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Ethics violation lodged against former CalRecycle director

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Tuesday, March 4, 2025

For lawmakers and lobbyists who worked on ensuring the passage of California’s landmark plastic waste law, Rachel Wagoner’s abrupt career shift was nothing short of jaw dropping.The former director of CalRecycle — who oversaw, wrote and promoted the single-use plastic legislation known as SB 54 — is now the executive director of the Circular Action Alliance, a coalition of plastic and packaging companies determined to delay, if not derail, the law.And it’s not clear her pivot is legal.On Feb. 19, an anonymous whistleblower submitted a formal complaint to California’s Fair Political Practices Commission, asking the agency to investigate Wagoner on the grounds that she violated a ‘switching sides’ ban that prevents former regulators from receiving compensation to work against the state on matters they once oversaw. “It’s pretty egregious,” said Sean McMorris, transparency, ethics and accountability program manager for California Common Cause, a political watchdog group. “I don’t know how else to say it, regardless of whether any laws were broken or not, the public’s going to look at that and say, ‘What’s going on here? This is pretty suspicious.’”Others say Wagoner was instrumental in pushing for regulations and language she is now calling problematic.“It certainly raises a lot of concerns,” said Sen. Ben Allen (D-Santa Monica), who authored and sponsored the original legislation.Wagoner did not respond to questions from The Times, but in an email exchange from Feb. 12, she did said she was proud of the time she worked for the state government and feels privileged to have been asked to advise companies and to provide “information on SB 54 and California environmental and regulatory laws and processes.”She said she does not advocate for the companies she represents in her new role — which include some of the world’s largest producers and distributors of plastic packaging, including Amazon, Coca-Cola, Conagra, Procter & Gamble and Target. She said she just provides them with information.Larine Urbina, a spokesperson for the coalition, said the state’s political practices commission had not reached out to her organization, and therefore “it wouldn’t be appropriate for me to comment at this time.”SB 54, the plastic waste law Wagoner helped craft, was designed to reduce single-use plastics and packaging and shift the responsibility of plastic waste to the companies that manufacturer, market or sell those products — and away from the consumer and local jurisdictions. That can be done either by reducing the amount of single-use plastics these companies create and sell, or by manufacturing products that can be recycled or composted.According to one state analysis, 2.9 million tons of single-use plastic and 171.4 billion single-use plastic components were sold, offered for sale or distributed during 2023 in California.Single-use plastics and plastic waste more broadly are considered a growing environmental and health problem. In recent decades, the accumulation of plastic waste has overwhelmed waterways and oceans, sickening marine life and threatening human health.While the bill was signed into law in 2022, regulations designed to govern it had not yet been finalized. For the past two years, stakeholders representing plastic manufacturers and producers, packaging companies, environmental groups and waste haulers have hashed out and negotiated proposed regulations — debating such things as the definition of “producer,” or where on food service items the words “reusable” or “refillable” must be displayed. Throughout this period, CalRecycle — which was led by Wagoner until March 2024 — helped guide the discussions and incorporated feedback into several proposed drafts of those rules. For instance, in early June 2022, as the stakeholders were hammering out the first set of regulations, it became apparent that someone — the state or the industry — would periodically need to assess the state’s waste infrastructure to ensure material was getting to where it needed to go and was being properly disposed of according to the law. The industry is responsible for meeting those targets — which include, among other requirements, that 65% of all single-use plastic packaging in the state is recycled by 2032.The stakeholders had initially agreed this costly, time- and personnel-intensive evaluation should be conducted by the industry. This would allow the industry to evaluate the assessment as it was being conducted and be responsible for it. But according to sources, Wagoner — who was director of the state agency — decided that responsibility should fall to CalRecycle. Several drafts of the proposed rules and changes were shared with The Times.Now, Wagoner and her industry coalition are complaining that the state is taking too long to do the assessment — which is expected to be completed in January 2026 — and, as a result, she said, it is compromising the ability of her organization to develop a program to meet their targets, which they need to have finalized by April 2026.“This timeline is challenging even under ideal conditions,” she said in a Feb. 12 email. “The planning process will have to start without this required data and will be difficult to complete because of this delay.”In addition, Wagoner’s critics say she oversaw regulation changes that some experts say would have potentially opened the door for certain kinds of chemical recycling technologies — technologies that superheat plastics and turn them into fuel or other kinds of plastics — including one from Eastman Chemical Co., a company that Wagoner began consulting for a few months after she stepped down from CalRecycle. The changes in the regulations — which included wording about hazardous materials — have since been corrected and addressed.On Feb. 7, Eastman Chemical ran a sponsored ad in the Sacramento Bee heralding the benefits of recycling technologies. They also spent $177,500 in the fourth quarter lobbying CalRecycle on the SB 54 regulations.The Circular Action Alliance and other industry-friendly groups, such as the California Chamber of Commerce, have also been actively lobbying the governor’s office since mid-December, urging Newsom to delay finalization. In a Dec. 15 letter to Newsom, the Chamber claimed the new law would cost California consumers more than $300 per year, a number that he said came from the state’s own economic analysis. A Times review of that analysis shows just the opposite, however.The state’s economists said they anticipated an increase in personal income — starting with a $3 bump in 2024 and climbing to $131 by 2032.In 2020, Wagoner was picked by Newsom to run CalRecycle. Prior to that, she had worked in the governor’s office as a senior legislative strategist alongside Ann Patterson — who until Friday was Newsom’s Cabinet secretary. Patterson stepped down soon after her husband, Nathan Barankin, became the governor’s chief of staff.Wagoner served as CalRecycle director through March 2024, when she resigned, she said, for personal reasons. She became the executive director of the Circular Action Alliance on Dec. 4, after consulting for Eastman Chemical for several months.The Fair Political Practices Commission has not yet determined whether they will conduct an investigation or not. According to a Feb. 25 letter addressed to Wagoner, the former CalRecycle director has until March 11 to provide the agency with information to support her case, at which time, the agency will decide how to proceed.“What happened may not be illegal, and I am not a lawyer, but I don’t think the public believes this is how it should work in California,” said Heidi Sanborn, founding Director of the California Product Stewardship Council.

