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Editorial: County at a crosswords, a pushback on growth and other election takeaways

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Sunday, May 26, 2024

The May election was one in which dark money won – except when it didn’t. An election where voters tossed progressives – except when they kept them. An election reflecting taxpayer fatigue – except for the many money measures that passed.Try as we might to draw a neat narrative around the biggest Portland-area races on the ballot this spring, the only clear takeaway is that even Portland’s broadly liberal voting population is deeply conflicted about the direction to take at this moment in time.But the results offer a few glimpses into voters’ state of mind that are relevant not only for the November election, but beyond. Candidates, policymakers and elected officials should take note and prepare accordingly.Whither Multnomah County: Conventional wisdom suggests that Multnomah County residents want a significant shift from the policies pursued by former Chair Deborah Kafoury and current Chair Jessica Vega Pederson, particularly on homelessness and behavioral health. But the strong showing in the primary for Meghan Moyer and Shannon Singleton – two of the biggest progressives running for the county board with many of the same labor union, nonprofit and advocacy group endorsers – suggest that a large contingent of voters isn’t ready to make that break.Between now and November, voters should press the two candidates – as well as their opponents, Vadim Mozyrsky and Sam Adams – to keep up the pace in articulating the specific ideas, proposals and diagnoses of what’s going wrong. The candidates should act as if they are already on the board of commissioners and weigh in frequently on current agenda issues in front of the board – including Vega Pederson’s proposed budget; Multnomah County Commissioner Julia Brim-Edwards’ push to create a 24-hour sobering center; the ongoing delay in ambulance response times; and the development of a “deflection” system for providing drug users with treatment as drug possession is recriminalized starting in September. Not only do voters deserve to know where candidates stand in advance of the November election, but whoever is elected should be well-steeped in the issues and ready to take charge in January when they join Vega Pederson, Brim-Edwards and newcomer Vince Jones-Dixon on the board.The limits of big money: In reality, there aren’t many limits on big money in Oregon elections these days. We saw how that plays out, most notably in the more than $3 million spent in blistering ads from Voters for a Responsive Government excoriating 3rd Congressional District candidate Susheela Jayapal for her time on the Multnomah County Board of Commissioners. Still, Jayapal wasn’t the only one targeted by the huge sums of money flowing in support of – or against – several candidates.The question is: how effective was it? While Jayapal lost decisively to state legislator Maxine Dexter in the Democratic primary, a similar onslaught of scorching ads against Singleton, who served as the interim director of the beleaguered Joint Office of Homeless Services, did nothing to halt her first-place showing in the race for Multnomah County District 2 commissioner. And while a flurry of ads attempted to paint prosecutor Nathan Vasquez as a favorite of the pro-Trump crowd, Vasquez, who had his own deep-pocketed supporters weighing in, prevailed over incumbent Mike Schmidt.While there’s little the state can legally do to limit the amount of such “independent expenditures” by outside groups in elections, requirements to disclose donors can help shed some light on who is seeking to sway voters in state and local elections. Legislators earlier this year passed House Bill 4024 under threat of a stricter campaign finance ballot measure going to voters. While the disclosure requirements are not as expansive as reformers sought, they will still force greater transparency once they go in effect in 2027. The key, however, is for the public as well as the good government groups who have been pushing for these changes to track implementation and make sure it matches the intent.Pushback simmering on growth: North Plains’ residents overwhelming approval of a ballot measure to halt the Washington County city’s plan to expand its urban growth boundary isn’t the end of the story. But it’s the latest sign of Oregonians’ unease over making the significant changes necessary to support economic development and reverse the state’s crushing lack of housing.The ballot measure challenged plans that had long been in the works to grow North Plains, a community of about 3,300 with median household income of $102,000, not far from Oregon’s Silicon Forest. With Intel recently securing an $8.5 billion CHIPS Act grant and other Oregon semiconductor companies receiving millions in federal funds, North Plainsis well situated to house the industrial, commercial and residential growth that such investment will generate.But critics objected to the size of the 855-acre increase, contended that valuable farmland would be lost and successfully put what is essentially a land-use decision on the ballot. Despite efforts by legislators and Gov. Tina Kotek to halt the vote – rightly recognizing that such administrative decisions should be handled through the existing process that allows for public appeals – a judge cleared the way for the referendum to go on the ballot. The upshot is that absent a Plan B from North Plains, the city’s expansion could be tied up in courts for years.Ideally, this is the kind of appeal that should go directly to the Oregon Supreme Court once the circuit court hears the case. Settling the question of whether voters can rightfully refer administrative land-use decisions to the ballot is critical for cities’ basic planning and adherence to state law. And considering many Oregonians’ antipathy to growth – primarily if it’s in their community – the prospect of voters in other cities mobilizing to stop boundary changes or other development decisions by popular vote is a very real concern. Oregon depends enormously on income taxes to pay for basic public services and continuing economic strength is vital to the state’s future. At the same time, the state has been underbuilding housing for decades and our shortage of 140,000 units is driving up rents, home prices, homelessness and contributing to declines in state population.Oregonians understandably are protective of the state’s environmental, agricultural and scenic heritage. But if they want to ensure a more sustainable future where people have good-paying jobs, families have homes and schools are adequately funded, they can’t focus on just preserving the past.-The Oregonian/OregonLive Editorial Board Oregonian editorials Editorials reflect the collective opinion of The Oregonian/OregonLive editorial board, which operates independently of the newsroom. Members of the editorial board are Therese Bottomly, Laura Gunderson, Helen Jung and John Maher. Members of the board meet regularly to determine our institutional stance on issues of the day. We publish editorials when we believe our unique perspective can lend clarity and influence an upcoming decision of great public interest. Editorials are opinion pieces and therefore different from news articles. If you have questions about the opinion section, email Helen Jung, opinion editor, or call 503-294-7621.

