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Five people to watch on energy, environmental issues in the new year

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Friday, December 27, 2024

Energy and climate are expected to be divisive issues in 2025 as President-elect Trump, backed by GOP majorities in both the House and Senate, looks to expand U.S. energy development while congressional Democrats worried about the effect on global warming seek to stymie him. Here are five figures likely to make headlines on energy and environmental issues in 2025. Energy czar and Interior secretary nominee Doug Burgum As chair of a new National Energy Council, former North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum (R) is set to broadly coordinate the incoming administration's energy agenda. If confirmed to lead the Interior Department, he also likely would oversee an increase in oil and gas drilling on federal lands, marking a sharp contrast to the department's outgoing secretary, Deb Haaland, who has been a major ally within the Biden administration to environmentalists.  North Dakota is the No. 3 state nationwide for crude oil production. He was a high-profile Trump surrogate during the 2024 campaign and reportedly was a vice presidential contender. One of the president-elect’s less controversial nominees, he is unlikely to see obstacles to his confirmation. Energy secretary nominee Chris Wright Chris Wright, the CEO of fracking giant Liberty Energy, similarly is likely to carry out policy that echoes Trump’s support of the fossil fuel industry if confirmed to lead the Energy Department. President Biden's Energy Department, under Secretary Jennifer Granholm, has heavily promoted renewable energy development and expansion of electric vehicles, two frequent targets of Trump's. The department is likely to abandon those efforts under Wright.  However, many of the renewable-energy tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act, Biden’s signature legislative package, have found unlikely defenders among the House GOP caucus, suggesting Wright may face some resistance if the administration seeks to unwind them as expected.  Wright also appears unlikely to face meaningful opposition to his confirmation in the incoming Republican-majority Senate. Environmental Protection Agency administrator nominee Lee Zeldin Lee Zeldin distinguished himself during Trump's first term as one of the president's most loyal defenders in Congress, serving on his defense during his first impeachment trial, and he is likely to take a similar approach to backing Trump's agenda as part of his incoming administration. This likely would include rolling back many of his predecessor Michael Regan’s policies, like the first Trump EPA did with Obama-era rules. Zeldin, who represented New York’s 1st Congressional District in the House before resigning to run for governor in 2022, did not have an extensive environmental profile before Trump nominated him to lead the EPA, but he also has prompted little controversy ahead of his confirmation. Sen.-elect John Curtis Sen.-elect John Curtis (R-Utah), who easily won the Senate race in deep-red Utah to succeed Sen. Mitt Romney (R) after beating a Trump-backed candidate in the primaries, appears poised to play a key role in any potential bipartisan work on climate issues in the 119th Congress. In the House, where he has represented Utah's 3rd District since 2017, Curtis was the founder of the Conservative Climate Caucus, a group of Republican lawmakers who acknowledge the threat of climate change but favor free-market solutions.  He also co-sponsored a bipartisan bill in the lower chamber with Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) that called for a federal study of the effects of an import tax based on carbon intensity. That bill was similar to a proposal from one of Curtis’s new colleagues, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), suggesting Curtis could be a notable player on climate in the next Congress, though the Republican majorities likely will be more focused on promoting energy development than efforts to reduce carbon emissions. Rep. Jared Huffman As Democrats figure out their next steps after 2024’s electoral losses, many of the party’s younger leaders have called for leadership shakeups in Congress, and several have mounted challenges to more-senior committee leaders.  One of the first Democrats to announce such a challenge was Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.), who made a bid for leadership of the House Natural Resources Committee against incumbent ranking member Raúl Grijalva (D-Ariz.). Grijalva, who is retiring in 2027, initially said he would seek another term, but he withdrew shortly after and endorsed Rep. Melanie Stansbury (D-N.M.). Stansbury withdrew amid overwhelming support for Huffman, who was formally voted ranking member this week.  In the role, Huffman will put the effectiveness of the leadership shakeups to the test, particularly on issues such as environmental justice and renewable energy, where Trump is likely to seek to undo much of the party’s work of the past four years.