Less than one year after Rachel Wagoner resigned as director of CalRecycle, she's working for a coalition of plastic and packaging companies.

For lawmakers and lobbyists who worked on ensuring the passage of California’s landmark plastic waste law, Rachel Wagoner’s abrupt career shift was nothing short of jaw dropping.

The former director of CalRecycle — who oversaw, wrote and promoted the single-use plastic legislation known as SB 54 — is now the executive director of the Circular Action Alliance, a coalition of plastic and packaging companies determined to delay, if not derail, the law.

And it’s not clear her pivot is legal.

On Feb. 19, an anonymous whistleblower submitted a formal complaint to California’s Fair Political Practices Commission, asking the agency to investigate Wagoner on the grounds that she violated a ‘switching sides’ ban that prevents former regulators from receiving compensation to work against the state on matters they once oversaw.

“It’s pretty egregious,” said Sean McMorris, transparency, ethics and accountability program manager for California Common Cause, a political watchdog group. “I don’t know how else to say it, regardless of whether any laws were broken or not, the public’s going to look at that and say, ‘What’s going on here? This is pretty suspicious.’”

Others say Wagoner was instrumental in pushing for regulations and language she is now calling problematic.

“It certainly raises a lot of concerns,” said Sen. Ben Allen (D-Santa Monica), who authored and sponsored the original legislation.

Wagoner did not respond to questions from The Times, but in an email exchange from Feb. 12, she did said she was proud of the time she worked for the state government and feels privileged to have been asked to advise companies and to provide “information on SB 54 and California environmental and regulatory laws and processes.”

She said she does not advocate for the companies she represents in her new role — which include some of the world’s largest producers and distributors of plastic packaging, including Amazon, Coca-Cola, Conagra, Procter & Gamble and Target. She said she just provides them with information.

