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Costly climate ‘solutions’ look like more pollution in Louisiana’s ‘Cancer Alley’

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Monday, July 29, 2024

It was a muggy morning in late April when a handful of local residents and grassroots organizers huddled in a church parking lot to strategize, before knocking on doors with information about the latest environmental threat facing St Rose, a predominantly Black community in Louisiana’s “Cancer Alley”.It was not the first time Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh had campaigned for better regulation of the choking sprawl of fossil fuel and petrochemical facilities that surround St Rose – and countless other communities up and down the Mississippi River.But this marked the first time residents have grappled with a toxic chemical facility that its operators claim to be a clean energy innovator and that stands to benefit from taxpayer subsidies and unprecedented tax credits supposedly designed to tackle the climate emergency.Kyereh informed neighbors that international investors want to build a “blue” ammonia and “clean” hydrogen plant across the fence line – on the same site as a crude oil storage and export terminal which residents say spews noxious fumes that make it hard to breathe.Ammonia is a toxic substance made by stripping hydrogen from fossil gas and nitrogen from air, and is mostly used for synthetic fertilizer. The St Charles Clean Fuels (SCCF) project claims it will capture and sequester the carbon dioxide (CO2), the planet-warming greenhouse gas generated as a byproduct, making its ammonia cleaner or “blue”.Randy Moses, at home in St Rose, Louisiana, opposes the proposed ammonia plant next to an existing oil facility.In theory, the waste CO2 will be compressed, transported in special pipelines and injected deep into underground rock formations for storage, ostensibly forever, for which the company would qualify for federal tax credits for each ton of carbon stored. The SCCF project says that the ammonia will be sold for fertilizer feedstock or so-called “blue” hydrogen – promoted as a “clean” fuel by the fossil fuel industry, which also earns tax credits for it.“The SCCF low carbon approach is expected to reduce CO2 equivalent emissions by more than 90% compared to traditional ammonia production … Financing and building infrastructure that deploys cleaner solutions like blue ammonia is essential to fighting climate change,” said a spokesperson for the SCCF project, which is majority-owned by a Danish investment company.But industry claims about the climate credentials of “blue” hydrogen and ammonia have been debunked by scientists without fossil fuel ties. The process depends on fossil gas, a major driver of global heating, as a raw material and energy source – which both emits CO2 and leads to substantial upstream emissions of methane, a powerful greenhouse gas.“‘Blue’ hydrogen is a marketing scam, pure and simple. The facts do not back up industry hype,” said Robert Howarth, professor of ecology and environmental biology at Cornell University, and co-author of a seminal study discrediting industry claims about hydrogen.“The best any plant has done for net CO2 capture is 25% to 30%, and that’s before the very potent methane [leaks]. The 90% capture rate the industry claims is pure nonsense,” Howarth added.In addition, ammonia production generates air pollutants such as nitrogen oxide, particulate matter and volatile organic compounds – a toxic mix already choking residents in Cancer Alley. CO2, itself an asphyxiant and intoxicant, also poses a threat as leaks can cause injury or death by replacing oxygen in the air – which makes St Rose residents Randy and Dedra Moses fear for the safety of their grandchildren.Out canvassing, some locals were dismayed by prospects of another polluting facility while others hoped it would bring jobs. At one house, a retired teacher with a heart condition was anxious that the air quality could get even worse and signed the petition, promising to attend the forthcoming community meetings. Kyereh did her best to stay positive and moved on to the next house, but the 54-year-old was worried.A house in St Rose next to the IMTT oil storage facility in Louisiana’s Cancer Alley“It feels doomful, like we’re going in the wrong direction. They are claiming to save the planet but at our expense. If the ammonia or CO2 leaks, we will be sitting ducks. We are the sacrifice zone and we feel it,” she said.The St Rose ammonia plant is among at least 141 carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects currently proposed by the oil, gas and petrochemical industries across the US, according to the Oil and Gas Watch tracker. (Additional CCS projects associated with coal and ethanol plants aren’t included.)It’s a scam that will enrich the oil and gas and petrochemical industries furtherEloise Reid of the Louisiana Against False Solutions CoalitionExperts warn that the CCS and the “clean” hydrogen boom amount to a costly climate gamble unleashed by unprecedented federal spending and tax breaks in the Biden administration’s landmark climate and infrastructure legislation – which will almost certainly prolong the use of fossil fuels.The history of CCS has largely been one of “underperformance” and “unmet expectations”, the International Energy Agency said in 2023.Climate scientists agree that the only way to curtail further catastrophic global heating is to radically cut greenhouse gas emissions by transitioning off fossil fuels, yet CCS depends on fossil fuels, emits greenhouse gases and can be used to extract more oil.Three-quarters of the carbon currently captured in the US is used to extract hard-to-reach reserves, known as “enhanced oil recovery”. Data on carbon storage – which must be permanent to be effective – is entirely self-reported by corporations, with no independent oversight in place to check for leaks or verify company claims, according to research by the Environmental Integrity Project (EIP).“Every dollar invested in CCS rather than renewable energy is a wasted dollar … It’s a scam,” said Charles Harvey, professor of environmental engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Harvey co-founded the first private CCS startup 15 years ago but has since said that he was wrong – that CCS technology is inefficient and cannot deliver.Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh canvassing in St Rose, Louisiana.Louisiana is at the center of the decarbonization boom, accounting for more than a third of the proposed projects, which include 11 hydrogen or ammonia plants, three liquified natural gas (LNG) terminals and three gas processing plants, according to Oil and Gas Watch figures.Advocates say the proposed new projects will lead to more air pollution – and more greenhouse gases – in a region with some of the worst air quality and cancer rates in the country, and which is already suffering mounting climate impacts including extreme heat, increasingly intense hurricanes, sea level rise and drought.