The May election offers a few glimpses into voters' conflicted state of mind about the direction of Multnomah County, the role of big money and growth, the editorial board writes.

The May election was one in which dark money won – except when it didn’t. An election where voters tossed progressives – except when they kept them. An election reflecting taxpayer fatigue – except for the many money measures that passed.

Try as we might to draw a neat narrative around the biggest Portland-area races on the ballot this spring, the only clear takeaway is that even Portland’s broadly liberal voting population is deeply conflicted about the direction to take at this moment in time.

But the results offer a few glimpses into voters’ state of mind that are relevant not only for the November election, but beyond. Candidates, policymakers and elected officials should take note and prepare accordingly.

Whither Multnomah County: Conventional wisdom suggests that Multnomah County residents want a significant shift from the policies pursued by former Chair Deborah Kafoury and current Chair Jessica Vega Pederson, particularly on homelessness and behavioral health. But the strong showing in the primary for Meghan Moyer and Shannon Singleton – two of the biggest progressives running for the county board with many of the same labor union, nonprofit and advocacy group endorsers – suggest that a large contingent of voters isn’t ready to make that break.

Between now and November, voters should press the two candidates – as well as their opponents, Vadim Mozyrsky and Sam Adams – to keep up the pace in articulating the specific ideas, proposals and diagnoses of what’s going wrong. The candidates should act as if they are already on the board of commissioners and weigh in frequently on current agenda issues in front of the board – including Vega Pederson’s proposed budget; Multnomah County Commissioner Julia Brim-Edwards’ push to create a 24-hour sobering center; the ongoing delay in ambulance response times; and the development of a “deflection” system for providing drug users with treatment as drug possession is recriminalized starting in September. Not only do voters deserve to know where candidates stand in advance of the November election, but whoever is elected should be well-steeped in the issues and ready to take charge in January when they join Vega Pederson, Brim-Edwards and newcomer Vince Jones-Dixon on the board.

The limits of big money: In reality, there aren’t many limits on big money in Oregon elections these days. We saw how that plays out, most notably in the more than $3 million spent in blistering ads from Voters for a Responsive Government excoriating 3rd Congressional District candidate Susheela Jayapal for her time on the Multnomah County Board of Commissioners. Still, Jayapal wasn’t the only one targeted by the huge sums of money flowing in support of – or against – several candidates.

The question is: how effective was it? While Jayapal lost decisively to state legislator Maxine Dexter in the Democratic primary, a similar onslaught of scorching ads against Singleton, who served as the interim director of the beleaguered Joint Office of Homeless Services, did nothing to halt her first-place showing in the race for Multnomah County District 2 commissioner. And while a flurry of ads attempted to paint prosecutor Nathan Vasquez as a favorite of the pro-Trump crowd, Vasquez, who had his own deep-pocketed supporters weighing in, prevailed over incumbent Mike Schmidt.