Larine Urbina, a spokesperson for the coalition, said the state’s political practices commission had not reached out to her organization, and therefore “it wouldn’t be appropriate for me to comment at this time.”

SB 54, the plastic waste law Wagoner helped craft, was designed to reduce single-use plastics and packaging and shift the responsibility of plastic waste to the companies that manufacturer, market or sell those products — and away from the consumer and local jurisdictions. That can be done either by reducing the amount of single-use plastics these companies create and sell, or by manufacturing products that can be recycled or composted.

According to one state analysis, 2.9 million tons of single-use plastic and 171.4 billion single-use plastic components were sold, offered for sale or distributed during 2023 in California.

Single-use plastics and plastic waste more broadly are considered a growing environmental and health problem. In recent decades, the accumulation of plastic waste has overwhelmed waterways and oceans, sickening marine life and threatening human health.

While the bill was signed into law in 2022, regulations designed to govern it had not yet been finalized.

For the past two years, stakeholders representing plastic manufacturers and producers, packaging companies, environmental groups and waste haulers have hashed out and negotiated proposed regulations — debating such things as the definition of “producer,” or where on food service items the words “reusable” or “refillable” must be displayed.

Throughout this period, CalRecycle — which was led by Wagoner until March 2024 — helped guide the discussions and incorporated feedback into several proposed drafts of those rules.

For instance, in early June 2022, as the stakeholders were hammering out the first set of regulations, it became apparent that someone — the state or the industry — would periodically need to assess the state’s waste infrastructure to ensure material was getting to where it needed to go and was being properly disposed of according to the law. The industry is responsible for meeting those targets — which include, among other requirements, that 65% of all single-use plastic packaging in the state is recycled by 2032.

The stakeholders had initially agreed this costly, time- and personnel-intensive evaluation should be conducted by the industry. This would allow the industry to evaluate the assessment as it was being conducted and be responsible for it. But according to sources, Wagoner — who was director of the state agency — decided that responsibility should fall to CalRecycle. Several drafts of the proposed rules and changes were shared with The Times.

Now, Wagoner and her industry coalition are complaining that the state is taking too long to do the assessment — which is expected to be completed in January 2026 — and, as a result, she said, it is compromising the ability of her organization to develop a program to meet their targets, which they need to have finalized by April 2026.

“This timeline is challenging even under ideal conditions,” she said in a Feb. 12 email. “The planning process will have to start without this required data and will be difficult to complete because of this delay.”

In addition, Wagoner’s critics say she oversaw regulation changes that some experts say would have potentially opened the door for certain kinds of chemical recycling technologies — technologies that superheat plastics and turn them into fuel or other kinds of plastics — including one from Eastman Chemical Co., a company that Wagoner began consulting for a few months after she stepped down from CalRecycle. The changes in the regulations — which included wording about hazardous materials — have since been corrected and addressed.

On Feb. 7, Eastman Chemical ran a sponsored ad in the Sacramento Bee heralding the benefits of recycling technologies. They also spent $177,500 in the fourth quarter lobbying CalRecycle on the SB 54 regulations.

The Circular Action Alliance and other industry-friendly groups, such as the California Chamber of Commerce, have also been actively lobbying the governor’s office since mid-December, urging Newsom to delay finalization.

In a Dec. 15 letter to Newsom, the Chamber claimed the new law would cost California consumers more than $300 per year, a number that he said came from the state’s own economic analysis. A Times review of that analysis shows just the opposite, however.

The state’s economists said they anticipated an increase in personal income — starting with a $3 bump in 2024 and climbing to $131 by 2032.

In 2020, Wagoner was picked by Newsom to run CalRecycle. Prior to that, she had worked in the governor’s office as a senior legislative strategist alongside Ann Patterson — who until Friday was Newsom’s Cabinet secretary. Patterson stepped down soon after her husband, Nathan Barankin, became the governor’s chief of staff.

Wagoner served as CalRecycle director through March 2024, when she resigned, she said, for personal reasons. She became the executive director of the Circular Action Alliance on Dec. 4, after consulting for Eastman Chemical for several months.