“It’s a scam that will enrich the oil and gas and petrochemical industries further, prolonging their ability to destroy livelihoods and community health, poison fenceline communities and perpetuate climate change – while environmental justice communities are left to jump through loopholes for funding to minimize the harms,” said Eloise Reid, coordinator of the Louisiana Against False Solutions Coalition.St Rose, Louisiana, community organizer Rose Wilright.Yet the Biden administration – and the Louisiana state government – is betting on CCS and hydrogen to meet its climate goals, despite evidence that the technology is inefficient and unproven as a reliable climate solution.Over the past couple of years, the fossil fuel and petrochemical industries have flooded the state legislature with lobbyists, executives and friendly experts to thwart community and environmental group efforts from properly regulating CCS.Louisiana’s part-time lawmakers, who earn $16,000 a year and have only one staffer each, rely heavily on lobbyists for policymaking, according to Jackson Voss, the climate policy coordinator for the Alliance for Affordable Energy (AAE).Earlier this year, state senator Michael “Big Mike” Fesi proposed legislation to exclude gas pipelines from the “right to know” law, which requires companies to share information about leaks of hazardous materials. Fesi is the owner of a major pipeline construction and maintenance contractor.In 2022, the Louisiana legislature passed a law exempting state employees hired to perform geoscientific work – which is key to safe carbon injection and storage – from requiring board certification. (Florists and hair braiders are legally required to pass a written exam and obtain a state license.) Studies have shown that CCS risks causing earthquakes, and Louisiana has several fault lines, with more than a hundred earthquakes registered since 1990.The view over the St Rose community’s fence line, directly behind the home of Randy and Dedra Moses.A taskforce set up to ostensibly address mounting public concerns about CCS and report back to the state senate by February 2024 was composed of five oil and gas attorneys and an academic with industry ties. Its report has not been published.The vast majority of bills which could have made the proposed build-out safer and more environmentally just have been thrown out, ignored or watered down.“It’s like the fox watching the hen house,” said former oil worker Justin Solet, a member of the United Houma Nation and organizing fellow with Healthy Gulf, an environmental justice organization.In arguably the biggest victory so far for CCS proponents, in December the federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) handed over regulatory oversight – or primacy – for CO2 injection wells to the Louisiana department of energy and natural resources (LDENR), an under-resourced agency which has been criticized for failing to enforce existing regulations meant to protect the environment and people from oil and gas wells.In terms of political capture, Louisiana is absolutely a petrostate.Jackson Voss of the Alliance for Affordable EnergyLouisiana is a Republican-dominated state. But the application for primacy, which is being legally challenged by environmental groups, was made by the former Democratic governor, who put CCS at the heart of the state’s climate action plan. John Bel Edwards also led a delegation to the 2021 UN climate summit in Scotland, to promote the state as open for CCS business.St Rose community organizer Randy Moses on the rail track that separates his home from an industrial facility.His Republican successor, Jeff Landry, who was elected in 2023 after a record low turnout, has expanded access to state tax breaks and appointed fossil fuel insiders to key roles. This includes Tyler Gray, an oil and gas attorney and former president of the Louisiana Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association (Lmoga), the state’s most prominent industry trade group and a key CCS proponent, to lead the LDENR. As Lmoga president, in 2018 Gray helped draft a law criminalizing protests near oil and gas pipelines and construction sites.“The fossil fuel and petrochemical industry has had a grip on our state for a very long time. The support for oil and gas, and now CCS and hydrogen, goes across party lines, with very little opposition despite community concerns,” said Jackson Voss of the AAE. “In terms of political capture, Louisiana is absolutely a petrostate.”The Louisiana governor’s office, the LDENR and Lmoga did not respond to requests for comment.skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionSt Rose is an unincorporated town of 6,000 people in St Charles parish – which extends over both banks of the Mississippi River in the 85-mile-long (135km-long) heavy industrial stretch of land known as Cancer Alley.St Rose was founded around 1880 by a group of formerly enslaved families as a free town called Elkinsville, creating a thriving, close-knit agrarian community surrounded by plantations which were later sold off to fossil fuel and petrochemical companies.The SCCF plant would be located on the site of a former sugar plantation now owned by lnternational-Matex Tank Terminals (IMTT), which would store and handle the ammonia. Residents of the area closest to the proposed site have a higher risk of respiratory disease from pollution exposure than 96% of other Louisiana residents, according to recent EPA data. Hurricane Ida ripped through the community in 2021, and some homes are still covered by the temporary roofs installed in the aftermath of the category 4 storm.“As plantations became petrochemical plants, small free towns like Elkinsville became fenceline communities most exposed to the toxic pollution. Now Biden’s signature climate legislation is exacerbating this racial inequality in toxic harm by subsidizing the CCS buildout,” said Michael Levien, a sociologist from Johns Hopkins University researching the social consequences of CCS in Louisiana.