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‘Fixing a problem we didn’t cause’: the Black Appalachian activists cultivating community power

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Sunday, February 23, 2025

Appalachia, which spans from southern New York to northern Mississippi, usually evokes images of white working-class people, as depicted in JD Vance’s 2016 memoir Hillbilly Elegy. But it’s little known to people outside of the region that there’s a robust community of Black organizers who are rewriting the narrative of what it means to be Appalachian.While just 10% of Appalachia is made up of Black residents, they are disproportionately impacted by resource extraction that has led to adverse effects on the environment, health and access to food. But Black activists in Appalachia such as Staysha Quentrill, a midwife and reproductive justice advocate in West Virginia; the Right Rev Marcia Dinkins, an environmental justice advocate in Ohio; and Femeika Elliott, a foodways practictioner in Tennessee are working to improve the wellbeing and safety of the people in their communities.In her work as the founder of the Black Appalachian Coalition (Blac), an environmental justice group, Dinkins said she seeks to “dismantle the romanticized whitewashed narrative around Appalachia”.“When people heard Appalachia, the first thing they thought about was that Appalachia was white, so it invisibilized Black people,” Dinkins said. “Even though they were exploited, they were also excluded from conversations.”‘We’re tasked to fix this problem we didn’t cause’In the moments before she gave birth to her daughter on Juneteenth in 2021, Carmen Squires laid in her bed waiting for Quentrill to arrive at her home in Beckley, West Virginia. As a Black woman, it was important to Squires that a midwife who looked like her “catch the baby” when she arrived into the world.Though a white midwife was already in the room, Squires said that with Quentrill: “I felt more comfortable, if I’m being honest … I feel like it was more relatable.”In a world where microaggressions happen ... having somebody with you that you’ve created a bond with can let those [vigilant] parts of yourself downStaysha Quentrill, midwifeQuentrill, who lived over an hour away, coached her on the phone as she drove to Squires’ house: “Get on your hands and knees and put your butt in the air and try to just blow through your contractions.”As Squires bonded with her baby after the delivery, Quentrill noticed that she was still heavily bleeding and becoming pale. However, the white midwife did not realize the change in Squires’ skin color, because, Quentrill said, midwifery training does not teach “what pale looks like in different people”.Quentrill gave Squires an herbal tincture that raised her blood pressure and helped restore her natural skin color. “I really truly believe, had [Quentrill] not been here,” Squires said, “it could have possibly went a lot different.”Research shows more positive health outcomes and greater satisfaction when patients share the same race or ethnicity as their providers. “In a world where microaggressions happen and racism can be so subtle, having somebody with you that you’ve created a bond with can let those [vigilant] parts of yourself down,” said Quentrill, a 35-year-old mother of seven. “That way you can just be fully present for the birth instead of having some sort of guard up to protect yourself.”Staysha Quentrill, a certified professional midwife, delivers a baby with her child on her back in West Virginia. Photograph: Samantha Holbrook with W+L Unveiled-Birth PhotographyAt 13%, West Virginia has one of the nation’s highest preterm birth rates, or the number of babies born prematurely, so Quentrill said it’s important for patients to have choices in their care. But for parents who want to deliver their babies outside of hospital settings, barriers to access abound. Insurance often doesn’t cover certified nurse midwives or home birth. And with nearly 30% of the state’s population reliant on Medicaid, it can be challenging for Black patients to afford her care.“When it comes to Black and brown midwives, we’re tasked to create care for Black and brown people,” Quentrill said, and to “fix this problem that we didn’t cause”.Ultimately, Quentrill wants patients to have greater access to midwives outside of hospital settings. She recently helped draft a bill in West Virginia that will allow certified professional midwives like her to become licensed instead of certified, which would allow her services to be covered by insurances and Medicaid. West Virginia has many maternity care deserts, areas where people don’t have access to birthing centers or hospitals. Those residents must travel far distances to deliver their babies and they may opt out of receiving prenatal care, she said. “Allowing [certified professional midwives] to be licensed providers would be a way [to] close that gap of the maternity desert. It also would improve outcomes greatly for families.”In the future, Quentrill hopes to find different ways to adjust her services to attract more Black and brown patients, such as offering childbirth classes for free or teaching the parents’ family members how to support them during the birth.She’s already inspired at least one of her clients to take on similar work: Squires, for instance, is now a breastfeeding peer counselor and pursuing her bachelor’s degree in public health. “Having that experience with her,” Squires said, “helped mold me”.‘Grow it yourself’“I really wanted to be a garden girl,” Knoxville, Tennessee, resident Brandy Nolan said about a 4’x8’ garden bed where she grew fruits and vegetables in her yard. “It was kind of therapeutic for me, so it made me want one.” In the spring of 2024, the 33-year-old took several free classes with the local non-profit Rooted East Knoxville, where she learned about seeding, how to transfer and pot plants, natural remedies for pests like neem oil and the best type of soil and fertilizer to use for particular plants.Last spring, Rooted East installed the bed in her yard, and soon after she had grown watermelons, potatoes, zucchini, squash, onions, peppers, green beans, tomatoes and basil.Femeika Elliott, founder of Rooted East Knoxville, teaching a winter herbalism class in October 2024. Photograph: Courtesy of Rooted East Knoxville.The next time Nolan went grocery shopping she realized that everything she needed was in her yard. Additionally, her home-grown bounty didn’t have harmful pesticides. Her mom went on a diet by only eating the vegetables in Nolan’s garden. “You don’t have to worry about if they poison it or put something in it that’s gonna make you sick,” Nolan said. “I was glad to be able to teach my children that if you don’t trust what’s going on, you can always grow it yourself.”Nolan’s family is one of more than 50 who have grown their own gardens with Rooted East’s free beds since 2023. Founded in 2022, Rooted East was born from a group of local community members, including the 32-year-old food activist Femeika Elliott, who had a meal prepping company, but also wanted to teach Black people in the area how to improve their health by growing nourishing food.