The Fair Political Practices Commission has not yet determined whether they will conduct an investigation or not. According to a Feb. 25 letter addressed to Wagoner, the former CalRecycle director has until March 11 to provide the agency with information to support her case, at which time, the agency will decide how to proceed.

“What happened may not be illegal, and I am not a lawyer, but I don’t think the public believes this is how it should work in California,” said Heidi Sanborn, founding Director of the California Product Stewardship Council.

Read the full story here.
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Trump Administration Likely to Drop Chloroprene Lawsuit. Here’s What That Means

Trump could drop a federal lawsuit against a petrochemical plant that emits chloroprene. Here’s a look at the cancer-causing chemical

What Is Chloroprene, the Cancer-Causing Chemical at the Center of a Federal Lawsuit?Trump could drop a federal lawsuit against a petrochemical plant that emits chloroprene. Here’s a look at the cancer-causing chemicalBy Stephanie Pappas edited by Jeanna BrynerYoga mats can be made out of the synthetic rubber neoprene, natural rubber and other materials. The Trump administration may soon drop a federal lawsuit against a Louisiana petrochemical plant to reduce its emissions of chloroprene, a cancer-causing chemical that has been at the heart of a roughly decade-long environmental justice battle.Chloroprene is a volatile liquid made of chlorine and carbon atoms. When its molecules are linked together to form chains in a process called polymerization, they form polychloroprene—better known as neoprene, a common synthetic rubber that is widely used in wetsuits and other protective gear. Neoprene is relatively inert and resists degradation, and it is used in clothing, masks and accessories. But during neoprene’s production, the crucial ingredient chloroprene can enter the air because of its volatility. An early reported occurrence of high occupational exposure to chloroprene occurred in 1973, when airborne concentrations of the chemical reached up to 24,470 micrograms per cubic meter (24,470 µg/m3) within one manufacturing plant that was monitored by scientists.Chloroprene’s carcinogenic risk was first noted in the 1970s, when exposed workers started turning up with high rates of cancer. A 1978 study on 234 male neoprene plant workers in the U.S. found 12 deaths from cancer over a 15-year period, three deaths more than would be expected compared to the rate among the company’s workers as a whole. The rate of cancer of the urinary organs in particular raised red flags: Five of the exposed men died of such cancers over 15 years, far higher than the expected rate of one death every 30 years for a similar population that was not exposed to chloroprene. Research on exposed workers in shoe manufacturing factories in Russia linked chloroprene exposure to liver cancer, kidney cancer and leukemia.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Animal studies have also shown that either ingesting or inhaling chloroprene can cause cancer. In 2010 the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency identified the chemical as a likely human carcinogen. According to the studies the EPA reviewed in that analysis, chloroprene is probably a mutagen—an agent that can damage DNA or trigger genetic mutations.The EPA set a maximum allowed chloroprene exposure level at 0.2 µg/m3 over 70 years in an attempt to keep the additional cancer risk from exposure below 100 cases per every million people. In 2023 the agency filed a lawsuit against the only plant that emits chloroprene in the U.S.: a former DuPont site that is now owned by the Japanese company Denka in Reserve, La. According to the lawsuit, monitoring found that this Denka Performance Elastomer plant consistently released up to 14 times the maximum allowed amount of chloroprene in the surrounding community. Now the New York Times has reported that the Department of Justice is likely to withdraw that lawsuit as part of its move to axe environmental justice programs. Census Tract 708, where the plant is located, is about 91 percent Black.“I’m upset, and I just cannot sleep at night,” says Robert Taylor, who was born in Reserve in 1940. Taylor is the founder of Concerned Citizens of St. John, an advocacy group he started in 2016 after learning about the health dangers of chloroprene. “I remember the suffering of my mother with the cancer. My wife got the cancer; my sister got the cancer; my brother [did]. I look around me, at my neighbors. It is a nightmare.”Reserve sits in “Cancer Alley,” a corridor of petrochemical plants where cancer rates are particularly high. While some advocates for industry blame residents’ health behaviors for these high rates, a 2022 study in the journal Environmental Research Letters found that after controlling for occupation, smoking and obesity, cancer incidence was higher in census tracts with more exposure to toxic compounds in air pollution. And these highly exposed populations were more likely to be predominantly Black.The U.S. national cancer rate is about 440 cases each year per 100,000 people in the same age range as Louisiana’s population, says Kimberly Terrell, the study’s lead author and a research scientist at the Tulane Environmental Law Clinic. Louisiana averages higher than that, Terrell says— around 480 cases per 100,000 people per year. In Cancer Alley, though, the numbers look even worse.“The most polluted census tracts that we looked at had an average overall rate above 500,” Terrell says.There is also evidence tying the Denka plant, in particular, to cancer risk. In 2021 a study published in the journal Environmental Justice found higher cancer incidence closer to the plant. The study researchers surveyed households within a 1.5-kilometer radius of the plant and those located between 1.5 and 2.5 km from it. They then compared the reported cancer numbers in these zones with national averages of Americans, matched to age, race and sex. They found an unusually high cancer rate within the entire study area—9.7 percent of residents reported a cancer diagnosis within the past 23 years—and the rate worsened with closer proximity to the plant. “The levels of cancer in Zone 1 [near the plant] are much more unusual, compared to national cancer statistics, than the levels in Zone 2,” says Ruhan Nagra, an associate professor of law at the University of Utah, who led the study.Denka has argued that the EPA has set its limit for chloroprene exposure too low. A 2020 study partially funded by the company asserted that mice (which were used in the animal studies of the chemical) are more susceptible to cancer from chloroprene than humans and that the exposure limit should be more than 100 times higher than 0.2 µg/m3. (The lead author of that study did not respond to an interview request). In 2022 the EPA declined to change its exposure limit after an independent peer review of Denka’s toxicology claims, with reviewers finding that the company’s methodology did not support it assertions of reduced cancer risk.A lawyer for Denka declined to comment on the possible withdrawal of the lawsuit. Taylor says he and his fellow advocates have felt overwhelmed by the developments. “This country has abandoned us to the vagaries of the petrochemical industry,” he says.“Who decided to sacrifice us and to whom?” Taylor adds. “Who are the beneficiaries of my three-year-old great-grandson, who, at 2.5 years old, had already exceeded the 70-year level of exposure to these chemicals? ... Me and my board of directors, we’re in emergency mode. We know we have to come together and come up with some plans. We cannot lay down for this.”