Energy and climate are expected to be divisive issues in 2025 as President-elect Trump, backed by GOP majorities in both the House and Senate, looks to expand U.S. energy development while congressional Democrats worried about the effect on global warming seek to stymie him. Here are five figures likely to make headlines on energy and environmental issues...

Energy and climate are expected to be divisive issues in 2025 as President-elect Trump, backed by GOP majorities in both the House and Senate, looks to expand U.S. energy development while congressional Democrats worried about the effect on global warming seek to stymie him.

Here are five figures likely to make headlines on energy and environmental issues in 2025.

Energy czar and Interior secretary nominee Doug Burgum

As chair of a new National Energy Council, former North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum (R) is set to broadly coordinate the incoming administration's energy agenda. If confirmed to lead the Interior Department, he also likely would oversee an increase in oil and gas drilling on federal lands, marking a sharp contrast to the department's outgoing secretary, Deb Haaland, who has been a major ally within the Biden administration to environmentalists. 

North Dakota is the No. 3 state nationwide for crude oil production. He was a high-profile Trump surrogate during the 2024 campaign and reportedly was a vice presidential contender. One of the president-elect’s less controversial nominees, he is unlikely to see obstacles to his confirmation.

Energy secretary nominee Chris Wright

Chris Wright, the CEO of fracking giant Liberty Energy, similarly is likely to carry out policy that echoes Trump’s support of the fossil fuel industry if confirmed to lead the Energy Department.

President Biden's Energy Department, under Secretary Jennifer Granholm, has heavily promoted renewable energy development and expansion of electric vehicles, two frequent targets of Trump's. The department is likely to abandon those efforts under Wright. 

However, many of the renewable-energy tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act, Biden’s signature legislative package, have found unlikely defenders among the House GOP caucus, suggesting Wright may face some resistance if the administration seeks to unwind them as expected. 

Wright also appears unlikely to face meaningful opposition to his confirmation in the incoming Republican-majority Senate.

Environmental Protection Agency administrator nominee Lee Zeldin

Lee Zeldin distinguished himself during Trump's first term as one of the president's most loyal defenders in Congress, serving on his defense during his first impeachment trial, and he is likely to take a similar approach to backing Trump's agenda as part of his incoming administration.

This likely would include rolling back many of his predecessor Michael Regan’s policies, like the first Trump EPA did with Obama-era rules.

Zeldin, who represented New York’s 1st Congressional District in the House before resigning to run for governor in 2022, did not have an extensive environmental profile before Trump nominated him to lead the EPA, but he also has prompted little controversy ahead of his confirmation.

Sen.-elect John Curtis

Sen.-elect John Curtis (R-Utah), who easily won the Senate race in deep-red Utah to succeed Sen. Mitt Romney (R) after beating a Trump-backed candidate in the primaries, appears poised to play a key role in any potential bipartisan work on climate issues in the 119th Congress.

In the House, where he has represented Utah's 3rd District since 2017, Curtis was the founder of the Conservative Climate Caucus, a group of Republican lawmakers who acknowledge the threat of climate change but favor free-market solutions. 

He also co-sponsored a bipartisan bill in the lower chamber with Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) that called for a federal study of the effects of an import tax based on carbon intensity. That bill was similar to a proposal from one of Curtis’s new colleagues, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), suggesting Curtis could be a notable player on climate in the next Congress, though the Republican majorities likely will be more focused on promoting energy development than efforts to reduce carbon emissions.

Rep. Jared Huffman

As Democrats figure out their next steps after 2024’s electoral losses, many of the party’s younger leaders have called for leadership shakeups in Congress, and several have mounted challenges to more-senior committee leaders. 