“We believe that just giving people food is great,” Elliott said, “but it also does not give power fully back to that person. So if we not only give them free food and we teach them how to sustain themselves by growing their own food and learning the complexities of their foodways, they’re able to do a lot more.”skip past newsletter promotionNesrine Malik and Jason Okundaye deliver your weekly dose of Black life and culture from around the worldPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionRooted East participant Jasmine Bryant’s garden in June 2023. Photograph: Courtesy of Rooted East KnoxvilleThe non-profit also teaches a range of classes on gardening and healthy cooking at the Black-owned bookstore The Bottom. Volunteer community members and a paid employee at the organization teaches students how to can food, as well as how to cultivate collard and turnip greens, and how to preserve the plants during the winter with covers that shield them from the snow and cold air.Elliott said that she aims to address food apartheid, which she defines as the “systemic denial of access to healthy food” to marginalized communities, caused by zoning laws and development. The participants that she serves live in zip codes that don’t have nearby grocery stores and many of the participants don’t have reliable transportation. The city also recently changed the public transportation route, she said, resulting in fewer bus stops. People sometimes need to travel two hours by bus one way to buy fresh produce, Elliott said: “Our goal is to have access to fresh produce on every walk of East Knoxville.”This winter, the non-profit released a documentary called Roots of Resilience. It includes the voices of Black elders who recalled that prior to the urban renewal process that began in the late 1950s that displaced many Black businesses and residents, many households once grew their own gardens. Community members would also purchase milk or watermelons from each other. In the future, the group plans to host a summer market where families in their home gardening program will be able to barter food that they’ve grown with others in the community.Nolan returned her garden bed to Rooted East when she moved to an apartment complex in the fall. But she said that she hopes to start another small garden on her apartment balcony in the spring and envisions teaching her children everything that she knows about gardening: “It’s a life lesson for me to be able to teach it to them.”‘We don’t always get the win that we want’When Marcia Dinkins’s home in a predominantly Black neighborhood in Warren, Ohio, flooded in 2016, the bishop didn’t know then how much it would change her life. Floodwater in her basement that reached her knees caused mold and fungi to spread throughout her home, exacerbating her son’s asthma and giving him a chronic facial infection. Soon after, she began having allergies and was hospitalized for anaphylactic shock.The Right Rev Marcia Dinkins, the founder of the Black Appalachian Coalition. Photograph: Jon CherryThe health issues inspired Dinkins to educate people on how to mitigate toxins in their own homes. She started working with 32 churches throughout Appalachia, including in Ohio, West Virginia and western Pennsylvania, to teach community members how to reduce lead by sealing windows and painting over toxic paint in homes. She also recruited nurses at the University of Toledo to test children’s lead levels.As she helped people throughout the region, Dinkins noticed that Black voices were missing from national conversations about environmental justice. In 2021, she founded the Black Appalachian Coalition (Blac), an advocacy group that uses storytelling to drive change in climate and environmental justice in Appalachia.With Blac, she sought to highlight the experiences of Black people who were impacted by air and water pollution. The group helps people advocate for themselves in the face of environmental hazards, she said, by “training individuals how to tell their story from the place of not just their pain, but from the place of their power, and from the place of the solution”.The organization offers in-person and online workshops where participants answer prompts and are paired with partners to practice reciting their story in a succinct and evocative way, with the ultimate goal of preparing them to speak to politicians or companies that caused environmental harm. One participant whose family experienced ongoing flooding wanted to convince the insurance commission, a state governmental agency that oversees the insurance industry, to make policy changes that ensured her community would be compensated for flood damage. And though the training gave her the confidence to approach the commission, the agency ultimately didn’t budge after a years-long fight.A bus ride through Rubbertown, an industrial area in Louisville, Kentucky, hosted by the Black Appalachian Coalition and Counterstream Media. The event educated participants on the harms of petrochemicals and fossil fuels. Photograph: Jon Cherry“This is the one thing we have to remember in this work, we don’t always get the win that we want. Sometimes it’s the journey,” said Dinkins. “And what this person did win was the fact that she, along with others, were able to come together, build community, and build up a set of voices that spoke out against the injustice that they were experiencing.”Additionally, the group works with residents throughout Appalachia to champion for change at the policy level. For over a year, the group has urged Pennsylvania’s Allegheny county health department to reflect the community’s needs in the county’s air quality program, the Clean Air Fund. The campaign called Freedom to Breathe asks that the county’s program include community members as decision makers and that fund dollars go to people affected by air pollution. Residents can share their experiences of air pollution and pledge their support on the campaign’s website.Their coaching led to a political win in Youngstown, Ohio, where Blac and other community groups helped residents craft their testimonies to speak in favor of a yearlong ban on the thermochemical treatment, gasification or combustion of tires, electronic waste or plastics in the city. In 2023, the city council passed a moratorium on the processes that proponents argued would release pollutants into nearby neighborhoods.In March, the group plans to launch a training program on the art of organizing, which Dinkins said is needed now more than ever. And over the summer, Blac will host its fourth annual policy summit, where attendees are trained on various topics including how to incorporate environmental data into their storytelling. Last year’s summit theme focused on healing and justice, Dinkins said, which meant “we were rising up and we wanted to be seen, and we wanted our stories to be told”.