IACHR Warned of Rising Femicides and Judicial Stagnation in Costa Rica

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) assessed human rights conditions in Costa Rica through a public hearing, where several organizations shared their perspectives and concerns. The event, conducted in a regional context marked by the weakening of the rule of law and democratic institutions, highlighted the challenges facing the country. During the session, civil […] The post IACHR Warned of Rising Femicides and Judicial Stagnation in Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) assessed human rights conditions in Costa Rica through a public hearing, where several organizations shared their perspectives and concerns. The event, conducted in a regional context marked by the weakening of the rule of law and democratic institutions, highlighted the challenges facing the country. During the session, civil society organizations presented the main challenges confronting the nation, emphasizing the differential impact on vulnerable populations such as indigenous peoples, LGBTIQ+ individuals, women, children, adolescents, and people in situations of human mobility. The issues addressed included budget cuts in key sectors, setbacks in the protection of rights, and the lack of a state response to problems such as gender violence, discrimination, and the environmental crisis. The organizations denounced that the budget of the Ministry of Public Education had been reduced from 5.25% to 4.98%, directly affecting children and adolescents. This cut limits access to quality education and perpetuates socioeconomic inequalities, especially in marginalized communities. Additionally, the reduction of resources allocated to the National Child Welfare Agency (PANI) was reported, in a context where incidents of violence against minors have increased. This situation leaves thousands of children unprotected, violating their fundamental rights and exposing them to greater risks. Regarding the judiciary, the organizations pointed out the stagnation of the judiciary’s budget, despite the expansion of its competencies. The hearing also underscored setbacks in protecting women’s rights in Costa Rica. The organizations denounced the rise in femicides and the barriers women face in accessing justice, reflecting a lack of an effective state response to gender-based violence. Furthermore, it was noted that the rights of the LGBTIQ+ population are at risk due to the elimination of key protections, the threat of repealing anti-discrimination policies, and the dismantling of educational programs that promote inclusion and respect for diversity. On the issue of human mobility, the organizations denounced Costa Rica’s role in the detention and reception of individuals expelled by the United States and the historical debts in accessing the rights of migrants and refugees, highlighting the excessive time required to obtain recognition of refugee status. In environmental matters, the organizations warned of a water crisis exacerbated by agrochemical contamination and the lack of continuous access to drinking water, particularly in areas experiencing socioeconomic inequalities. They also raised concerns about the pressure on protected areas due to illegal logging and the expansion of real estate developments in coastal regions, which adversely affect fragile ecosystems and intensify conflicts in indigenous territories. The post IACHR Warned of Rising Femicides and Judicial Stagnation in Costa Rica appeared first on The Tico Times | Costa Rica News | Travel | Real Estate.