While there’s little the state can legally do to limit the amount of such “independent expenditures” by outside groups in elections, requirements to disclose donors can help shed some light on who is seeking to sway voters in state and local elections. Legislators earlier this year passed House Bill 4024 under threat of a stricter campaign finance ballot measure going to voters. While the disclosure requirements are not as expansive as reformers sought, they will still force greater transparency once they go in effect in 2027. The key, however, is for the public as well as the good government groups who have been pushing for these changes to track implementation and make sure it matches the intent.

Pushback simmering on growth: North Plains’ residents overwhelming approval of a ballot measure to halt the Washington County city’s plan to expand its urban growth boundary isn’t the end of the story. But it’s the latest sign of Oregonians’ unease over making the significant changes necessary to support economic development and reverse the state’s crushing lack of housing.

The ballot measure challenged plans that had long been in the works to grow North Plains, a community of about 3,300 with median household income of $102,000, not far from Oregon’s Silicon Forest. With Intel recently securing an $8.5 billion CHIPS Act grant and other Oregon semiconductor companies receiving millions in federal funds, North Plains

is well situated to house the industrial, commercial and residential growth that such investment will generate.

But critics objected to the size of the 855-acre increase, contended that valuable farmland would be lost and successfully put what is essentially a land-use decision on the ballot. Despite efforts by legislators and Gov. Tina Kotek to halt the vote – rightly recognizing that such administrative decisions should be handled through the existing process that allows for public appeals – a judge cleared the way for the referendum to go on the ballot. The upshot is that absent a Plan B from North Plains, the city’s expansion could be tied up in courts for years.

Ideally, this is the kind of appeal that should go directly to the Oregon Supreme Court once the circuit court hears the case. Settling the question of whether voters can rightfully refer administrative land-use decisions to the ballot is critical for cities’ basic planning and adherence to state law. And considering many Oregonians’ antipathy to growth – primarily if it’s in their community – the prospect of voters in other cities mobilizing to stop boundary changes or other development decisions by popular vote is a very real concern. Oregon depends enormously on income taxes to pay for basic public services and continuing economic strength is vital to the state’s future. At the same time, the state has been underbuilding housing for decades and our shortage of 140,000 units is driving up rents, home prices, homelessness and contributing to declines in state population.

Oregonians understandably are protective of the state’s environmental, agricultural and scenic heritage. But if they want to ensure a more sustainable future where people have good-paying jobs, families have homes and schools are adequately funded, they can’t focus on just preserving the past.

-The Oregonian/OregonLive Editorial Board

Oregonian editorials

Editorials reflect the collective opinion of The Oregonian/OregonLive editorial board, which operates independently of the newsroom. Members of the editorial board are Therese Bottomly, Laura Gunderson, Helen Jung and John Maher.

Members of the board meet regularly to determine our institutional stance on issues of the day. We publish editorials when we believe our unique perspective can lend clarity and influence an upcoming decision of great public interest. Editorials are opinion pieces and therefore different from news articles.

If you have questions about the opinion section, email Helen Jung, opinion editor, or call 503-294-7621.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

What Cancún’s Tourists Don’t See Is a Sprawling Concrete Jungle

The rapid expansion of Cancún since the 1970s has created a vastly unequal city, with overpopulated neighborhoods deprived of public space propping up the city's lavish tourist districts.