Robust group of organizers – including midwives, environmental justice advocates and urban gardeners – rewrite what it means to be from the US mountain regionAppalachia, which spans from southern New York to northern Mississippi, usually evokes images of white working-class people, as depicted in JD Vance’s 2016 memoir Hillbilly Elegy. But it’s little known to people outside of the region that there’s a robust community of Black organizers who are rewriting the narrative of what it means to be Appalachian.While just 10% of Appalachia is made up of Black residents, they are disproportionately impacted by resource extraction that has led to adverse effects on the environment, health and access to food. But Black activists in Appalachia such as Staysha Quentrill, a midwife and reproductive justice advocate in West Virginia; the Right Rev Marcia Dinkins, an environmental justice advocate in Ohio; and Femeika Elliott, a foodways practictioner in Tennessee are working to improve the wellbeing and safety of the people in their communities. Continue reading...

Appalachia, which spans from southern New York to northern Mississippi, usually evokes images of white working-class people, as depicted in JD Vance’s 2016 memoir Hillbilly Elegy. But it’s little known to people outside of the region that there’s a robust community of Black organizers who are rewriting the narrative of what it means to be Appalachian.

While just 10% of Appalachia is made up of Black residents, they are disproportionately impacted by resource extraction that has led to adverse effects on the environment, health and access to food. But Black activists in Appalachia such as Staysha Quentrill, a midwife and reproductive justice advocate in West Virginia; the Right Rev Marcia Dinkins, an environmental justice advocate in Ohio; and Femeika Elliott, a foodways practictioner in Tennessee are working to improve the wellbeing and safety of the people in their communities.

In her work as the founder of the Black Appalachian Coalition (Blac), an environmental justice group, Dinkins said she seeks to “dismantle the romanticized whitewashed narrative around Appalachia”.

“When people heard Appalachia, the first thing they thought about was that Appalachia was white, so it invisibilized Black people,” Dinkins said. “Even though they were exploited, they were also excluded from conversations.”

‘We’re tasked to fix this problem we didn’t cause’

In the moments before she gave birth to her daughter on Juneteenth in 2021, Carmen Squires laid in her bed waiting for Quentrill to arrive at her home in Beckley, West Virginia. As a Black woman, it was important to Squires that a midwife who looked like her “catch the baby” when she arrived into the world.

Though a white midwife was already in the room, Squires said that with Quentrill: “I felt more comfortable, if I’m being honest … I feel like it was more relatable.”

Quentrill, who lived over an hour away, coached her on the phone as she drove to Squires’ house: “Get on your hands and knees and put your butt in the air and try to just blow through your contractions.”

As Squires bonded with her baby after the delivery, Quentrill noticed that she was still heavily bleeding and becoming pale. However, the white midwife did not realize the change in Squires’ skin color, because, Quentrill said, midwifery training does not teach “what pale looks like in different people”.

Quentrill gave Squires an herbal tincture that raised her blood pressure and helped restore her natural skin color. “I really truly believe, had [Quentrill] not been here,” Squires said, “it could have possibly went a lot different.”

Research shows more positive health outcomes and greater satisfaction when patients share the same race or ethnicity as their providers. “In a world where microaggressions happen and racism can be so subtle, having somebody with you that you’ve created a bond with can let those [vigilant] parts of yourself down,” said Quentrill, a 35-year-old mother of seven. “That way you can just be fully present for the birth instead of having some sort of guard up to protect yourself.”

Staysha Quentrill, a certified professional midwife, delivers a baby with her child on her back in West Virginia. Photograph: Samantha Holbrook with W+L Unveiled-Birth Photography

At 13%, West Virginia has one of the nation’s highest preterm birth rates, or the number of babies born prematurely, so Quentrill said it’s important for patients to have choices in their care. But for parents who want to deliver their babies outside of hospital settings, barriers to access abound. Insurance often doesn’t cover certified nurse midwives or home birth. And with nearly 30% of the state’s population reliant on Medicaid, it can be challenging for Black patients to afford her care.

“When it comes to Black and brown midwives, we’re tasked to create care for Black and brown people,” Quentrill said, and to “fix this problem that we didn’t cause”.

Ultimately, Quentrill wants patients to have greater access to midwives outside of hospital settings. She recently helped draft a bill in West Virginia that will allow certified professional midwives like her to become licensed instead of certified, which would allow her services to be covered by insurances and Medicaid. West Virginia has many maternity care deserts, areas where people don’t have access to birthing centers or hospitals. Those residents must travel far distances to deliver their babies and they may opt out of receiving prenatal care, she said. “Allowing [certified professional midwives] to be licensed providers would be a way [to] close that gap of the maternity desert. It also would improve outcomes greatly for families.”

In the future, Quentrill hopes to find different ways to adjust her services to attract more Black and brown patients, such as offering childbirth classes for free or teaching the parents’ family members how to support them during the birth.