One of the first Democrats to announce such a challenge was Rep. Jared Huffman (D-Calif.), who made a bid for leadership of the House Natural Resources Committee against incumbent ranking member Raúl Grijalva (D-Ariz.). Grijalva, who is retiring in 2027, initially said he would seek another term, but he withdrew shortly after and endorsed Rep. Melanie Stansbury (D-N.M.). Stansbury withdrew amid overwhelming support for Huffman, who was formally voted ranking member this week. 

In the role, Huffman will put the effectiveness of the leadership shakeups to the test, particularly on issues such as environmental justice and renewable energy, where Trump is likely to seek to undo much of the party’s work of the past four years.

Read the full story here.
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Carter leaves influential energy, environmental legacy

Former President Carter, who died Sunday at the age of 100, left behind a history of pioneering energy and environmental policy. In his single term in the Oval Office, Carter took a range of actions on issues that remained influential long after his presidency ended, from imposing new wilderness protections to creating the federal Department of Energy...

Former President Carter, who died Sunday at the age of 100, left behind a history of pioneering energy and environmental policy. In his single term in the Oval Office, Carter took a range of actions on issues that remained influential long after his presidency ended, from imposing new wilderness protections to creating the federal Department of Energy during the recurring energy crises of the 1970s. Carter formally created the department in August 1977, seven months into his presidency, when he signed the Department of Energy Organization Act. The law consolidated a number of existing agencies under the umbrella of the new federal department. The reorganization was largely in response to the 1973 oil crisis, during which the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) imposed an embargo against nations that had backed Israel during the Yom Kippur War the same month. Amid national anxiety around energy supply, Carter was also an early champion of energy efficiency and specifically the use of renewable energy to achieve American energy independence. One of his most visible efforts was the installation of 32 solar panels on the roof of the White House in 1979. The installation came two years after the establishment of tax credits for homeowners installing solar-powered water heaters. In his remarks marking their installation, he expressed concerns that remain relevant in 2024 about American dependence on foreign imports for energy and called for the U.S. to derive 20 percent of its energy from solar by the year 2000. “Solar energy will not pollute our air or water. We will not run short of it. No one can ever embargo the Sun or interrupt its delivery to us,” Carter said. The 39th president’s emphasis on energy efficiency is often remembered as emblematic of his pleas for Americans to make some material sacrifices for the greater good, in contrast to the optimistic tone of his successor, Ronald Reagan, who defeated him in a landslide in 1980. The panels were ultimately removed from the White House under Reagan — an action frequently referenced as a reflection of that contrast, though their removal wasn't completed until 1986, halfway through Reagan’s second term and months after the solar tax credit expired. A set of panels was reinstalled decades later under former President Obama. Despite his emphasis on renewable energy, Carter was also a major booster of the domestic coal industry. He was elected by a Democratic coalition that included Southern and Appalachian mine workers that are today solidly Republican, and touted coal as a resource that would make the U.S. less reliant on oil from the Middle East. “I would rather burn a ton of Kentucky coal than to see our nation become dependent by buying another barrel of OPEC oil,” he said in a 1979 speech in the Bluegrass State, referencing the bloc of major oil-producing nations. He struck a similar note in a 1978 speech, saying “for now, we have no choice but to continue to rely heavily on fossil fuels, and coal is our most abundant fossil fuel.” In a 1980 campaign speech in Illinois, he told union miners “my goal as president of the United States is to see on the world energy markets Arab oil replaced with Illinois coal.” Carter also leaves an expansive legacy on conservation, including his 1978 signature of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act (ANILCA), which created 10 new national parks and preserves in the state comprising 56 million acres. Over the course of his presidency, he created 39 new national park sites. The National Park Service named him an honorary National Park ranger in 2016. As recently as 2022, the then-97-year-old former president weighed in on environmental disputes in Alaska, filing an appeal against a planned road through Alaska’s Izembek National Wildlife Refuge that would link the towns of King Cove and Cold Bay. In the appeal, Carter said construction of the road would violate ANILCA, writing that an earlier decision by the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals allowing it “is not only deeply mistaken, it’s dangerous.” The Biden administration announced its backing of the road in November. Carter, an engineer by training, also bucked fellow Democrats in Congress with plans to eliminate multiple federal water projects that he believed were financially wasteful and harmful to rivers. “[I]f your interest was sensible stewardship of the nation’s finite natural and financial resources, many of his decisions seemed sound,” historian Rick Perlstein wrote in his book “Reaganland.” “But what looked like an inexplicable boondoggle to an engineer often looked like a matter of life and death for the congressmen in whose districts those projects sat.” Among those who pushed back were former Rep. Mo Udall (D-Ariz.), who said “Tucson and Phoenix [were] going to dry up and blow away” if Carter’s planned “hit list” went through.  Congress and Carter's White House eventually reached a deal in which 18 projects on the list saw their funding cut, but nine others were unaffected. The Biden Interior Department hailed Carter’s environmental legacy in a statement following the announcement of his death. "President Jimmy Carter exemplified what it means to live a life of faith and service to others. His love for and conservation of our shared public lands leaves a tremendous legacy, and I am grateful that the Department will continue to honor his work at the Jimmy Carter National Historical Park for generations to come,” Interior Secretary Deb Haaland said in a statement. “My heartfelt condolences go out to his family and the global community as we all mourn this selfless public servant."