This story originally appeared on WIRED en Español and has been translated from Spanish.The wide mowed lawns and leafy trees, the sports fields shining under their illuminated lights, the bouncy castles in the children’s play areas—especially the bouncy castles—are what Celia Pérez Godínez envies. These are the trappings of the wealthy neighborhood she travels to every day as a domestic worker in Cancún. Pérez envies the rich.She tells me this sitting on a rotten wooden bench one August afternoon, her 7-year-old son getting his scooter stuck on the broken path here many miles away in the north of the city, in a tiny park. Full of garbage and wild vegetation, it’s a short distance from where Pérez lives, close to the city outskirts. As we talk, a homeless person in the background shouts and laughs as if at a joke only he understands.Pérez is a 33-year-old single mother from San Marcos, Guatemala. She migrated in 2013 to Cancún, Mexico’s over-promoted and hugely popular tourist destination. She rarely has enough time and money to go to the beach and cannot find green areas or decent, safe public spaces for her son to play, having to make do with the few parks, like this, that are available. This is not the life she expected. “You hear that Cancún is wonderful, but when you get here … it’s a disappointment.”At 54 years old, Cancún is the youngest city in Mexico. It was designed from scratch in the 1970s as a new holiday destination in the country. In this respect, it’s been a wild success. But as an urban project, it is a failure. Designed for 200,000 people, the population of its urban sprawl now exceeds 1 million. Before, much of this area was jungle; today there are hundreds of hotels. Accelerated real-estate development has bitten into the surrounding vegetation year after year.This growth has been an environmental nightmare but also a social one, giving vastly unequal benefits to the city’s richer and poorer inhabitants. According to recent research by Christine McCoy, an academic at the University of the Caribbean, most people in Cancún live without the minimum green areas or public spaces needed for proper recreation, leisure, rest, or socializing. This is especially true in those regions where the most vulnerable live.Click play to see Cancún’s urban development from 1984 to 2022. This inequality has evolved despite Cancún’s rapid expansion consuming huge amounts of green space. Between 2001 and 2021, the surrounding region lost at least 30,000 hectares of jungle, according to data from Mexico’s National Forestry Commission. On the land ripped from the jungle there are now residential and hotel projects. And according to data seen by WIRED, plenty more developents are on the way. At the federal level, since 2018 the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources has received 40 requests for further land use change in the area. If approved, 650 more hectares of jungle will disappear.Data obtained through freedom of information shows what urban development projects have been processed over this period, these ranging from 2,247 tiny, popular housing units on the one hand to a 20-story, 429-room all-inclusive luxury hotel. Crucially, none of these include applications for public parks or green areas to be developed or improved, in a city that is already bursting at the seams, having exceeded its tourist carrying capacity for more than a decade.

Judge in Brazil Orders Slaughterhouses to Pay for Amazon Reforestation

A court in the Brazilian state of Rondonia has found two beef slaughterhouses guilty of buying cattle out of what is supposed to be a protected area in the Brazilian Amazon, which is illegal

BRASILIA, Brazil (AP) — A judge in the Brazilian state of Rondonia has found two beef slaughterhouses guilty of buying cattle from a protected area of former rainforest in the Amazon. The companies Distriboi and Frigon, along with three cattle ranchers, were ordered to pay compensation for causing environmental damage, according to the decision issued Wednesday. Cattle raising drives Amazon deforestation. The defendants may appeal.It is the first decision in several dozen lawsuits seeking millions of dollars in environmental damages from the slaughterhouses for allegedly trading in cattle raised illegally in a protected area known as Jaci-Parana, which was rainforest but is now mostly converted to pasture. Four slaughterhouses are among the many parties charged, including JBS SA, which bills itself as the world’s largest protein producer. The court has not decided on the cases involving JBS.Brazilian law forbids commercial cattle inside a protected area, yet some 210,000 head are being grazed inside Jaci-Parana, according to the state animal division. With almost 80% of its forest destroyed, it ranks as the most ravaged conservation unit in the Brazilian Amazon. A court filing pegs damages in the reserve at some $1 billion.The lawsuits are based on transfer documents first reported by the Associated Press that show cattle going directly from protected areas to slaughterhouses. The documents were filled out by the illegal ranchers themselves. Part of the decision is a collective penalty of $453,000 against the five defendants, who are linked to one farm. The money will be used to reforest 232 hectares (573 acres) of what is now pasture there.“When a slaughterhouse, whether by negligence or intent, buys and resells products from invaded and illegally deforested reserves, it is clear that it is directly benefiting from these illegal activities,” according to part of the original complaint which Judge Inês Moreira da Costa sustained in her ruling. “In such cases, there is an undeniable connection between the company’s actions and the environmental damage caused by the illegal exploitation.”Frigon and Distriboi did not respond to questions sent by email. In a filing, Frigon argued the state of Rondonia allowed ranchers to sell the cattle and said there is no relation between buying beef cattle and deforestation. In filings, Distriboi also denies any wrongdoing.JBS also did not reply to a request for comment.Rondonia, on the border with Bolivia, is the most badly deforested state in the Brazilian Amazon. In the past few weeks, most cities have been covered by thick smoke from wildfires, a sign of rampant deforestation. The situation is so dire that its main airport in Porto Velho was closed for seven consecutive days.The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See - July 2024

Industry push to earn carbon credits from Australia’s native forests would be a blow for nature and the climate

Australia cannot risk any further declines in its biodiversity resulting from harvesting native forests, or actions that bring further risks to its emissions-reduction goal.