She’s already inspired at least one of her clients to take on similar work: Squires, for instance, is now a breastfeeding peer counselor and pursuing her bachelor’s degree in public health. “Having that experience with her,” Squires said, “helped mold me”.

‘Grow it yourself’

“I really wanted to be a garden girl,” Knoxville, Tennessee, resident Brandy Nolan said about a 4’x8’ garden bed where she grew fruits and vegetables in her yard. “It was kind of therapeutic for me, so it made me want one.” In the spring of 2024, the 33-year-old took several free classes with the local non-profit Rooted East Knoxville, where she learned about seeding, how to transfer and pot plants, natural remedies for pests like neem oil and the best type of soil and fertilizer to use for particular plants.

Last spring, Rooted East installed the bed in her yard, and soon after she had grown watermelons, potatoes, zucchini, squash, onions, peppers, green beans, tomatoes and basil.

Femeika Elliott, founder of Rooted East Knoxville, teaching a winter herbalism class in October 2024. Photograph: Courtesy of Rooted East Knoxville.

The next time Nolan went grocery shopping she realized that everything she needed was in her yard. Additionally, her home-grown bounty didn’t have harmful pesticides. Her mom went on a diet by only eating the vegetables in Nolan’s garden. “You don’t have to worry about if they poison it or put something in it that’s gonna make you sick,” Nolan said. “I was glad to be able to teach my children that if you don’t trust what’s going on, you can always grow it yourself.”

Nolan’s family is one of more than 50 who have grown their own gardens with Rooted East’s free beds since 2023. Founded in 2022, Rooted East was born from a group of local community members, including the 32-year-old food activist Femeika Elliott, who had a meal prepping company, but also wanted to teach Black people in the area how to improve their health by growing nourishing food.

“We believe that just giving people food is great,” Elliott said, “but it also does not give power fully back to that person. So if we not only give them free food and we teach them how to sustain themselves by growing their own food and learning the complexities of their foodways, they’re able to do a lot more.”

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Rooted East participant Jasmine Bryant’s garden in June 2023. Photograph: Courtesy of Rooted East Knoxville

The non-profit also teaches a range of classes on gardening and healthy cooking at the Black-owned bookstore The Bottom. Volunteer community members and a paid employee at the organization teaches students how to can food, as well as how to cultivate collard and turnip greens, and how to preserve the plants during the winter with covers that shield them from the snow and cold air.

Elliott said that she aims to address food apartheid, which she defines as the “systemic denial of access to healthy food” to marginalized communities, caused by zoning laws and development. The participants that she serves live in zip codes that don’t have nearby grocery stores and many of the participants don’t have reliable transportation. The city also recently changed the public transportation route, she said, resulting in fewer bus stops. People sometimes need to travel two hours by bus one way to buy fresh produce, Elliott said: “Our goal is to have access to fresh produce on every walk of East Knoxville.”

This winter, the non-profit released a documentary called Roots of Resilience. It includes the voices of Black elders who recalled that prior to the urban renewal process that began in the late 1950s that displaced many Black businesses and residents, many households once grew their own gardens. Community members would also purchase milk or watermelons from each other. In the future, the group plans to host a summer market where families in their home gardening program will be able to barter food that they’ve grown with others in the community.

Nolan returned her garden bed to Rooted East when she moved to an apartment complex in the fall. But she said that she hopes to start another small garden on her apartment balcony in the spring and envisions teaching her children everything that she knows about gardening: “It’s a life lesson for me to be able to teach it to them.”

‘We don’t always get the win that we want’

When Marcia Dinkins’s home in a predominantly Black neighborhood in Warren, Ohio, flooded in 2016, the bishop didn’t know then how much it would change her life. Floodwater in her basement that reached her knees caused mold and fungi to spread throughout her home, exacerbating her son’s asthma and giving him a chronic facial infection. Soon after, she began having allergies and was hospitalized for anaphylactic shock.

The Right Rev Marcia Dinkins, the founder of the Black Appalachian Coalition. Photograph: Jon Cherry

The health issues inspired Dinkins to educate people on how to mitigate toxins in their own homes. She started working with 32 churches throughout Appalachia, including in Ohio, West Virginia and western Pennsylvania, to teach community members how to reduce lead by sealing windows and painting over toxic paint in homes. She also recruited nurses at the University of Toledo to test children’s lead levels.

As she helped people throughout the region, Dinkins noticed that Black voices were missing from national conversations about environmental justice. In 2021, she founded the Black Appalachian Coalition (Blac), an advocacy group that uses storytelling to drive change in climate and environmental justice in Appalachia.

With Blac, she sought to highlight the experiences of Black people who were impacted by air and water pollution. The group helps people advocate for themselves in the face of environmental hazards, she said, by “training individuals how to tell their story from the place of not just their pain, but from the place of their power, and from the place of the solution”.

The organization offers in-person and online workshops where participants answer prompts and are paired with partners to practice reciting their story in a succinct and evocative way, with the ultimate goal of preparing them to speak to politicians or companies that caused environmental harm. One participant whose family experienced ongoing flooding wanted to convince the insurance commission, a state governmental agency that oversees the insurance industry, to make policy changes that ensured her community would be compensated for flood damage. And though the training gave her the confidence to approach the commission, the agency ultimately didn’t budge after a years-long fight.