“St Rose epitomizes this, but it’s the same pattern up and down the river.”Lake Maurepas, a protected body of water in south-eastern Louisiana. The chemical company Air Products wants to store millions of tons of carbon dioxide under the lakebed.A staggering 90% of the proposed “blue” hydrogen plants nationwide are located in low-income disadvantaged communities, according to the Oil and Gas Watch tracker.The SCCF project said the plant would bring “significant future opportunities” to the local economy, and represents a shift to “clean fuels and clean fertilizer production that benefits both the regional community and cleaner energy supply needs”.IMTT’s CEO, Carlin Conner, said the company has committed to invest over $1.6m in environmental mitigation measures at its St Rose facility, and regularly meets with local residents to address their concerns.According to its proponents, Louisiana’s geological formation and existing industry infrastructure make it ideal for the capture and storage of CO2 – whereas critics argue that this is precisely what makes Louisiana so risky.Historically, Louisiana was one of the largest oil and gas producers in the country, with 180,000 known abandoned wells scattered across the state including more than 28,000 unplugged wells. Two-thirds of abandoned wells are located in rock formation areas where carbon could potentially be stored, according to EIP research.Of most concern are the 13,000 oldest and leakiest wells, located in potential carbon sequestration hotspots. CO2 plumes could migrate directly via the abandoned wells, like methane does, contaminating surface water and displacing oxygen in the air – which can be fatal.Bill Whittington, Lisa Hoover and Mayhew Barnum boating on Lake Maurepas. They belong to the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society, founded in 2023 to fight a proposed CCS project.In a recent field experiment, the Guardian accompanied researchers from Healthy Gulf who detected methane leaking from an orphaned well (abandoned with no known owner) in a lake close to where carbon injection sites have been proposed in a separate project.“Fishermen, not the LDENR [state agency], are managing these wells. Louisiana is not prepared for primacy [oversight]. We need two decades to clean up the existing oil and gas junk infrastructure before we even think about injecting CO2, it’s such a mess,” said Scott Eustice, community science director at Healthy Gulf. “Plugging leaking wells would be far more effective in mitigating climate change than CCS.”Several proposed pipelines and injection sites across Louisiana could affect protected wetlands and other waterways, as well as burial sites and other historical locations for Indigenous and Black enslaved people.Leaky wells aren’t the only threat. CO2 pipelines already pose a major safety concern with higher rates of safety incidents compared with other pipelines, according to Fractracker.The Prop Stop Inn, a old bar only accessible by boat on the Tickfaw River, which flows into Lake Maurepas.The current 5,000-mile (8,000km) network of CO2 pipelines could increase tenfold under the proposed boom, and safety experts fear that the rush to build out new infrastructure to qualify for the Inflation Reduction Act tax subsidies will compromise safety.“Current regulations are insufficient to protect the public and the environment from the potential dangers of hydrogen and carbon dioxide pipelines,” said Erin Sutherland, the Pipeline Safety Trust policy and program director. “Many have been proposed near communities, placing them at risk in the event of failure.”Recent CO2 pipeline leaks in Louisiana and Mississippi have exposed dangerous gaps in the regulatory system, which is undergoing a drawn-out overhaul. The regulator will not be able to apply new design, construction and inspection standards to completed pipelines.“CCS is not going to mitigate the climate crisis; it will lead to further expansion of fossil fuels and more hazardous waste causing further harm to frontline communities and the planet,” said Monique Harden, director of law and public policy at the Deep South Center for Environmental Justice.Lisa Hoover of the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society. Photograph: Rita Harper/The GuardianBack in St Rose, Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh is cognisant of the role racism has played in creating environmental justice communities in Louisiana, and fears the CCS and hydrogen expansion will lead to more of the same. “We need to get white and middle-class people involved, so it’s not just poor Black people complaining – or we won’t win,” she said.But corporations are vying for a slice of the billions in grants earmarked for new CCS and “clean” hydrogen projects – with billions more up for grabs in tax credits. So no community is safe.About 30 miles (50km) north-east of St Rose in a separate project, the chemical giant Air Products is looking to drill dozens of wells in Lake Maurepas, an iconic protected water body, and inject around 5m tons of carbon dioxide each year about a mile below the lakebed.They’re trying to destroy the lake and ram this project down our throatsBill Whittington, president of the Lake Maurepas Preservation SocietyThe CO2 would come from the vast new “blue” hydrogen energy and ammonia complex that Air Products wants to build in Ascension parish, a sprawling dusty landscape where more Black communities are already overburdened by industrial pollution, including from the world’s largest ammonia plant.Air Products claims it will capture and permanently sequester more than 95% of the waste CO2 generated at the facility. The gas will travel about 35 miles (60km) east in newly constructed pipelines, before being injected into an “ideal geological pore space” – a process that environmentalists fear will threaten Lake Maurepas’s fragile swampy ecosystem. Millions of dollars have been invested in restoring the lake, which after generations of ecological destruction has become a popular destination for tourists and fishers.The project, which was announced in 2021 before Biden’s key climate legislation, claims it will be the world’s largest CCS operation. Lakeside residents say they found out about the proposed wells when a crabber spotted engineers conducting seismic tests, and created the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society. Its members, who are predominantly climate change skeptics and pro-fossil fuel white Republicans, participated in House and Senate committee hearings and galvanized parish council members and state legislators to oppose the project.‘They’re trying to destroy the lake and ram this project down our throats,’ said Bill Whittington, president of the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society and a former oil company worker.Air Products pushed back by hiring 25 lobbyists in 2023, and sued Tangipahoa parish, overturning the local CCS moratorium that would have protected Lake Maurepas. Legislation to protect the lake and strengthen environmental protections at the state level has gone nowhere.St Rose community organizer Rose Wilright outside her house.“The fight against Air Products has demonstrated the political capture on both sides of the aisle in the state legislature,” said Kim Coates, a Republican state legislator and former Tangipahoa parish council member.Air Products said the facility would not be a major source of emissions and that the company will “fully comply” with all air quality permit requirements and other relevant standards. The company has invested in steps to protect and enhance the lake and “blue” hydrogen will help meet carbon reduction goals, a spokesperson said.“A lot of people around here don’t believe in climate change and CO2, but even if you do, CCS will barely make a difference,” said Caleb Atwell, vice-president of the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society. “We did everything to save our lake, we gave it our best shot, but it’s over.”