ShutterstockAustralia’s forestry industry raised eyebrows this month when it released plans to remove trees from native forests, potentially including national parks, and claim carbon credits in the process. Forestry Australia, the industry body behind the plan, claims it would make ecosystems more resilient and help tackle climate change. But decades of research findings clearly suggest the proposal, if accepted, will have the opposite effect. Scientific evidence shows some proposed practices make forests more fire-prone and undermine forest healthy. And the carbon released when cutting down and processing trees would undercut any climate benefits of the plan. Australia cannot risk any further declines in its biodiversity resulting from harvesting native forests, or actions that bring further risks to its emissions-reduction goal. On this basis, the Forestry Australia proposal should be rejected. Understanding Australia’s carbon credit scheme Under a federal government scheme, people and businesses can undertake projects that reduce greenhouse gas emissions or store carbon, in exchange for financial rewards known as carbon credits. Projects can include changing the way vegetation is managed, so it removes and stores more carbon from the atmosphere. The government has invited proposals for new ways to generate carbon credits under the policy. Forestry Australia’s proposal involves a number of activities conducted in national parks, state forests and on private land. In return for conducting these activities, land managers – such as government agencies and private landowners – would be granted carbon credits. One part of the method involves “adaptive harvesting”. Forestry Australia says the approach would reduce carbon emissions and improve carbon storage in forests “while allowing for a level of ongoing supply of wood products”. Adaptive harvesting purports to reduce environmental impacts but still produce wood products. Techniques can include delaying logging until trees are older, resting areas from harvesting and minimising areas cleared for roads and log landings. The proposal also involves “forest thinning”, or removing trees. In a statement to The Conversation, Forestry Australia’s acting president William Jackson said thinning involves “selectively reducing the number of trees to enable the healthy trees to grow”. Forestry Australia says it has not proposed timber production from national parks. However, it did not say what would happen to trees cut down in thinning operations, including whether they would be sold or left on the forest floor. Forestry Australia has also proposed to change the way harvested wood is used, so it stores carbon for longer. So, instead of harvesting low-grade logs used for woodchips and paper, it would harvest more valuable logs to be made into longer-lived timber products, such as roof trusses and floorboards. However, plantation forests already produce about 90% of logs harvested in Australia, raising questions over the demand for native forest logs. The plan involves harvesting more valuable logs to be made into longer-lived timber products such as roof trusses. Shutterstock Logging does not make forests resilient Announcing Forestry Australia’s proposal, its president Michelle Freeman said forests were “more resilient if they are actively managed”. But several adaptive harvesting practices are scientifically shown to harm native forests. For example, analyses following the 2009 wildfires and after the 2019-2020 wildfires show thinning generally makes forests more fire-prone. Foresters have themselves highlighted this problem. And the heavy equipment used to log forests disturbs and degrades soil and the understorey. What’s more, young trees – the usual targets of thinning – provide understorey habitat for many species, including endangered mammals, such as Leadbeater’s Possum and many species of birds. And thinning undermines a forest’s ability to withstand other