A bus ride through Rubbertown, an industrial area in Louisville, Kentucky, hosted by the Black Appalachian Coalition and Counterstream Media. The event educated participants on the harms of petrochemicals and fossil fuels. Photograph: Jon Cherry

“This is the one thing we have to remember in this work, we don’t always get the win that we want. Sometimes it’s the journey,” said Dinkins. “And what this person did win was the fact that she, along with others, were able to come together, build community, and build up a set of voices that spoke out against the injustice that they were experiencing.”

Additionally, the group works with residents throughout Appalachia to champion for change at the policy level. For over a year, the group has urged Pennsylvania’s Allegheny county health department to reflect the community’s needs in the county’s air quality program, the Clean Air Fund. The campaign called Freedom to Breathe asks that the county’s program include community members as decision makers and that fund dollars go to people affected by air pollution. Residents can share their experiences of air pollution and pledge their support on the campaign’s website.

Their coaching led to a political win in Youngstown, Ohio, where Blac and other community groups helped residents craft their testimonies to speak in favor of a yearlong ban on the thermochemical treatment, gasification or combustion of tires, electronic waste or plastics in the city. In 2023, the city council passed a moratorium on the processes that proponents argued would release pollutants into nearby neighborhoods.

In March, the group plans to launch a training program on the art of organizing, which Dinkins said is needed now more than ever. And over the summer, Blac will host its fourth annual policy summit, where attendees are trained on various topics including how to incorporate environmental data into their storytelling. Last year’s summit theme focused on healing and justice, Dinkins said, which meant “we were rising up and we wanted to be seen, and we wanted our stories to be told”.

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‘Limited to no impact’: Why a pro-housing group says California’s pro-housing laws aren’t producing more

A passel of recent California laws were supposed to supercharge the construction of desperately needed housing. According to YIMBY Law, they haven’t even come close.

In summary A passel of recent California laws were supposed to supercharge the construction of desperately needed housing. According to YIMBY Law, they haven’t even come close. One California law was supposed to flip defunct strip malls across California into apartment-lined corridors. Another was designed to turn under-used church parking lots into fonts of new affordable housing. A third would, according to supporters and opponents alike, “end single-family zoning as we know it.” Fast-forward to 2025 and this spate of recent California laws, and others like it intended to supercharge the construction of desperately needed housing, have had “limited to no impact on the state’s housing supply.” That damning conclusion comes from a surprising source: A new report by YIMBY Law, a pro-development nonprofit that would very much like to see these laws work.  The analysis, released today, studied five state laws passed since 2021 that have swept away regulatory barriers to building apartment buildings and other dense residential developments in places where such housing has been historically barred.  The laws under review include: SB 9 from 2021, which allows people to split their single-family homes into duplexes, thus ending single-family-home-only zoning across California. In practice, according to the report, building permits for only 140 units were issued under the law in 2023.   AB 2011 from 2022 was designed to make it easier for developers to convert office parks, strip malls and parking lots into apartment buildings. In 2023, developers on just two projects were given local regulatory approval to start work under the law. In 2024, the total was eight. The report found no projects that have made use of SB 6, a similar bill passed that same year but with stricter labor requirements. SB 4 from 2024, the so-called Yes In God’s Backyard law, which lets churches, other houses of worship and some schools to repurpose their land for affordable housing. The report found no takers on that bill too. “It’s grim,” said Sonja Trauss, executive director of YIMBY Law. Though she acknowledged some of the laws are still new, she blamed their early ineffectiveness on the legislative process which saddled these bills with unworkable requirements and glaring loopholes.  “Everybody wants a piece,” she said. “The pieces taken out during the process wind up derailing the initial concept.” What are these requirements and loopholes that have prevented these laws from succeeding? Maybe not surprisingly, they are the frequent objects of critique by YIMBY Law and the Yes In My Backyard movement more generally.  One is the inclusion of requirements that developers only hire union-affiliated workers or pay their workers higher wages.  Another are affordability mandates which force developers to sell or rent the units they build at below-market prices. A third is the strenuous opposition by local governments and the failure of these state laws to override it. In the two years following the passage of SB 9, for example, YIMBY Law tracked 140 local ordinances that, in the view of the report, were “designed to reduce or prevent” the bill from working on the ground. They included tight limits on the size of buildings, affordability requirements, or restrictions on which types of owners can make use of the law.  “The ADU boom stands alone. No other form of housing production took off in California during this period.”Law paper by UC Davis professor Chris Elmendorf and UC Santa Barbara professor Clayton Nall Last year, the state Legislature passed a “clean up” bill meant to void some of these local add-ons. There are plenty of other possible impediments to construction in California, which may explain why these bills have seen such tepid uptake. Sky high interest rates, chronic shortages of construction workers and high material costs (all of which could be exacerbated by current or expected changes to federal tariff, immigration and fiscal policy) all work to make residential housing development a less appealing financial proposition. Insufficient public funds and expected cuts to federal housing programs may weigh down on the affordable housing sector too. But the report is not the first to point to the preconditions and omissions included in so many of the state’s legislative efforts to goose housing development as the reason for their lack of impact. In a recent law paper, UC Davis law professor Chris Elmendorf and UC Santa Barbara political scientist Clayton Nall wrote that the relative success of California’s efforts to boost the construction of accessory dwelling units is the exception that proves the rule. Over the last decade, a cavalcade of state laws have stripped local governments of their ability to subject backyard cottage projects with environmental review mandates, significant fees, affordability mandates, union-hire rules, confining size or aesthetic limitations or added parking requirements.  “The ADU boom stands alone. No other form of housing production took off in California during this period,” the authors wrote. A likely reason why, they argue, is that ADU projects don’t come with nearly as many strings attached as other forms of dense development permitted by various California laws. In 2023, the state permitted more than 28,000 ADUs, according to state data. The history of ADU legislation in California is instructive, said Trauss. “It took about like five years of revisions before they were really getting going.” The YIMBY Law report is based on self-reported permitting data submitted by cities and counties to the California Housing and Community Development department. The nonprofit complemented that messy database with its own internal collection harvested from its own litigation and activism. That means the data on what is actually getting built — and therefore how effective any of these laws really are — is imperfect.  That fact isn’t lost on many legislators.  The Assembly housing committee’s first hearing of the year was dedicated not to new legislation, but to evaluating the state’s existing “pro-production” laws. “We shouldn’t just keep passing more and more bills just because we can,” Chair Matt Haney, a San Francisco Democrat, said. “We should actually look at what is working, why it’s working, how we can do more of what’s working and if it’s not working, we should do more to fix it or change it.” Read more on housing No new ADUs here: When California law and homeowner association rules collide He says state law gives him the right to turn his garage into an apartment. His HOA says it doesn’t. Who’s right? February 21, 2025February 21, 2025 Should builders permit their own projects? Post-fire LA considers a radical idea The recent spate of LA fires has led many different parties to re-examine state and local approaches to building approval. February 14, 2025February 13, 2025