Corporations and politicians are pushing carbon capture despite big questions over its value as residents in the southern ‘petrostate’ fear the worstIt was a muggy morning in late April when a handful of local residents and grassroots organizers huddled in a church parking lot to strategize, before knocking on doors with information about the latest environmental threat facing St Rose, a predominantly Black community in Louisiana’s “Cancer Alley”.It was not the first time Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh had campaigned for better regulation of the choking sprawl of fossil fuel and petrochemical facilities that surround St Rose – and countless other communities up and down the Mississippi River. Continue reading...

It was a muggy morning in late April when a handful of local residents and grassroots organizers huddled in a church parking lot to strategize, before knocking on doors with information about the latest environmental threat facing St Rose, a predominantly Black community in Louisiana’s “Cancer Alley”.

It was not the first time Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh had campaigned for better regulation of the choking sprawl of fossil fuel and petrochemical facilities that surround St Rose – and countless other communities up and down the Mississippi River.

But this marked the first time residents have grappled with a toxic chemical facility that its operators claim to be a clean energy innovator and that stands to benefit from taxpayer subsidies and unprecedented tax credits supposedly designed to tackle the climate emergency.

Kyereh informed neighbors that international investors want to build a “blue” ammonia and “clean” hydrogen plant across the fence line – on the same site as a crude oil storage and export terminal which residents say spews noxious fumes that make it hard to breathe.

Ammonia is a toxic substance made by stripping hydrogen from fossil gas and nitrogen from air, and is mostly used for synthetic fertilizer. The St Charles Clean Fuels (SCCF) project claims it will capture and sequester the carbon dioxide (CO2), the planet-warming greenhouse gas generated as a byproduct, making its ammonia cleaner or “blue”.

Randy Moses, at home in St Rose, Louisiana, opposes the proposed ammonia plant next to an existing oil facility.

In theory, the waste CO2 will be compressed, transported in special pipelines and injected deep into underground rock formations for storage, ostensibly forever, for which the company would qualify for federal tax credits for each ton of carbon stored. The SCCF project says that the ammonia will be sold for fertilizer feedstock or so-called “blue” hydrogen – promoted as a “clean” fuel by the fossil fuel industry, which also earns tax credits for it.

“The SCCF low carbon approach is expected to reduce CO2 equivalent emissions by more than 90% compared to traditional ammonia production … Financing and building infrastructure that deploys cleaner solutions like blue ammonia is essential to fighting climate change,” said a spokesperson for the SCCF project, which is majority-owned by a Danish investment company.

But industry claims about the climate credentials of “blue” hydrogen and ammonia have been debunked by scientists without fossil fuel ties. The process depends on fossil gas, a major driver of global heating, as a raw material and energy source – which both emits CO2 and leads to substantial upstream emissions of methane, a powerful greenhouse gas.

“‘Blue’ hydrogen is a marketing scam, pure and simple. The facts do not back up industry hype,” said Robert Howarth, professor of ecology and environmental biology at Cornell University, and co-author of a seminal study discrediting industry claims about hydrogen.

“The best any plant has done for net CO2 capture is 25% to 30%, and that’s before the very potent methane [leaks]. The 90% capture rate the industry claims is pure nonsense,” Howarth added.

In addition, ammonia production generates air pollutants such as nitrogen oxide, particulate matter and volatile organic compounds – a toxic mix already choking residents in Cancer Alley. CO2, itself an asphyxiant and intoxicant, also poses a threat as leaks can cause injury or death by replacing oxygen in the air – which makes St Rose residents Randy and Dedra Moses fear for the safety of their grandchildren.

Out canvassing, some locals were dismayed by prospects of another polluting facility while others hoped it would bring jobs. At one house, a retired teacher with a heart condition was anxious that the air quality could get even worse and signed the petition, promising to attend the forthcoming community meetings. Kyereh did her best to stay positive and moved on to the next house, but the 54-year-old was worried.

A house in St Rose next to the IMTT oil storage facility in Louisiana’s Cancer Alley

“It feels doomful, like we’re going in the wrong direction. They are claiming to save the planet but at our expense. If the ammonia or CO2 leaks, we will be sitting ducks. We are the sacrifice zone and we feel it,” she said.

The St Rose ammonia plant is among at least 141 carbon capture and storage (CCS) projects currently proposed by the oil, gas and petrochemical industries across the US, according to the Oil and Gas Watch tracker. (Additional CCS projects associated with coal and ethanol plants aren’t included.)

Experts warn that the CCS and the “clean” hydrogen boom amount to a costly climate gamble unleashed by unprecedented federal spending and tax breaks in the Biden administration’s landmark climate and infrastructure legislation – which will almost certainly prolong the use of fossil fuels.

The history of CCS has largely been one of “underperformance” and “unmet expectations”, the International Energy Agency said in 2023.

Climate scientists agree that the only way to curtail further catastrophic global heating is to radically cut greenhouse gas emissions by transitioning off fossil fuels, yet CCS depends on fossil fuels, emits greenhouse gases and can be used to extract more oil.

Three-quarters of the carbon currently captured in the US is used to extract hard-to-reach reserves, known as “enhanced oil recovery”. Data on carbon storage – which must be permanent to be effective – is entirely self-reported by corporations, with no independent oversight in place to check for leaks or verify company claims, according to research by the Environmental Integrity Project (EIP).

“Every dollar invested in CCS rather than renewable energy is a wasted dollar … It’s a scam,” said Charles Harvey, professor of environmental engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Harvey co-founded the first private CCS startup 15 years ago but has since said that he was wrong – that CCS technology is inefficient and cannot deliver.

Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh canvassing in St Rose, Louisiana.

Louisiana is at the center of the decarbonization boom, accounting for more than a third of the proposed projects, which include 11 hydrogen or ammonia plants, three liquified natural gas (LNG) terminals and three gas processing plants, according to Oil and Gas Watch figures.

Advocates say the proposed new projects will lead to more air pollution – and more greenhouse gases – in a region with some of the worst air quality and cancer rates in the country, and which is already suffering mounting climate impacts including extreme heat, increasingly intense hurricanes, sea level rise and drought.