South Texas coal-fired power plant to switch to clean energy after receiving more than $1 billion in federal money

San Miguel Electric Cooperative's plan to turn into a solar and battery plant will leave only 14 coal-fired power plants in the state.

Sign up for The Brief, The Texas Tribune’s daily newsletter that keeps readers up to speed on the most essential Texas news. A South Texas coal-fired power plant will receive more than $1 billion in funding from the U.S. Department of Agriculture to convert into a solar and battery facility, according to the agency. The switch by San Miguel Electric Cooperative, located in Christine in Atascosa County, to a solar and battery plant will be funded by more than $1.4 billion of a $4.37 billion federal grant to support clean energy while maintaining rural jobs. With the co-op’s transition to a renewable energy plant, only 14 coal-fired power plants will be left in the state. In September, the CEO of San Miguel Electric Cooperative, Craig Courter, told a local newspaper that with federal funding, the co-op can “virtually eliminate our greenhouse gas emissions while continuing to provide affordable and reliable power to rural Texans.” “We take pride in our attention to detail in safety, environmental compliance, community service and mined land reclamation,” Courter told the Pleasanton Express. According to the USDA’s Thursday announcement, the transformation will reduce climate pollution by more than 1.8 million tons yearly and support as many as 600 jobs. In 2019, a Texas Tribune investigation showed that state agencies allowed San Miguel Cooperative to contaminate acres with toxic chemicals. These chemicals can leach into groundwater and soil and endanger people’s health. According to 2023 EPA data, the plant is the fourth-largest mercury polluter of all power plants in the state. “For years, folks in my county have been worried about water contamination from San Miguel’s lignite mine, so with this announcement, we are hopeful that McMullen County’s water will be clean long into the future,” McMullen County Judge James Teal told the Sierra Club, a grassroots environmental group. Teal said that county government officials are looking forward to a benefits plan that will “implement a quality remediation process for the existing plant and mine and provide us with peace of mind that the mess has been cleaned up.” The most important Texas news,sent weekday mornings. San Miguel will still need to establish a timeline for shutting down the coal plant. Still, it’s a “historic victory” for South Texas, said James Perkins, a Sierra Club Texas campaign organizer. Other co-ops in Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Minnesota, and Nebraska received similar federal funding. “Texans want healthy air and water and affordable, reliable energy — and we’re ready to come together to get it done,” said Perkins.