A Project 2025 advisor takes the reins at EPA Region 6

Scott Mason IV is the new administrator for the EPA region covering Arkansas, Louisiana, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Texas and 66 Tribal Nations.

Scott Mason IV will lead the Environmental Protection Agency’s region covering some of the country’s hot spots for oil and gas production and industrial pollution, including Louisiana’s Cancer Alley, the Gulf Coast, and the Permian Basin.  Mason advised the author of the EPA chapter in Project 2025, the conservative Heritage Foundation’s blueprint for remaking the agency in sync with industry priorities.   “Regional Administrator Mason believes that every American should have access to clean air, land, and water,” said Region 6 spokesperson Jennah Durant. “And he will ensure that EPA Region 6 is fulfilling its mission to protect human health and the environment in Texas, Louisiana, New Mexico, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and 66 Tribal Nations.” But for environmentalists, his appointment raises alarm bells for environmental justice efforts in the region. Mason comes to the role after serving as the deputy secretary of energy of Oklahoma, his home state. Most of his career has been in Oklahoma politics and higher education. He is a member of the Cherokee Nation. Durant did not respond directly to whether Mason will work to implement Project 2025 recommendations. Read Next Trump’s push for ‘efficiency’ may destroy the EPA. What does that mean for you? Lylla Younes Regional office changes hands While much environmental regulation is delegated to the states, EPA regional offices administer programs under federal jurisdiction. The ten regional offices are also closely involved in monitoring new permitting programs that have been handed off to state regulators.  Under the Biden administration, the regional offices played an active role in deploying funding from the Inflation Reduction Act and other federal programs and made environmental justice a priority, targeting funding on low-income areas and communities of color disproportionately harmed by climate change and pollution.  Jen Duggan, executive director of the nonprofit watchdog Environmental Integrity Project, said that regional offices are “where the rubber meets the road.” “The Regional Administrator is responsible for implementing EPA programs and providing critical oversight of state environmental agencies,” she said. “Without strong leadership in these roles, people are more at risk of being exposed to dangerous air and water pollution.” At Region 6, Mason replaces Earthea Nance, a civil engineer and former Texas Southern University professor with decades of experience in disaster recovery. Nance used her role to shine a light on persistent pollution problems in the region and promote the Biden administration’s climate and environmental justice programs.  She criss-crossed the vast region, from Dallas to observe fracking emissions, to El Paso to promote electric school buses, to Tulsa to visit urban farms. Nance posted on LinkedIn in January expressing thanks to the regional staff.  Read Next Trump’s funding freeze is wreaking havoc on climate science Zoya Teirstein “Serving as Regional Administrator for EPA Region 6 has been the experience of a lifetime,” she wrote. “I want to express my deep gratitude to the 772 civil servants in Region 6 who work with integrity and professionalism to ensure clean air, land, and water.” Those civil servants may now be fearing for their jobs, as layoffs loom at the agency. The New York Times has reported that the Trump administration has notified more than 1,100 EPA employees that they could be fired immediately, and on February 7, the EPA press office said that 168 agency employees working in environmental justice programs had been placed on administrative leave.  Mason grew up in rural Cordell, Oklahoma, and studied political science at the University of Oklahoma, according to a local news report. He told News 9 in Oklahoma City in 2018 that meeting George H. W. Bush at a young age inspired him to enter politics. Mason served as EPA director for the American Indian Environmental Office during the first Trump administration. In his home state, he led federal programs for the University of Oklahoma and served on the staff of Oklahoma Governor Mary Fallin.  “Regional Administrator Mason is committed to working hard each and every day to make a difference in the lives of the people we serve by implementing the President’s agenda and Administrator Zeldin’s ‘Powering the Great American Comeback’ Initiative,” Durant said. Mason tapped for Project 2025 Mason maintained a relatively low-profile throughout the first Trump administration and during his subsequent years in Oklahoma. But as the 2024 presidential race neared, Mandy M. Gunasekara, EPA chief of staff in the first Trump administration, tapped him to help with the EPA chapter of Project 2025. The Heritage Foundation and former Trump staffers authored the playbook for conservative governance, which Trump disavowed during the campaign but has seemingly embraced since taking office on Jan. 20. Gunasekara thanked Mason in the EPA chapter, though he has not spoken publicly about his role. The new Trump EPA, led by Lee Zeldin, has not wasted time instituting changes at the agency.  