“It’s a scam that will enrich the oil and gas and petrochemical industries further, prolonging their ability to destroy livelihoods and community health, poison fenceline communities and perpetuate climate change – while environmental justice communities are left to jump through loopholes for funding to minimize the harms,” said Eloise Reid, coordinator of the Louisiana Against False Solutions Coalition.

St Rose, Louisiana, community organizer Rose Wilright.

Yet the Biden administration – and the Louisiana state government – is betting on CCS and hydrogen to meet its climate goals, despite evidence that the technology is inefficient and unproven as a reliable climate solution.

Over the past couple of years, the fossil fuel and petrochemical industries have flooded the state legislature with lobbyists, executives and friendly experts to thwart community and environmental group efforts from properly regulating CCS.

Louisiana’s part-time lawmakers, who earn $16,000 a year and have only one staffer each, rely heavily on lobbyists for policymaking, according to Jackson Voss, the climate policy coordinator for the Alliance for Affordable Energy (AAE).

Earlier this year, state senator Michael “Big Mike” Fesi proposed legislation to exclude gas pipelines from the “right to know” law, which requires companies to share information about leaks of hazardous materials. Fesi is the owner of a major pipeline construction and maintenance contractor.

In 2022, the Louisiana legislature passed a law exempting state employees hired to perform geoscientific work – which is key to safe carbon injection and storage – from requiring board certification. (Florists and hair braiders are legally required to pass a written exam and obtain a state license.) Studies have shown that CCS risks causing earthquakes, and Louisiana has several fault lines, with more than a hundred earthquakes registered since 1990.

The view over the St Rose community’s fence line, directly behind the home of Randy and Dedra Moses.

A taskforce set up to ostensibly address mounting public concerns about CCS and report back to the state senate by February 2024 was composed of five oil and gas attorneys and an academic with industry ties. Its report has not been published.

The vast majority of bills which could have made the proposed build-out safer and more environmentally just have been thrown out, ignored or watered down.

“It’s like the fox watching the hen house,” said former oil worker Justin Solet, a member of the United Houma Nation and organizing fellow with Healthy Gulf, an environmental justice organization.

In arguably the biggest victory so far for CCS proponents, in December the federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) handed over regulatory oversight – or primacy – for CO2 injection wells to the Louisiana department of energy and natural resources (LDENR), an under-resourced agency which has been criticized for failing to enforce existing regulations meant to protect the environment and people from oil and gas wells.

Louisiana is a Republican-dominated state. But the application for primacy, which is being legally challenged by environmental groups, was made by the former Democratic governor, who put CCS at the heart of the state’s climate action plan. John Bel Edwards also led a delegation to the 2021 UN climate summit in Scotland, to promote the state as open for CCS business.

St Rose community organizer Randy Moses on the rail track that separates his home from an industrial facility.

His Republican successor, Jeff Landry, who was elected in 2023 after a record low turnout, has expanded access to state tax breaks and appointed fossil fuel insiders to key roles. This includes Tyler Gray, an oil and gas attorney and former president of the Louisiana Mid-Continent Oil and Gas Association (Lmoga), the state’s most prominent industry trade group and a key CCS proponent, to lead the LDENR. As Lmoga president, in 2018 Gray helped draft a law criminalizing protests near oil and gas pipelines and construction sites.

“The fossil fuel and petrochemical industry has had a grip on our state for a very long time. The support for oil and gas, and now CCS and hydrogen, goes across party lines, with very little opposition despite community concerns,” said Jackson Voss of the AAE. “In terms of political capture, Louisiana is absolutely a petrostate.”

The Louisiana governor’s office, the LDENR and Lmoga did not respond to requests for comment.

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St Rose is an unincorporated town of 6,000 people in St Charles parish – which extends over both banks of the Mississippi River in the 85-mile-long (135km-long) heavy industrial stretch of land known as Cancer Alley.

St Rose was founded around 1880 by a group of formerly enslaved families as a free town called Elkinsville, creating a thriving, close-knit agrarian community surrounded by plantations which were later sold off to fossil fuel and petrochemical companies.

The SCCF plant would be located on the site of a former sugar plantation now owned by lnternational-Matex Tank Terminals (IMTT), which would store and handle the ammonia. Residents of the area closest to the proposed site have a higher risk of respiratory disease from pollution exposure than 96% of other Louisiana residents, according to recent EPA data. Hurricane Ida ripped through the community in 2021, and some homes are still covered by the temporary roofs installed in the aftermath of the category 4 storm.

“As plantations became petrochemical plants, small free towns like Elkinsville became fenceline communities most exposed to the toxic pollution. Now Biden’s signature climate legislation is exacerbating this racial inequality in toxic harm by subsidizing the CCS buildout,” said Michael Levien, a sociologist from Johns Hopkins University researching the social consequences of CCS in Louisiana.

“St Rose epitomizes this, but it’s the same pattern up and down the river.”

Lake Maurepas, a protected body of water in south-eastern Louisiana. The chemical company Air Products wants to store millions of tons of carbon dioxide under the lakebed.

A staggering 90% of the proposed “blue” hydrogen plants nationwide are located in low-income disadvantaged communities, according to the Oil and Gas Watch tracker.

The SCCF project said the plant would bring “significant future opportunities” to the local economy, and represents a shift to “clean fuels and clean fertilizer production that benefits both the regional community and cleaner energy supply needs”.

IMTT’s CEO, Carlin Conner, said the company has committed to invest over $1.6m in environmental mitigation measures at its St Rose facility, and regularly meets with local residents to address their concerns.

According to its proponents, Louisiana’s geological formation and existing industry infrastructure make it ideal for the capture and storage of CO2 – whereas critics argue that this is precisely what makes Louisiana so risky.