Hawaiian Electric Company's Shaky Credit Prompts Proposal for Help From State

Still reeling financially from the devastating wildfires that destroyed much of Lahaina in 2023, Hawaiian Electric Co. wants the state to back the utility’s contracts with wind and solar farms

Still reeling financially from the devastating wildfires that killed at least 102 people and destroyed much of Lahaina in 2023, Hawaiian Electric Co. wants the state to back the utility’s contracts with wind and solar farms.The idea is to make sure new projects can come online despite a cloud of uncertainty in financial markets over HECO. Rebecca Dayhuff Matsushima, HECO’s vice president for resource procurement, said the company hasn’t finished revising proposed legislation for lawmakers to introduce. But she acknowledged the company has been briefing key lawmakers on its proposal ahead of the legislative session that starts in January.“We’re still refining that draft and we hope to get close to a final version later this week,” she said.The idea is for the state to step into HECO’s shoes if the company were to default on payment obligations to wind and solar farms.At stake, Matsushima said, is the ability for HECO to seamlessly bring online large-scale renewable projects to replace aging fossil-fuel burning generators targeted to shut down in the next several years. “Utility scale projects are being put on hold left and right,” said Isaac Moriwake, managing attorney for Earthjustice’s regional office in Honolulu. “Right now, we’re completely stalled out.”Hawaii Rep. Nicole Lowen, chair of the House Energy and Environmental Protection Committee, said HECO’s proposal makes sense conceptually as a solution and should pose little or no risk to utility customers or taxpayers. “But,” Lowen said, “the devil is always in the details.” Contracts Are Key Part Of Hawaii’s Energy Policy Hawaii’s energy policy calls for all electricity sold in the state to be produced from renewable resources by 2045. To achieve that goal, HECO relies on third-party “independent power producers” to build large-scale projects — chiefly wind and solar farms, which require massive investments recouped over decades.To pay for the projects, the power producers enter long-term contracts with HECO to buy electricity for a certain price. The producers then borrow money to pay for the projects up front, with a promise to use payments from HECO to repay the loans.The problem is HECO’s credit profile, which was battered after the August 2023 wildfire. The company faces hundreds of lawsuits related to the fire, which was started when a downed HECO power line ignited dry grasses, according to official investigations. As a result, the company’s stock price has plummeted, and its credit rating has been cut to junk status.That’s made it hard for the power producers to borrow money when they go to credit markets saying their customer is a utility facing billions of dollars in potential liability.“Independent Power Producers (‘IPPs’) have expressed concerns with the Hawaiian Electric’s credit rating and the inability of the IPPs to finance projects or to finance them at reasonable rates given the Company’s current credit rating and financial situation,” the company explains in a document shared with lawmakers and others.The problem has lingered since last session, when it started becoming clear that fallout from the fires was affecting Hawaii’s progress toward its renewable energy goals.At that time, lawmakers proposed a bill to enable HECO to strengthen its credit profile by letting it issue a new type of bond. Unlike other types of corporate debt, the new bonds could have been secured by a new fee charged directly to utility customers. Such bonds are viewed as carrying little risk and are frequently used by utilities to raise money because they bear lower interest rates than standard corporate debt. The securitization bill along with other measures theoretically would have shored up HECO’s credit profile and could have made it easier for the power producers to borrow money at low rates to finance their projects. Supporters included producers like Longroad Energy and Clearway Energy, as well as the Ulupono Initiative, which invests in renewables. But some lawmakers viewed the securitization bill as an open-ended bailout for HECO and sought sweeping changes from the utility in return. The measure took another political hit when HECO’s chief executive, Shelee Kimura, testified that HECO might use funds from securitization to pay wildfire claims as a last resort. The measure ultimately stalled.The new idea is a narrower proposal to backstop HECO’s renewable energy contracts using the state’s creditworthiness.“With the state’s ability to step into the utility’s place, it is likely that financing parties will view contracts with the utility as being supported by the investment grade credit rating of the state instead of the utility, avoiding higher bills and risks to reliability,” the company says in its presentation. As envisioned, the proposal would mean little risk to the state if it had to step into HECO’s shoes, Lowen said.Electricity generated by the power producers would go to customers who would pay for it. But instead of that money flowing through HECO to the power producers, the money would flow through the state.But Lowen said it’s unlikely the state would have to step up for HECO.And HECO’s fortunes soon may change dramatically. The utility and its parent, Hawaiian Electric Industries, have joined other defendants in the massive wildfire litigation to craft a $4 billion offer designed to settle all wildfire claims. While the fire victims have agreed to settle, the insurance industry remains a major holdout. Having paid more than $2 billion in wildfire claims to victims, the insurers want to sue HECO and others allegedly responsible for starting the fires to recoup their claims.The Hawaii Supreme Court is expected to rule next month on whether the parties can settle without the insurers signing on.In the meantime, HECO’s Matsushima said it’s important to give the power producers confidence to invest in Hawaii. Permits for existing fossil fuel generators on Maui and the Big Island are set to expire in 2028 and additional projects on Maui are heading toward obsolescence in 2030 and 2031. Oahu generators face no deadlines, but there is room for expansion, she said.It benefits customers to get renewable projects on track to ensure customers reliable access to electricity from clean resources at good prices, Matsushima said.“This definitely is something we should be looking at,” Earthjustice’s Moriwake said.This story was originally published by Honolulu Civil Beat and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - Sept. 2024