Read Next Another casualty of Trump’s funding freeze: New Orleans’ tree canopy Tristan Baurick The document recommends eliminating the Office of Environmental Justice and External Civil Rights. The EPA chapter also advises limiting which sectors have to report their greenhouse gas emissions and eliminating the Office of Enforcement and Compliance Assistance. The playbook also calls for a plan to relocate EPA regional offices “so that they are more accessible to the areas they serve and deliver cost savings to the American people.” Environmental justice imperiled The Natural Resources Defense Council’s Matthew Tejada, who was previously the EPA’s deputy assistant administrator for environmental justice, warned in a November 2024 blog post that if Project 2025 was implemented, environmental justice communities “are set to feel that loss far more deeply and immediately than anyone else.” Region 6 encompasses the heart of the U.S. petro-chemical industry, from the oilfields of the Permian Basin spanning New Mexico and Texas, to the Liquified Natural Gas buildout on the Texas and Louisiana Gulf Coast. Black, Latino and Indigenous communities throughout the region have lived with the associated pollution.  While oil and gas production reached record highs during the Biden administration, the EPA sought to remedy these harms. The Biden administration invested in communities that have historically been over-burdened by pollution, stipulating through its so-called Justice40 initiative—now rescinded by Trump—that 40 percent of spending in numerous federal programs go to low-income communities and communities of color. Read Next ‘It’s demoralizing’: Trump’s climate funding freeze has left tribes and community groups in limbo Naveena Sadasivam The Biden EPA worked closely with the New Mexico Environment Department to track unauthorized methane emissions and penalize companies for polluting in the Permian Basin. The EPA and NMED Under Secretary James Kenney partnered on several investigations that resulted in multi-million dollar consent decrees with oil and gas companies. “New Mexico remains committed to addressing ozone emissions in the Permian Basin and across our state,” said NMED spokesperson Drew Goretzka. “We will exercise our permitting and enforcement authorities.” Goretzka said NMED Secretary Kenney has known Regional Administrator Mason for several years and looked forward to working with him. “To that end, the two have already spoken and are planning future discussions,” he said. Platforms like the Climate and Economic Justice Screening Tool, an online application used to identify environmentally disadvantaged communities, have already been removed from the agency’s website. The end of such initiatives will directly impact communities throughout the region, environmental activists said. “These corporations have long profited at the expense of the people living in these neighborhoods, and an administration that does not believe in environmental justice could make an already dangerous situation worse by taking the environmental cop off the beat,” EIP’s Duggan said. “EPA is the backstop when states fail to do their job to protect clean air and clean water.” Read Next States want to clean up leaky oil wells. Well-intentioned laws are getting in the way. Naveena Sadasivam Bipartisan backing for orphan wells In other areas, regional administrator Mason may face pressure from industry representatives and Republican politicians to preserve Biden-era programs. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law provided unprecedented funds for plugging orphan oil and gas wells around the country. The EPA also provided funding to reduce methane emissions from marginal oil and gas wells. Republican-led states like Oklahoma and Texas have been some of the biggest beneficiaries. The Oklahoma Corporation Commission, which regulates oil and gas in the state, reported in January that the state had plugged 1,110 wells to date with federal funds from the infrastructure act at a total cost of $23.8 million. The report said at least 20,000 abandoned wells remain state-wide. The commission then warned on Jan. 28 that the well plugging program “faced an uncertain future” after the Office of Management and Budget issued a pause on federal grants and loans. The commission noted it was expecting a $102 million dollar grant for well plugging when the pause went into effect. “The agency is actively working to position itself to be in the best possible position to quickly move forward with implementation of its program to plug the thousands of identified orphaned wells in our state,” the statement read. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A Project 2025 advisor takes the reins at EPA Region 6 on Feb 22, 2025.

Lynx on the Loose in Scotland Highlight Debate Over Reintroducing Species Into the Wild

Scottish environmental activists want to reintroduce the lynx into the forests of the Highlands