threats, such as climate change. A big climate risk Forestry Australia’s proposal is problematic if Australia hopes to achieve its emissions-reduction target of 43% by 2030, based on 2005 levels. First, logging releases carbon stored in trees and soil. So, even if some carbon was stored under the plan – through activities such as regeneration – this would be undermined by carbon released when removing trees. Second, there is a risk carbon credits may be granted for activities and emission reductions that would have happened anyway. Take the proposal to provide carbon credits for adaptive harvesting. Most of these activities, such as forest regeneration, are already required by regulation and forestry codes of practice. And in the case of the proposal to conduct regeneration activities after bushfires, forests will regenerate naturally if they are left alone. A similar issue arises if forest managers are offered carbon credits to encourage timber to be turned into long-lived wood products. These products are more lucrative than, say, woodchips. So the financial incentive to create them already exists – and there’s a good chance suitable logs would have been used for these products regardless of whether carbon credits were offered. What’s more, the average life of these longer-lived timber products is still far less than the standing trees. Rules under Australia’s carbon credit scheme are meant to prevent credits being given for activities that would have occurred anyway. However, serious concerns have been raised over the effectiveness of these rules. The answer is clear Australia’s native forest logging industry has long been in decline and operates at a financial loss in most states. Adding to the industry’s demise, Victoria and Western Australia have called an end to logging in public native forests and southeast Queensland is reportedly set to follow. The flailing, damaging native forest logging industry is on the way out and plantations already provide almost all our sawn wood supply. Propping up the industry via a badly designed carbon credit method does not make economic or climate sense. In response to the points raised in this article, Forestry Australia’s acting president William Jackson provided the following statement. It has been edited for brevity. Adaptive harvesting practices are proposed only for state forests and private native forests, within areas where timber harvesting is expressly permitted and regulated under state-based legislation. Thinning is conducted for ecological reasons, cultural values or fire management or other reasons. Forestry Australia disagrees with the view that thinning makes forests more fire prone. The inclusion of thinning in native forests in the method is supported by clear evidence from Australian and international research showing that thinning of forests, when combined with prescribed burning to reduce fuel hazards, can significantly reduce wildfire risks and impacts in dry forests. Not all forests are in the condition to regenerate naturally due to the impacts of climate change, invasive species and wildfire. The method encourages active and adaptive management to assist in restoring the health and resilience of these forests. This method would maximise carbon market opportunities to more landowners, from state government agencies managing state forests and national parks, as well as community groups, not-for-profits, private landowners and First Nations Peoples. David Lindenmayer receives funding from the Australian Government, the Victorian Government, and the Australian Research Council. He is a Councillor with the Biodiversity Council and a member of Birds Australia. Brendan Mackey receives funding from the Australian Government. His is a volunteer board member of the Great Eastern Ranges Ltd. Heather Keith receives funding from the Australian Government and is a member of the Environmental Economic Accounts and Environmental Indicators Technical Advisory Panel.