Oil and gas firms operating in Colorado falsified environmental impact reports

State’s energy and carbon management commission said fraudulent pollution data was reported for at least 344 wellsOil and gas companies operating in Colorado have submitted hundreds of environmental impact reports with “falsified” laboratory data since 2021, according to state regulators.Colorado’s energy and carbon management commission (ECMC) said on 13 December that contractors for Chevron and Oxy had submitted reports with fraudulent data for at least 344 oil and gas wells across the state, painting a misleading picture of their pollution levels. Consultants for a third company, Civitas, had also filed forms with falsified information for an unspecified number of wells, regulators said. Continue reading...

Oil and gas companies operating in Colorado have submitted hundreds of environmental impact reports with “falsified” laboratory data since 2021, according to state regulators.Colorado’s energy and carbon management commission (ECMC) said on 13 December that contractors for Chevron and Oxy had submitted reports with fraudulent data for at least 344 oil and gas wells across the state, painting a misleading picture of their pollution levels. Consultants for a third company, Civitas, had also filed forms with falsified information for an unspecified number of wells, regulators said.Some of the reports, which were conducted and filed by the consulting groups Eagle Environmental Consulting and Tasman Geosciences, obscured the levels of dangerous contaminants in nearby soils, including arsenic, which is linked to heart disease and a variety of cancers, and benzene, which is linked to leukemia and other blood disorders, among other pollutants, according to the commission.“I do believe that the degree of alleged fraud warrants some criminal investigation,” said Julie Murphy, the ECMC director, in November.Regulators first revealed in November that widespread data fabrication had occurred, noting that the companies had voluntarily disclosed the issue months earlier. Last week, as officials specified which sites were known to be affected, the New Mexico attorney general’s office said it was also gathering information about the consulting groups’ testing methods.“This highlights the whole problem of our regulatory agency relying on operator-reported data,” said Heidi Leathwood, climate policy analyst for 350 Colorado, an environmental non-profit. “The public needs to know that they are really being put at risk by these carcinogens.”Paula Beasley, a Chevron spokesperson, wrote via email that an independent contractor – which ECMC identified as Denver-based Eagle Environmental Consulting – notified the company in July that an employee had manipulated laboratory data.“When Chevron became aware of this fraud, it immediately launched an investigation into these incidents and continues to cooperate fully and work closely with the Colorado Energy and Carbon Management Commission,” Beasley wrote. “Chevron is shocked and appalled that any third-party contractor would intentionally falsify data and file it with state officials.”Jennifer Price, an Oxy spokesperson, also wrote via email that a third-party environmental consultant informed the company about employee-altered lab reports and associated forms. “Upon notification, we reported the issue to Colorado’s Energy and Carbon Management Commission and are reassessing the identified sites to confirm they meet state environmental and health standards,” she added.In emailed responses, Tasman Geosciences spokesperson Andy Boian said that Tasman’s data alterations were the work of a single employee and were “minor” in nature, and presented “no human health risk”. But Kristin Kemp, the ECMC’s community relations manager, said the commission’s investigation had not yet confirmed whether that was true.“What we can say already is that the degree of falsified data is vast, from seemingly benign to more significant impact,” she said.Boian also said Tasman “has filed legal action” against its former employee.Civitas and Eagle Environmental Consulting did not respond to requests for comment.Across the US, cash-strapped state regulators have long outsourced environmental analysis to fossil fuel companies, who self-report their own ground-level impacts. But the revelations about widespread data fabrication in Colorado – the fourth-largest oil- and gas-producing state in the US – raises questions about whether operators and their consultants can truly self-police.