based measurement. Combining technologies is especially helpful."There is no perfect solution," says Andreea Calcan, a programme management officer at the International Methane Emissions Observatory, a UN initiative.There are trade-offs between the cost of technologies and the scale of analysis, which could extend to thousands of facilities.Thankfully, she has seen an expansion of affordable methane sensors in the past decade. So there is no reason to wait on monitoring methane, at any scale. And the world needs to tackle both the small leakages and the high-emitting events, she says.Carbon MapperThe Tanager-1 satellite is designed to spot large methane emissionsAt a larger scale, satellites are often good at pinpointing super-emitters: less frequent but massively emitting events, such as huge oil and gas leaks. Or they can detect the smaller and more spread-out emitters that are much more common, such as cattle farms.Current satellites are typically designed to monitor one scale of emitter, says Riley Duren, the CEO of the Carbon Mapper, a not-for-profit organisation that tracks emissions.He likens this to film cameras. A telephoto lens offers higher resolution, while a wide-angle lens allows a larger field of view.With a new satellite, Carbon Mapper is focusing on high resolution, high sensitivity and rapid detection, to more precisely detect emissions from super-emitters. In August 2024 Carbon Mapper launched the Tanager-1 satellite, together with NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory and the Earth imaging company Planet Labs.Carbon MapperA methane plume from a Texan oilfield spotted in September 2024 by Tanager-1Satellites have struggled to spot methane emissions in certain environments, such as poorly maintained oil wells in snowy areas with lots of vegetation. Low light, high latitudes, mountains and offshore areas also present challenges.Mr Duren says that the high-resolution Tanager-1 can respond to some of these challenges, for instance by essentially sneaking peeks through gaps in cloud cover or forest cover."In an oil and gas field, high resolution could be the difference between isolating the methane emissions from an oil well head from an adjacent pipeline," he says. This could help determine exactly who is responsible.Carbon Mapper began releasing emissions data, drawing on Tanager-1 observations, in November.It will take several years to build out the full constellation of satellites, which will depend on funding.Tanager-1 isn't the only new satellite with a focus on delivering methane data. MethaneSAT, a project of the Environmental Defense Fund and private and public partners, also launched in 2024.With the increasing sophistication of all these satellite technologies, "What was previously unseeable is now visible," Mr Duren says. "As a society we're still learning about our true methane footprint."It's clear that better information is needed about methane emissions. Some energy companies have sought to evade methane detection by using "enclosed combustors" to obscure gas flaring.Translating knowledge into action isn't always straightforward. Methane levels continue to rise, even as the information available does as well.For instance, the Methane Alert and Response System (MARS) uses satellite data to detect methane emissions notify companies and governments. The MARS team gathered a large quantity of methane plume images, verified by humans, to train a machine learning model to recognise such plumes.In all the locations that MARS constantly monitors, based on their history of emissions, the model checks for a methane plume every day. Analysts then scrutinise any alerts.Because there are so many locations to be monitored, "this saves us a lot of time," says Itziar Irakulis Loitxate, the remote sensing lead for the International Methane Emissions Observatory, which is responsible for MARS.In the two years since its launch, MARS has sent out over 1,200 alerts for major methane leaks. Only 1% of those have led to responses.However, Ms Irakulis remains optimistic. Some of those alerts led to direct action such as repairs, including cases where emissions ceased even though the oil and gas operator didn't officially provide feedback.And communications are improving all the time, Ms Irakulis says. "I have hope that this 1%, we will see it grow a lot in the next year."At the community level, it's been powerful for residents, such as those in the Washington DC area, to take the air pollution readings themselves and use these to counter misinformation. "Now that we know better, we can do better," says Joelle Novey of Interfaith Power and Light.More Technology of Business

Lawsuit Accuses Atlanta Police of Illegally Targeting 'Stop Cop City' Protesters

A federal lawsuit accuses Atlanta police of systemically targeting critics of a police and firefighter training center

ATLANTA (AP) — Atlanta police have for years illegally targeted critics of a police and firefighter training center, according to a federal lawsuit filed on behalf of a protester who is one of dozens of “Stop Cop City” activists facing domestic terrorism and racketeering charges.The lawsuit, filed on behalf of Jamie Marsicano, alleges that authorities view any critic of the training center as a would-be criminal and have repeatedly made arrests without cause, depriving protesters of their First Amendment rights and their civil rights protections against false arrest and malicious prosecution. The long-brewing controversy over the training center erupted in January 2023 after state troopers who were part of a sweep of the South River Forest killed an activist who authorities said had fired at them. Numerous protests ensued, with masked vandals sometimes attacking police vehicles and construction equipment to stall the project and intimidate contractors into backing out. Though the training center is nearly complete, dozens of defendants, including Marsicano, are facing a state racketeering charge that critics have decried as heavy-handed attempts to silence the movement, which emerged in the wake of the 2020 racial justice protests. Environmental activists and anti-police demonstrators argued that uprooting acres of trees for the facility would exacerbate environmental damage in a flood-prone, majority-Black area while serving as an expensive staging ground for militarized officers to be trained in quelling social movements.Marsicano, 31, was among 23 people arrested near a music festival in DeKalb County in March 2023, hours after a group of more than 150 masked festivalgoers trekked about three-quarters of a mile (1.2 kilometers) through the South River Forest and stormed the training center's construction site, with some lighting equipment on fire as others threw objects at retreating officers. The group then returned to the festival to blend in with the crowd. According to an arrest warrant, authorities said Marsicano, who uses they/them pronouns, was taken into custody because they had on “muddy clothing” from crossing through the woods and possessed a shield, assertions that Marsicano's attorneys say are false. Marsicano's attorneys say their client was not among the group that attacked the construction site and never left the festival grounds until they were arrested while walking back to their vehicle after police ordered everyone to disperse. Marsicano was caught up in an “indiscriminate mass arrest of legitimate festival attendees” that was part of a pattern spearheaded by Atlanta Police Chief Darin Schierbaum of authorities targeting the “Stop Cop City” movement, according to the lawsuit, which was filed Feb. 24.Marsicano was subsequently charged with domestic terrorism and, months later, was one of 61 charged with violating Georgia’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, known as RICO.Marsicano was banned from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill campus after their arrest and completed their law degree remotely but has had difficulty finding a job and securing housing because of the charges, according to the lawsuit.Marsicano was “publicly broadcast to the world as a ‘domestic terrorist’ and ‘RICO co-conspirator,’ forever tarnishing Plaintiff’s personal and professional life,” the lawsuit said. The lawsuit lists more than a dozen instances in which authorities “pretextually charged individuals deemed to be at or around Stop Cop City,” including after a May 2022 protest where three people “walking home were selectively stopped for carrying Stop Cop City signs,” and taken into custody. Those arrests, as well as others, have led to civil lawsuits that are pending. Marsicano's lawsuit names various law enforcement officials as well as the city of Atlanta, which it accuses of having made a “custom and practice” of targeting critics of the training center.Neither the Atlanta Police Department nor a spokesperson for the city immediately responded to a request for comment. City officials say the $115 million, 85-acre (34-hectare) campus will replace outdated, far-flung facilities and boost police morale amid hiring and retention struggles. Atlanta Mayor Andre Dickens has also said that the facility will teach the “most progressive training and curriculum in the country” and that officials have repeatedly revised their plans to address environmental concerns.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Feb. 2025

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