Trump administration considers rolling back chemical plant safeguards

The Trump administration will consider rolling back Biden-era regulations that increased safeguards for workers at chemical plants, it announced in a legal filing on Thursday.  The Trump administration asked a court to pause legal challenges to the 2024 safety rules while it “undertakes a new rulemaking.” It said that as part of this rulemaking it...

The Trump administration will consider rolling back Biden-era regulations that increased safeguards for workers at chemical plants, it announced in a legal filing on Thursday.  The Trump administration asked a court to pause legal challenges to the 2024 safety rules while it “undertakes a new rulemaking.” It said that as part of this rulemaking it will “reassess elements of the underlying rule challenged here.” It’s not entirely clear what exactly the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) would rewrite — if anything. The agency declined to comment further.  However, the last Trump administration significantly weakened safety standards at chemical plants.  The standards in question apply to 12,000 industrial facilities, including chemical manufacturers and distributors, oil refineries, food and beverage manufacturers and agricultural supply distributors. Rules were initially tightened under the Obama administration after a 2013 fertilizer plant explosion in Texas killed 15 people When it rolled back the rule the first time, the Trump administration argued that there was “little data supporting the claimed benefits” of the safety regulation. However, in restoring the protections and adding new ones, the Biden administration said that it was implementing the “strongest safety requirements ever for industrial facilities.” And the latest news received pushback from environmental advocates, who argue that making changes could result in more chemical disasters.  “It would mean a real disservice to communities, first responders and workers,” said Adam Kron, an attorney with Earthjustice. “It would put them in greater harm’s way from these chemical disasters.” Earthjustice is part of a coalition of environmental groups that tracks chemical disasters. This coalition has found that since January 2021, there have been more than 1,100 chemical incidents.  The news of a potential rewrite comes days after Trump’s address to a joint session of Congress, in which he vowed to take on toxic chemicals, saying, “our goal is to get toxins out of our environment, poisons out of our food supply and keep our children healthy and strong.” He has also repeatedly hammered the Biden administration for its response to a 2023 train derailment that released toxic substances into East Palestine, Ohio. Yet that rhetoric also comes as Trump has pledged broad deregulatory action, which could clash with upholding chemical safeguards.  While the East Palestine disaster was related to a moving train rather than a chemical plant, Kron said there is “a hypocrisy in really acting concerned around the East Palestine disaster” while scaling back chemical safety rules. 

Study: The ozone hole is healing, thanks to global reduction of CFCs

New results show with high statistical confidence that ozone recovery is going strong.