Historically, Louisiana was one of the largest oil and gas producers in the country, with 180,000 known abandoned wells scattered across the state including more than 28,000 unplugged wells. Two-thirds of abandoned wells are located in rock formation areas where carbon could potentially be stored, according to EIP research.

Of most concern are the 13,000 oldest and leakiest wells, located in potential carbon sequestration hotspots. CO2 plumes could migrate directly via the abandoned wells, like methane does, contaminating surface water and displacing oxygen in the air – which can be fatal.

Bill Whittington, Lisa Hoover and Mayhew Barnum boating on Lake Maurepas. They belong to the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society, founded in 2023 to fight a proposed CCS project.

In a recent field experiment, the Guardian accompanied researchers from Healthy Gulf who detected methane leaking from an orphaned well (abandoned with no known owner) in a lake close to where carbon injection sites have been proposed in a separate project.

“Fishermen, not the LDENR [state agency], are managing these wells. Louisiana is not prepared for primacy [oversight]. We need two decades to clean up the existing oil and gas junk infrastructure before we even think about injecting CO2, it’s such a mess,” said Scott Eustice, community science director at Healthy Gulf. “Plugging leaking wells would be far more effective in mitigating climate change than CCS.”

Several proposed pipelines and injection sites across Louisiana could affect protected wetlands and other waterways, as well as burial sites and other historical locations for Indigenous and Black enslaved people.

Leaky wells aren’t the only threat. CO2 pipelines already pose a major safety concern with higher rates of safety incidents compared with other pipelines, according to Fractracker.

The Prop Stop Inn, a old bar only accessible by boat on the Tickfaw River, which flows into Lake Maurepas.

The current 5,000-mile (8,000km) network of CO2 pipelines could increase tenfold under the proposed boom, and safety experts fear that the rush to build out new infrastructure to qualify for the Inflation Reduction Act tax subsidies will compromise safety.

“Current regulations are insufficient to protect the public and the environment from the potential dangers of hydrogen and carbon dioxide pipelines,” said Erin Sutherland, the Pipeline Safety Trust policy and program director. “Many have been proposed near communities, placing them at risk in the event of failure.”

Recent CO2 pipeline leaks in Louisiana and Mississippi have exposed dangerous gaps in the regulatory system, which is undergoing a drawn-out overhaul. The regulator will not be able to apply new design, construction and inspection standards to completed pipelines.

“CCS is not going to mitigate the climate crisis; it will lead to further expansion of fossil fuels and more hazardous waste causing further harm to frontline communities and the planet,” said Monique Harden, director of law and public policy at the Deep South Center for Environmental Justice.

Lisa Hoover of the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society. Photograph: Rita Harper/The Guardian

Back in St Rose, Kimbrelle Eugene Kyereh is cognisant of the role racism has played in creating environmental justice communities in Louisiana, and fears the CCS and hydrogen expansion will lead to more of the same. “We need to get white and middle-class people involved, so it’s not just poor Black people complaining – or we won’t win,” she said.

But corporations are vying for a slice of the billions in grants earmarked for new CCS and “clean” hydrogen projects – with billions more up for grabs in tax credits. So no community is safe.

About 30 miles (50km) north-east of St Rose in a separate project, the chemical giant Air Products is looking to drill dozens of wells in Lake Maurepas, an iconic protected water body, and inject around 5m tons of carbon dioxide each year about a mile below the lakebed.

The CO2 would come from the vast new “blue” hydrogen energy and ammonia complex that Air Products wants to build in Ascension parish, a sprawling dusty landscape where more Black communities are already overburdened by industrial pollution, including from the world’s largest ammonia plant.

Air Products claims it will capture and permanently sequester more than 95% of the waste CO2 generated at the facility. The gas will travel about 35 miles (60km) east in newly constructed pipelines, before being injected into an “ideal geological pore space” – a process that environmentalists fear will threaten Lake Maurepas’s fragile swampy ecosystem. Millions of dollars have been invested in restoring the lake, which after generations of ecological destruction has become a popular destination for tourists and fishers.

The project, which was announced in 2021 before Biden’s key climate legislation, claims it will be the world’s largest CCS operation. Lakeside residents say they found out about the proposed wells when a crabber spotted engineers conducting seismic tests, and created the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society. Its members, who are predominantly climate change skeptics and pro-fossil fuel white Republicans, participated in House and Senate committee hearings and galvanized parish council members and state legislators to oppose the project.

‘They’re trying to destroy the lake and ram this project down our throats,’ said Bill Whittington, president of the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society and a former oil company worker.

Air Products pushed back by hiring 25 lobbyists in 2023, and sued Tangipahoa parish, overturning the local CCS moratorium that would have protected Lake Maurepas. Legislation to protect the lake and strengthen environmental protections at the state level has gone nowhere.

St Rose community organizer Rose Wilright outside her house.

“The fight against Air Products has demonstrated the political capture on both sides of the aisle in the state legislature,” said Kim Coates, a Republican state legislator and former Tangipahoa parish council member.

Air Products said the facility would not be a major source of emissions and that the company will “fully comply” with all air quality permit requirements and other relevant standards. The company has invested in steps to protect and enhance the lake and “blue” hydrogen will help meet carbon reduction goals, a spokesperson said.

“A lot of people around here don’t believe in climate change and CO2, but even if you do, CCS will barely make a difference,” said Caleb Atwell, vice-president of the Lake Maurepas Preservation Society. “We did everything to save our lake, we gave it our best shot, but it’s over.”

Read the full story here.
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Oil and gas money shapes research, creates ‘echo chamber’ in higher education

Louisiana’s flagship university is looking to partner more closely with petrochemical industries in the state.