Forest Service orders Arrowhead bottled water company to shut down California pipeline

The Forest Service told bottled water company BlueTriton Brands to stop piping water out of a California national forest. The company is suing to challenge the decision.

In a decision that could end a years-long battle over commercial extraction of water from public lands, the U.S. Forest Service has ordered the company that sells Arrowhead bottled water to shut down its pipeline that collects water from springs in the San Bernardino Mountains. The Forest Service notified BlueTriton Brands in a letter last month, saying its application for a new permit has been denied.District Ranger Michael Nobles wrote in the July 26 letter that the company “must cease operations” in the San Bernardino National Forest and submit a plan for removing all its pipes and equipment from federal land.The company has challenged the denial in court.Environmental activists praised the decision.“It’s a huge victory after 10 years,” said Amanda Frye, an activist who has campaigned against the taking of water from the forest. “I’m hoping that we can restore Strawberry Creek, have its springs flowing again, and get the habitat back.”She and other opponents say BlueTriton‘s operation has dramatically reduced creek flow and is causing significant environmental harm.The Forest Service announced the decision one month after a local environmental group, Save Our Forest Assn., filed a lawsuit arguing the agency was illegally allowing the company to continue operating under a permit that was past its expiration date.The company has denied that its use of water is harming the environment and has argued it should be allowed to continue piping water from the national forest.BlueTriton Brands and its predecessors “have continuously operated under a series of special use permits for nearly a century,” the company said in an email.“This denial has no legal merit, is unsupported by the facts, and negatively impacts the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians,” the company said, adding that the tribe uses a portion of the water that passes through the pipeline and relies on that water for firefighting needs.Representatives of the tribe did not respond to a request for comment.If the Forest Service decision stands, it would prevent the company from using the namesake source of its brand, Arrowhead 100% Mountain Spring Water.The springs in the mountains north of San Bernardino, which have been a source for bottled water for generations, are named after an arrowhead-shaped natural rock formation on the mountainside.State officials have said that the first facilities to divert water in the Strawberry Creek watershed were built in 1929, and the system expanded over the years as additional boreholes were drilled into the mountainside.At the base of the mountain and near the company’s water pipeline stands the long-closed Arrowhead Springs hotel property, which the San Manuel tribe bought in 2016. The company has said that under a decades-old agreement, a portion of the water that flows through the 4.5-mile pipeline goes to the Arrowhead Springs property, and a portion of the water is delivered to a roadside tank and hauled on trucks to a bottling plant.The Forest Service has been charging a permit fee of $2,500 per year. There has been no charge for the water.Controversy over the issue erupted when the Desert Sun reported in 2015 that the Forest Service was allowing Nestlé to siphon water using a permit that listed 1988 as the expiration date.The Forest Service then began a review of the permit, and in 2018 granted a new permit for up to five years. The revelations about Nestlé piping water from the forest sparked an outpouring of opposition and prompted several complaints to California regulators questioning the company’s water rights claims, which led to a lengthy investigation by state water regulators.BlueTriton Brands took over the bottled water business in 2021 when Nestlé’s North American bottled water division was purchased by private-equity firm One Rock Capital Partners and investment firm Metropoulos & Co. (Last month, BlueTriton and Primo Water Corp. announced plans to merge and form a new company.)State officials determined last year that the company has been unlawfully diverting much of the water without valid water rights — agreeing with Frye and others, who had questioned the company’s claims and presented historical documents. The State Water Resources Control Board voted to order the company to halt its “unauthorized diversions” of water. But BlueTriton Brands sued to challenge that decision, arguing the process was rife with problems.In the July Forest Service letter, Nobles said the company was repeatedly asked to provide “additional information necessary to assure compliance with BlueTriton’s existing permit” but that the requests were “consistently left unanswered.”Nobles said that under the regulations, he may consider whether the water used exceeds the “needs of forest resources.”He also said that while the company had said in its application that the water would go for bottled water, its reports showed that 94% to 98% of the amount of water diverted monthly was delivered to the old hotel property for “undisclosed purposes,” and that “for months BlueTriton has indicated it has bottled none of the water taken,” while also significantly increasing the volumes extracted.“This increase represents significantly more water than has ever been delivered previously,” Nobles wrote. “The hotel and conference facility on the property is not operating, and there is no explanation of where the millions of gallons of water per month are going.”He said the decision is final and cannot be appealed.Nobles ordered the company to “stop use of the BlueTriton pipeline” within seven days “by severing or blocking the pipe at each tunnel or borehole” at a dozen sites; to remove the locks on its equipment; and to submit a plan within three months for removing all of its infrastructure.Forest Service officials did not respond to an email requesting comments about the decision.BlueTriton’s spokesperson said the Forest Service has agreed to a “temporary 30-day stay for the sole purpose of supplying the needs of the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians, including for fire prevention.”“We will continue to operate in compliance with all state and federal laws while we explore legal and regulatory options,” the spokesperson said.The company argues in the lawsuit that the Forest Service has violated federal law with a decision that is “arbitrary and capricious.”BlueTriton said studies by its scientific consultants have found that the taking of water “has not negatively affected the Strawberry Canyon environment.”Records show about 319 acre-feet, or 104 million gallons, flowed through the company’s pipes in 2023.In the rugged canyon downhill from the springs, Strawberry Creek has continued flowing in recent years. But when Frye has hiked along the creek, she has found that its western fork, located downhill from the boreholes, is just a trickle, forming a series of puddles among the bushes and trees.“Our goal was to get that water back in the creek and protect the forest,” Frye said. “The proof will be when the pipes and all that infrastructure is taken out and it’s restored. But I think we’re nearing the end.”

More than half of NSW’s forests and woodlands are gone as ongoing logging increases extinction risks, study shows

Shifting from native forest logging to sustainable plantations will help protect these essential forests and the many threatened species that depend on them.