A new MIT-led study confirms that the Antarctic ozone layer is healing, as a direct result of global efforts to reduce ozone-depleting substances.Scientists including the MIT team have observed signs of ozone recovery in the past. But the new study is the first to show, with high statistical confidence, that this recovery is due primarily to the reduction of ozone-depleting substances, versus other influences such as natural weather variability or increased greenhouse gas emissions to the stratosphere.“There’s been a lot of qualitative evidence showing that the Antarctic ozone hole is getting better. This is really the first study that has quantified confidence in the recovery of the ozone hole,” says study author Susan Solomon, the Lee and Geraldine Martin Professor of Environmental Studies and Chemistry. “The conclusion is, with 95 percent confidence, it is recovering. Which is awesome. And it shows we can actually solve environmental problems.”The new study appears today in the journal Nature. Graduate student Peidong Wang from the Solomon group in the Department of Earth, Atmospheric and Planetary Sciences (EAPS) is the lead author. His co-authors include Solomon and EAPS Research Scientist Kane Stone, along with collaborators from multiple other institutions.Roots of ozone recoveryWithin the Earth’s stratosphere, ozone is a naturally occurring gas that acts as a sort of sunscreen, protecting the planet from the sun’s harmful ultraviolet radiation. In 1985, scientists discovered a “hole” in the ozone layer over Antarctica that opened up during the austral spring, between September and December. This seasonal ozone depletion was suddenly allowing UV rays to filter down to the surface, leading to skin cancer and other adverse health effects.In 1986, Solomon, who was then working at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), led expeditions to the Antarctic, where she and her colleagues gathered evidence that quickly confirmed the ozone hole’s cause: chlorofluorocarbons, or CFCs — chemicals that were then used in refrigeration, air conditioning, insulation, and aerosol propellants. When CFCs drift up into the stratosphere, they can break down ozone under certain seasonal conditions.The following year, those relevations led to the drafting of the Montreal Protocol — an international treaty that aimed to phase out the production of CFCs and other ozone-depleting substances, in hopes of healing the ozone hole.In 2016, Solomon led a study reporting key signs of ozone recovery. The ozone hole seemed to be shrinking with each year, especially in September, the time of year when it opens up. Still, these observations were qualitative. The study showed large uncertainties regarding how much of this recovery was due to concerted efforts to reduce ozone-depleting substances, or if the shrinking ozone hole was a result of other “forcings,” such as year-to-year weather variability from El Niño, La Niña, and the polar vortex.“While detecting a statistically significant increase in ozone is relatively straightforward, attributing these changes to specific forcings is more challenging,” says Wang.Anthropogenic healingIn their new study, the MIT team took a quantitative approach to identify the cause of Antarctic ozone recovery. The researchers borrowed a method from the climate change community, known as “fingerprinting,” which was pioneered by Klaus Hasselmann, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 2021 for the technique. In the context of climate, fingerprinting refers to a method that isolates the influence of specific climate factors, apart from natural, meteorological noise. Hasselmann applied fingerprinting to identify, confirm, and quantify the anthropogenic fingerprint of climate change.Solomon and Wang looked to apply the fingerprinting method to identify another anthropogenic signal: the effect of human reductions in ozone-depleting substances on the recovery of the ozone hole.“The atmosphere has really chaotic variability within it,” Solomon says. “What we’re trying to detect is the emerging signal of ozone recovery against that kind of variability, which also occurs in the stratosphere.”The researchers started with simulations of the Earth’s atmosphere and generated multiple “parallel worlds,” or simulations of the same global atmosphere, under different starting conditions. For instance, they ran simulations under conditions that assumed no increase in greenhouse gases or ozone-depleting substances. Under these conditions, any changes in ozone should be the result of natural weather variability. They also ran simulations with only increasing greenhouse gases, as well as only decreasing ozone-depleting substances.They compared these simulations to observe how ozone in the Antarctic stratosphere changed, both with season, and across different altitudes, in response to different starting conditions. From these simulations, they mapped out the times and altitudes where ozone recovered from month to month, over several decades, and identified a key “fingerprint,” or pattern, of ozone recovery that was specifically due to conditions of declining ozone-depleting substances.The team then looked for this fingerprint in actual satellite observations of the Antarctic ozone hole from 2005 to the present day. They found that, over time, the fingerprint that they identified in simulations became clearer and clearer in observations. In 2018, the fingerprint was at its strongest, and the team could say with 95 percent confidence that ozone recovery was due mainly to reductions in ozone-depleting substances.“After 15 years of observational records, we see this signal to noise with 95 percent confidence, suggesting there’s only a very small chance that the observed pattern similarity can be explained by variability noise,” Wang says. “This gives us confidence in the fingerprint. It also gives us confidence that we can solve environmental problems. What we can learn from ozone studies is how different countries can swiftly follow these treaties to decrease emissions.”If the trend continues, and the fingerprint of ozone recovery grows stronger, Solomon anticipates that soon there will be a year, here and there, when the ozone layer stays entirely intact. And eventually, the ozone hole should stay shut for good.“By something like 2035, we might see a year when there’s no ozone hole depletion at all in the Antarctic. And that will be very exciting for me,” she says. “And some of you will see the ozone hole go away completely in your lifetimes. And people did that.”This research was supported, in part, by the National Science Foundation and NASA.