“It’s obvious: if you want the oil and gas industry to pay you money for a service, you better not find any big problems, or they’re not going to pay you,” said Sharon Wilson, a former consultant for the oil and gas industry who is now an anti-fracking activist in Texas. She said she left her post after her employer’s findings, which she described as trustworthy, were routinely ignored by industry.It is not uncommon for hired consultants to misreport numbers in a way that benefits their clients in the fossil fuel industry, said Anthony Ingraffea, emeritus professor of civil engineering at Cornell University. In 2020, he published a study that found widespread anomalies in how methane emissions were reported across fracking sites in Pennsylvania.“Make sure that the responsibility – the regulatory responsibility, the moral responsibility – is as uncertain as your lawyers can set it up to be,” he said of the practice of outsourcing environmental impact studies. “In other words, point to somebody else.”In an email, Kemp said that companies, contractors and regulators support one another like legs on a three-legged stool, with each trusting the other to pull its weight. She explained that regulators like the ECMC will always be at least somewhat dependent on self-reported data, due to the impracticality of monitoring hundreds of operators at thousands of sites – but that existing processes may need reconsideration.“ECMC’s regulatory workflow is grounded in an expectation that people abide by the law, with reasonable measures in place to ensure that to be the case,” she wrote. “But if we determine we can no longer rely broadly on receiving accurate information, we’d need action – and the scope and scale of that action will be determined by what we learn during the ongoing investigation.”According to the commission, 278 of the wells disclosed so far to have falsified information are operated by Chevron, which contracted with Eagle Environmental. Sixty-six belong to Oxy, a Houston-based energy firm which contracted with Tasman Geosciences. Civitas, which also worked with Eagle Environmental Consulting, disclosed it too had filed falsified data, but has yet not shared information about which of its sites were affected.Most of the wells in question are in rural Weld county, in north-eastern Colorado, which is home to 82% of the state’s oil production and contains more than half of its gas wells. However, regulators revealed that some of the sites with falsified data are close to cities such as Fort Collins, Greeley and Boulder. About half are no longer operational and had been deemed safely remediated by the state.So far, the only sites shared with the public have been those self-reported by the operators, rather than discovered by the ECMC. “It’s likely more sites will become known as the ongoing investigation unfolds,” Kemp wrote.Eagle and Tasman, the consultants who allegedly provided false data, also work outside the state, raising concerns their employees may have submitted fraudulent data elsewhere.“We believe that this is potentially of such danger and magnitude that the situation warrants further inquiry,” said Mariel Nanasi, executive director of the Santa Fe-based non-profit New Energy Economy.Lauren Rodriguez, director of communications for New Mexico’s office of the attorney general, confirmed on 16 December that the office was indeed looking into the allegations around the consulting groups’ work.“The single Tasman individual involved in the data alteration did not do any work for Tasman in [New Mexico], or any other states,” Boian said by email.Kemp, the ECMC spokesperson, said it was still unclear why two independent third-party consultants came forward to self-report data falsification around the same time. But the consequences could be serious: forging an official document filed to a public office is a class 5 felony in Colorado, punishable by one to three years in prison and up to $100,000 in fines. The ECMC will also consider fines and other enforcement actions, she said.The Colorado attorney general’s office declined to comment on the ongoing investigation. And while Kemp said it wasn’t yet clear why the environmental consultants admitted the falsification when they did, she noted that the buck ultimately stops with the oil and gas operators.“Regardless of who’s at fault, the burden of responsibility falls to the operator,” she said.