Since European colonisation, 29 million hectares (54%) of the forests and woodlands that once existed in New South Wales have been destroyed. A further 9 million ha have been degraded in the past two centuries. This amounts to more than 60% of the state’s forest estate. We will never know the full impacts this rampant clearing and degradation have had on the state’s wildlife and plants. But it is now possible to put into perspective the impacts of logging practices in the past two decades on species that have already suffered enormous loss. Cutting down native vegetation for timber destroys habitat for forest-dependent species. Our research, published today, has found ongoing logging in NSW affects the habitat of at least 150 species considered at risk of extinction, due mostly to historical deforestation and degradation. Thirteen of these species are listed as critically endangered. This means there is a 20% probability of extinction in ten years (or five generations, whichever is longer) without urgent conservation action. The bare and highly disturbed areas created by logging also increase risks of erosion, fire and invasion by non-native species. Other states and countries ban native forest logging Despite these impacts, Australia still logs native forests. Many countries have now banned native forest logging. They have recognised the enormous impact of intact forests on biodiversity and climate change, and rely entirely on plantations for wood production. New Zealand, for example, banned native forest logging two decades ago, in 2002. In Australia, South Australia has protected native forests since the 1870s. The ACT banned logging in the 1980s. As of 2024, Western Australia and Victoria have ended their native forest logging operations (except logging for fire breaks, salvage logging after windstorms, and logging on private land). The reasons are clear: native forestry is unpopular and unprofitable, contributes heavily to climate change and is a major cause of species decline. Yet government-owned logging operations in NSW, Tasmania and Queensland continue to erode their remaining forest estates. Logging impacts on habitats and species add up The current practice of impact assessment means logging activities are evaluated individually, without looking at the broader history of land management. On their own, small areas of logging might seem insignificant. However, logging these small areas can add up to a much larger long-term habitat loss. To assess what logging today means in terms of impacts on species, we need to assess how much habitat has been lost or degraded over long time periods. We used historical loss and degradation as a baseline to evaluate recent logging events (from 2000 to 2022) across NSW. We found continued logging is having impacts on 150 threatened species. Forty-three of these species now have 50% or less of their intact habitat remaining in NSW. They include the three brothers wattle, regent parrot and growling grass frog. Two species, Sloane’s froglet and Glenugie karaka, have less than 10% of intact habitat remaining. Some species’ distributions had high overlaps with recent logging. They include the floodplain rustyhood (75% overlap with logging), Orara boronia (26%), Hakea archaeoides (24%), long-footed potoroo (14%), southern mainland long-nosed potoroo (12%) and southern brown bandicoot (9%). Species with the most distribution by area that overlapped with logging included koala (400,000 ha), south-eastern glossy black-cockatoo (370,000 ha) and spot-tailed quoll (southeast mainland population, 310,000 ha). Our research shows the importance of a historical perspective. Almost all the forest-dependent species we assessed have suffered terribly from land clearing and fires over the past two centuries. They now survive in small parts of their natural range. Logging this remaining habitat is forcing many of these species into an extinction vortex. Environmental impact assessments and decisions about land use (such as converting land into conservation zones, solar farms or logging areas) must consider the historical legacies of logging for these species. Sloane’s froglet has been hit hard by logging and less than 10% of its habitat remains intact. How can we retain our remaining forest estate? Australia is a signatory to many international conservation goals. For instance, the Global Biodiversity Framework aims to “ensure urgent management actions to halt human-induced extinction of known threatened species and for the recovery and conservation of species”. The Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration committed us to halt and reverse deforestation by 2030. Logging native forests stands in stark contrast to these undertakings. In Australia, the states regulate forestry and, strangely, own the forestry business themselves. However, the Commonwealth has the power to intervene and halt native forest logging. With the federal government in the throes of reforming nature laws and an election coming up, the choice is simple: lock in extinction by continuing rampant logging, or lock in species recovery by working with land managers to secure the future of these species. Australia has a chequered recent history when it comes to protecting its environment. We have one of the highest mammal extinction rates in the world and the highest per capita greenhouse gas emissions of all OECD member countries. We are also the only developed nation identified as a deforestation hotspot. Native forests are essential for carbon sequestration, biodiversity and the cultural wellbeing of First Nations and local communities. An easy win for all these interests is within our reach. Shifting from native forest logging to sustainable plantations will help protect these essential forests while still meeting wood demands. Michelle Ward has received funding from The Australian Research Council and the Commonwealth National Environmental Science Program. She was Science and Research Lead at WWF-Australia and is currently on a Technical Advisory Panel for a project run by the Wentworth Group of Concerned Scientists.David Lindenmayer receives funding from the Australian Research Council, the Victorian Government, the Australian Government and the Ian Potter Foundation. He is a member of the Biodiversity Council and Birds Australia. James Watson has received funding from the Australian Research Council, National Environmental Science Program, South Australia's Department of Environment and Water, Queensland's Depart of Environment, Science and Innovation as well as from Bush Heritage Australia, Queensland Conservation Council, Australian Conservation Foundation, The Wilderness Society and Birdlife Australia. He serves on scientific committees for Subak Australia and BirdLife Australia and has a long-term scientific relationship with Bush Heritage Australia and Wildlife Conservation Society. He serves on the Queensland Government's Land Restoration Fund's Investment Panel as the Deputy Chair.

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