LONDON (AP) — Scottish environmental activists want to reintroduce the lynx into the forests of the Highlands. But not this way.At least two lynx, a medium-sized wildcat extinct in Scotland for hundreds of years, were spotted in the Highlands on Wednesday, raising concerns that a private breeder had illegally released the predators into the wild.Two cats were captured on Thursday, but authorities are continuing their search after two others were seen early Friday near Killiehuntly in the Cairngorms National Park. Wildlife authorities are setting traps in the area so they can humanely capture the lynx and take them to the Edinburgh Zoo, where the captured cats are already in quarantine, said David Field, chief executive of the Royal Zoological Society of Scotland.The hunt highlights a campaign by some activists to reintroduce lynx to help control the deer population and symbolize Scotland’s commitment to wildlife diversity. While no one knows who released the cats, wildlife experts speculate that it was either someone who took matters into their own hands because they were frustrated by the slow process of securing government approval for the project, or an opponent who wants to create problems that will block the reintroduction effort.“Scotland has a history of illicit guerrilla releases,” said Darragh Hare, a research fellow at the University of Oxford’s Wildlife Conservation Research Unit, citing releases of beavers and pine martins. But doing it right, in a way that everyone can have their say, is important.“If there’s going to be any lynx introduction into Scotland or elsewhere, the process of doing it the right way, even if it takes longer, is the most important thing,” he added.Lynx disappeared from Scotland between 500 and 1,300 years ago possibly because of hunting and loss of their woodland habitat.Efforts to reintroduce the cats to the wild have been underway since at least 2021 when a group calling itself Lynx to Scotland commissioned a study of public attitudes toward the proposal. The group is still working to secure government approval for a trial reintroduction in a defined area with a limited number of lynx.Lynx are “shy and elusive woodland hunters” that pose no threat to humans, the group says. They have been successfully reintroduced in other European countries, including Germany, France and Switzerland.Supporters of the reintroduction on Thursday issued a statement deploring the premature, illegal release of the cats.“The Lynx to Scotland Project is working to secure the return of lynx to the Scottish Highlands, but irresponsible and illegal releases such as this are entirely counterproductive,” said Peter Cairns, executive director of SCOTLAND: The Big Picture, a group of rewilding advocates that is part of the project.The issues surrounding the potential reintroduction of lynx were on display during a Scottish Parliament debate on the issue that took place in 2023.While advocates highlighted the benefits of reducing a deer population that is damaging Scotland’s forests, opponents focused on the potential threat to sheep and ground-nesting birds.“Lynx have been away from this country for 500 years, and now is just not the time to bring them back,” said Edward Mountain, a lawmaker from the opposition Conservative Party who represents the Highlands.Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Will Biden Pardon Steven Donziger, Who Faced Retaliation for Suing Chevron over Oil Spill in Amazon?

Massachusetts Congressmember Jim McGovern calls on President Biden to pardon environmental activist Steven Donziger, who has been targeted for years by oil and gas giant Chevron. Donziger sued Chevron on behalf of farmers and Indigenous peoples who suffered the adverse health effects of oil drilling in the Ecuadorian Amazon. “I visited Ecuador. I saw what Chevron did. It is disgusting” and “grotesque,” says McGovern. “Donziger stood up for these people who had no voice.” In return, Chevron has spent millions prosecuting him instead of holding itself to account, he adds, while a pardon from the president would show that the system can still “stand up to corporate greed and excesses.”

Massachusetts Congressmember Jim McGovern calls on President Biden to pardon environmental activist Steven Donziger, who has been targeted for years by oil and gas giant Chevron. Donziger sued Chevron on behalf of farmers and Indigenous peoples who suffered the adverse health effects of oil drilling in the Ecuadorian Amazon. “I visited Ecuador. I saw what Chevron did. It is disgusting” and “grotesque,” says McGovern. “Donziger stood up for these people who had no voice.” In return, Chevron has spent millions prosecuting him instead of holding itself to account, he adds, while a pardon from the president would show that the system can still “stand up to corporate greed and excesses.”

Exxon sues California AG, environmental groups for disparaging its recycling initiatives

ExxonMobil on Monday sued California Attorney General Rob Bonta (D) and a group of environmental activist groups, alleging they colluded on a campaign of defamation against the oil giant’s plastic recycling initiative. The lawsuit, filed in the Eastern District of Texas, could signal a new legal strategy for the fossil fuel industry against environmentalists and...

ExxonMobil on Monday sued California Attorney General Rob Bonta (D) and a group of environmental activist groups, alleging they colluded on a campaign of defamation against the oil giant’s plastic recycling initiative. The lawsuit, filed in the Eastern District of Texas, could signal a new legal strategy for the fossil fuel industry against environmentalists and their allies in government. It argues Bonta defamed Exxon when he sued the company last September by alleging it engaged in a decades-long “campaign of deception” around the recyclability of single-use plastics. Bonta’s lawsuit accused Exxon of falsely promoting the idea that all plastics were recyclable. A report issued by the Center for Climate Integrity last February indicates only a small fraction of plastics can be meaningfully recycled in the sense of being turned into entirely new products. ExxonMobil claimed Bonta’s language in the lawsuit, as well as subsequent comments in interviews, hurt its business. “While posing under the banner of environmentalism, [the defendants] do damage to genuine recycling programs and to meaningful innovation,” the lawsuit states. The complaint also names four national and California-based environmental groups, the Sierra Club, San Francisco Baykeeper, Heal the Bay and the Surfrider Foundation, who sued the company at the same time as Bonta’s office. It accuses Bonta’s office of recruiting the organizations to file the suit. The lawsuit is another salvo in the company’s aggressive recent approach to critics after it sued activist investor group Arjuna Capital in 2024 over its plans to submit a proposal on Exxon greenhouse gas emissions. A Texas judge dismissed the lawsuit in June after Arjuna agreed not to submit the proposal. “This is another attempt from ExxonMobil to deflect attention from its own unlawful deception,” a spokesperson for Bonta’s office said in a statement to The Hill. “The Attorney General is proud to advance his lawsuit against ExxonMobil and looks forward to vigorously litigating this case in court.” The Hill has reached out to the other defendants for comment.

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