Feds to assess environmental risks of proposed Northwest Hydrogen Hub

Companies have proposed 10 projects for the Northwest hub so far, including several hydrogen production facilities, hydrogen distribution pipelines and storage projects, and projects that would spur adoption of hydrogen-powered trucks, buses and hydrogen refueling stations, according to the U.S. Department of Energy.

A year after naming the Northwest one of seven new “regional hydrogen hubs” in a nationwide competition, the U.S. Department of Energy is beginning its review of possible environmental risks of developing certain hydrogen projects and is inviting the public into the process.The review, announced Wednesday, will analyze any adverse effects from developing hydrogen projects and the impact of potential infrastructure, their scope, design and construction. But the assessments are only a first step and do not necessarily mean the projects will go forward and receive funding, the agency said. It is holding a virtual meeting for the public in January and will take comments until spring.The projects involve the development and distribution of “green” hydrogen energy and its end users. Green hydrogen can be produced with water and used without emitting greenhouse gases. Green hydrogen energy is seen as a key source of clean energy to help reduce climate-warming emissions from sectors that currently rely on fossil fuels and are hard to electrify because of the huge amounts of energy they demand.The Pacific Northwest Hydrogen Hub, which includes Washington, Oregon and Montana, was chosen in 2023 to receive about $1 billion in federal funding during the next decade. Companies have proposed 10 projects for the Northwest hub so far, including several hydrogen production facilities, hydrogen distribution pipelines and storage projects, and projects that would spur adoption of hydrogen-powered trucks, buses and hydrogen refueling stations, according to the U.S. Department of Energy.The hydrogen produced in the Northwest could also be used to make fertilizer and power energy-demanding processes like semiconductor manufacturing.By replacing fossil fuels in some transportation and in hard to electrify sectors, the hub could divert up to 1.7 million metric tons of carbon dioxide from entering the atmosphere each year, according to the Pacific Northwest Hydrogen Association. That’s equivalent to removing about 400,000 gasoline-powered cars from roads annually.But the Northwest Hub has faced challenges getting off the ground, with project developers pausing plans due to unaffordable renewable energy prices as regional rates for electricity — needed to make green hydrogen — skyrocket. They’re also facing a lack of demand along with delays and confusion over a federal tax credit that was meant to spur investment and jump-start the industry.Learn more and submit commentsRegister here to attend a virtual meeting about the hydrogen hub environmental assessment on Wednesday, Jan. 22 from 6 to 8 p.m.Submit comments on the environmental assessment process through March 23, 2025 here.‘Green hydrogen’Green hydrogen starts with water, which is made up of hydrogen and oxygen. Using a device called an electrolyzer, an electric current is passed through the water, causing a reaction that splits the hydrogen and oxygen from one another. The hydrogen is captured and stored. The production process requires a lot of electricity. But as long as that electricity comes from a renewable source, such as wind or solar power, the hydrogen is “green” and carbon neutral. When burned as fuel, hydrogen emits no carbon dioxide or greenhouse gases, just water.-- Alex Baumhardt, Oregon Capital Chronicle, abaumhardt@oregoncapitalchronicle.comOregon Capital Chronicle is part of States Newsroom, the nation’s largest state-focused nonprofit news organization.

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