Video op-ed: Communities in a newly-revealed cancer cluster in Texas deserve justice

Highlands, Texas is a small community on the outskirts of Houston that sits beside the San Jacinto River Waste Pits Superfund Site. The two pits, just shy of 34 acres combined, were originally built in the 1960s to house waste materials from a paper mill. Last month, based on a request from The Texas Health and Environment Alliance (THEA), the State of Texas released a cancer rate assessment that determined that a 250-square-mile area along the San Jacinto River, including the Superfund Site, is a cancer cluster. “Highlands, Texas, is on the banks next to the Superfund Site and has just been gutted by one environmental problem after another,” Ken Wells, an organizer with THEA, told EHN. The waste pits are contaminated with cancer-causing dioxins and furans, resulting in the areas becoming classified as a Superfund Site by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in 2008. Former EPA Administrator Earthea Nance called the pits “one of the most complex Superfund sites in the nation.” In addition to the waste pits, the San Jacinto River is situated within the nation’s petrochemical corridor along the Houston Ship Channel. The 52-mile long channel hosts more than 600 petrochemical plants that produce products like plastics, fertilizers, and pesticides. Pollution from these industries pose numerous environmental health concerns, including increased exposure to other carcinogens like benzene. The Texas Health and Environment Alliance (THEA) was founded by former Highlands resident Jackie Medcalf to provide communities with the technical and regulatory expertise needed to make environmental laws work for them. THEA produced this video op-ed to highlight the cumulative impacts of multi-source pollution on environmental health in Highlands, Texas.

Highlands, Texas is a small community on the outskirts of Houston that sits beside the San Jacinto River Waste Pits Superfund Site. The two pits, just shy of 34 acres combined, were originally built in the 1960s to house waste materials from a paper mill. Last month, based on a request from The Texas Health and Environment Alliance (THEA), the State of Texas released a cancer rate assessment that determined that a 250-square-mile area along the San Jacinto River, including the Superfund Site, is a cancer cluster. “Highlands, Texas, is on the banks next to the Superfund Site and has just been gutted by one environmental problem after another,” Ken Wells, an organizer with THEA, told EHN. The waste pits are contaminated with cancer-causing dioxins and furans, resulting in the areas becoming classified as a Superfund Site by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in 2008. Former EPA Administrator Earthea Nance called the pits “one of the most complex Superfund sites in the nation.” In addition to the waste pits, the San Jacinto River is situated within the nation’s petrochemical corridor along the Houston Ship Channel. The 52-mile long channel hosts more than 600 petrochemical plants that produce products like plastics, fertilizers, and pesticides. Pollution from these industries pose numerous environmental health concerns, including increased exposure to other carcinogens like benzene. The Texas Health and Environment Alliance (THEA) was founded by former Highlands resident Jackie Medcalf to provide communities with the technical and regulatory expertise needed to make environmental laws work for them. THEA produced this video op-ed to highlight the cumulative impacts of multi-source pollution on environmental health in Highlands, Texas.

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