Jackson Voss loves his alma mater, Louisiana State University. He appreciates that his undergraduate education was paid for by a program dreamed up by an oil magnate and that he received additional scholarships from ExxonMobil and Shell. But the socially conscious Louisiana native was also aware of what the support of those companies seemed to buy — silence. Voss, who graduated from LSU in Baton Rouge 11 years ago with a degree in political science, says when he attended school there, he didn’t hear discussions of how climate change made Hurricane Katrina worse; why petrochemical plants along the Mississippi River sickened residents of the mostly Black communities around those facilities; or about the devastating and permanent impact of the BP oil spill that happened during Voss’ time at LSU. Voss, now director of climate policy for the New Orleans-based consumer advocacy group, the Alliance for Affordable Energy, says he didn’t hear climate change or “Cancer Alley” openly discussed until he went to the University of Michigan, 1,100 miles away, for graduate school. “It was not a place that was really discussing these issues in the way that should have been discussed at the time,” he said of LSU, where oil wells dotted the campus at least into the 1970s. Any such discussions weren’t taken seriously, he said, and even fellow students were often defensive of the industry.  “The discussions that did happen had to focus on, kind of finding a way to talk about climate without talking about climate,” Voss said, “and it was especially important not to talk about the role that oil and gas played in worsening climate change.” Louisiana State University graduate Jackson Voss attended the Baton Rouge-based school as an undergraduate about a decade ago. Pam Radtke / Floodlight Whether through funding of research projects, the creation of new academic programs focused on energy or, more subtly, through support of everything from opera to football, the oil and gas industry has been shaping discourse at LSU — and universities around the world — for decades. LSU administrators insist they have safeguards against undue influence by fossil fuel companies, which have given tens of millions of dollars to the university in just the past three years. But a joint investigation by Floodlight, WWNO/WRKF and the Louisiana Illuminator found the funding allows the industry to place a thumb on the scale of what gets studied at the state’s flagship university — and what is left out. Research by Floodlight shows between 2010 and 2020, petrochemical companies gave LSU at least $44 million through their charitable foundations, making it one of the top recipients of fossil fuel funding among U.S. universities, based on research from the nonprofit Data for Progress. LSU received more from petrochemical companies than the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Harvard and Texas A&M — and 20 times more than Voss’s other alma mater, the University of Michigan. The Data for Progress research showed over that decade, the 27 schools they examined received almost $700 million total. Increasingly, researchers are questioning the longstanding ties between fossil fuels and universities at a time when scientists and governments across the globe overwhelmingly agree that sharply reducing the use of fossil fuels and increasing reliance on renewable energy are crucial to stalling or reversing climate change. Last year, a joint report from Congress found “the oil and gas industry cultivates partnerships with academic institutions as a way to influence climate research.” And a first-of-its-kind study released by researchers last year found the fossil fuel industry’s approach is similar to how the tobacco, pharmaceutical and other industries co-opted academics.  “It’s a situation exactly parallel to public health research being funded by the tobacco industry. It’s a conflict of interest — the size of an oil tanker,” said Geoffrey Supran, associate professor of environmental science and policy who studies fossil fuel disinformation at the University of Miami and is director of its Climate Accountability Lab. He says LSU and other schools like it have become “an echo chamber for pro-fossil-fuel narratives.” LSU and its president, William Tate IV, have doubled down on the university’s ties with the fossil fuel industry in recent years, despite its shrinking importance to the Louisiana economy. Since 2020, Tate has solicited and received more than $30 million from fossil fuel companies, including a record $27.5 million from Shell. During LSU’s Giving Day campaign on Wednesday, Shell plopped down another $1.5 million for LSU libraries and the College of Science. “It’s time for a partnership in significant fashion to link the work at LSU in our energy areas, including alternative energy, and creating ways to keep that industry vibrant here in this state and for our country,” Tate told reporters in 2022, about a year after he was named to head the school.  LSU insists there are firewalls in place to prevent oil and gas companies from unduly influencing research and study. But public records and interviews indicate that fossil fuel funding can have a subtle and even direct impact on research and critical discourse.  “Universities are at risk of being pawns in a climate propaganda scheme devised and implemented by fossil fuel interests for decades,” Supran said.  ‘Tip of the iceberg’ It’s impossible to pin down how much money fossil fuel interests — or any industry — gives to universities such as LSU. Although it is a public institution, much of the money for scholarships, workforce development and buildings goes through LSU’s foundation — a nonprofit separate from the university. The foundation, in accordance with philanthropic standards, does not disclose its donors unless they agree to be identified. In its research, Data for Progress used public announcements from universities and companies, along with tax filings from fossil fuel companies’ foundations, to determine how much the universities received from those companies. “It’s most likely the tip of the iceberg,” said Jake Lowe, executive director of Campus Climate Network, which under its previous name, Fossil Free Research, worked with Data for Progress to create its 2023 report.  Louisiana State University President William Tate IV visits Shell’s facility in Convent, La., in 2023 to talk about his plan to focus on five areas at the university, including energy. Louisiana State University For example, the report includes millions of dollars the ExxonMobil Foundation gives for scholarships — but not the money going directly from the company to a school or its foundation. “If the ExxonMobil corporation has a research contract with LSU, you’re not going to see that in the tax documents or annual reports,” Lowe said. Floodlight, with the help of a Data for Progress researcher, used the same method to look at how much petrochemical money went to LSU. The analysis included examining public announcements from the companies and tax filings, called 990s, of the foundations for Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron, ConocoPhillips, Entergy, Koch Inc., Southwest Electric Power Corp., Schlumberger (now known as SLB), Dow and Taylor Oil. From 2010 to 2020, Taylor Oil’s foundation gave the most to LSU, almost $21 million.   The second highest amount was from ExxonMobil, which gave more than $10 million — the majority of which came from a matching gift program in which the company gave $3 for every dollar donated by an employee or retiree to a college or university. Louisiana State University’s “Quad” is the heart of the campus and was named after ExxonMobil in 1999. Piper Hutchinson / Louisiana Illuminator But then, in 2022, Shell dwarfed the amount given over the previous decade with a single $27.5 million donation to LSU. The majority, $25 million, was for a new Institute for Energy Innovation to focus on “scholarship and solution delivery” on “hydrogen and carbon capture … the coast; and low-carbon fuels.” Donations buy influence  LSU doesn’t hide that the institute’s mission was shaped in partnership with the industry. In the early days, a former Shell executive, Rhoman Hardy, served as the research center’s interim director. The company also has three of the institute’s seven board seats; industry groups hold another two. Last year, the nonprofit New Orleans news outlet The Lens discovered LSU created a system: If a fossil fuel company gives $50,000 or more to the institute, it gets the right to participate in a specific research project, to use the intellectual property from that project and “robust review and discussion of the specific study and project output.” For a $1.25 million donation, a company also receives “voting rights for selected institute activities, including research.” A contribution of $5 million or more earns a donor a seat on the institute’s board. LSU president William Tate IV poses with LSU mascot Mike the Tiger. Louisiana State University When reached for comment about the institute, its donations and its potential influence, Shell responded, “We’re proud to partner with LSU to contribute to the growing compendium of peer-reviewed climate science and advance the effort to identify multiple pathways and build the ecosystems that can lead to more energy with fewer emissions.” In 2023, ExxonMobil gave $2 million to LSU and became a “strategic” partner. With the donation, ExxonMobil will work with the institute to study batteries, solar power, carbon capture and “advanced” plastics recycling. ExxonMobil did not respond to a request for comment about the donation or about the money it has previously given to LSU. At a Louisiana Board of Regents’ Energy Transition Research Symposium at LSU later that year, ExxonMobil gave a presentation on advanced plastics recycling, a controversial technology that opponents say amounts to greenwashing the problem of plastic waste by burning it rather than reusing it. “It is clear based on the board and research focus areas of the new Institute for Energy Innovation that it is focused squarely on innovations using fossil fuels,” said Logan Atkinson Burke, Voss’ boss at the Alliance for Affordable Energy, an energy consumer advocacy group. Environmentalists say technologies being studied by the institute, including carbon capture, hydrogen and low-carbon fuels, are “false solutions” that will do little to address the climate crisis. ‘Subconscious’ bias?  The institute’s current director, Brad Ives, and LSU’s vice president for research and economic development, Robert Twilley, say they have put safeguards in place to prevent industry influence. And Twilley says this type of research — working hand in hand with industries on the ground — is core to the mission of LSU as a land grant university, a program Abraham Lincoln established in 1862 that used federal land sales to fund universities focused on practical subjects including architecture, engineering and agriculture. “It’s how we as an institution manage it and the safeguards and being very conscious of our ethics, being very conscious of what projects we work on,” Twilley said. He points to federal guidelines, the scientific method and peer review as some of the safeguards that keep the university’s research independent from industry influence. The institute sends its research proposals to an anonymous third-party panel of scientists to be ranked, Twilley says. Those rankings help decide what research it funds. Louisiana State University’s Petroleum Engineering Research & Technology Transfer, or PERTT, Laboratory, is an industrial-scale facility for training and research on borehole technology. According to LSU, it is the only such facility in North America. Louisiana State University Ives says funders aren’t allowed contact with researchers either. “What we’re doing is making sure that the researchers have total academic freedom to let the research take them where it goes,” Ives said. “We know we can sleep at night because we are not doing anything that’s wrong.” But Supran, who once worked on projects funded by oil and gas, says it’s not always as simple as a researcher purposefully skewing results. Scientists are only human, making these relationships inherently fraught. “We’re all subject to biases,” he said. “Things like reciprocation. You know that if I give you a pen, you have some small subconscious desire to reciprocate it in some sense down the line.” For example, one study showed how reviews of the health effects of secondhand smoke funded by the tobacco industry were almost 90 times more likely to conclude that it was not harmful compared to reviews funded by other sources. There’s evidence that the lines between funding and academic independence are sometimes blurred at LSU. Several influential reports and studies from LSU’s Center for Energy Studies have drawn scrutiny over the years for being misleading. In one case, a utility-funded report led to the dismantling of Louisiana’s successful rooftop solar program. In another, a report helped curb efforts to sue oil and gas companies for decades of environmental damage, claiming the lawsuits cost the state more than it would gain. A more recent example was found in public records reviewed by WWNO, including a contract between the Center for Energy Studies and the Bracewell law firm, representing Gulf Coast Sequestration. That company wants to store millions of tons of carbon dioxide underground in southwest Louisiana. It asked the center to use the project as a case study for the economic impact of a carbon capture industry on the Gulf Coast. Climate advocates Corinne Salter and Jill Tupitza, who started a group and podcast called Climate Pelicans, and Cheyenne Autin discuss divestment in fossil fuels in November 2023 at Louisiana State University’s Baton Rouge campus. Tarun Kakarala / The Reveille The contract suggests that some of the report’s conclusions were reached even before the study began. The researchers said they planned to “underscore the transformative nature of CCS (carbon capture and sequestration) on the Louisiana economy.” LSU’s final report ultimately listed all of the financial reasons the Gulf Coast should welcome the projects like this one — while barely mentioning the economic risks, such as the cost and financial viability of  carbon capture facilities. WWNO showed the report to several researchers familiar with sponsored research. All of them shared concerns over the prescriptive nature of the research proposal or the terms of the contract itself. LSU allows research sponsors to give feedback on drafts before they’re published. Sponsors are also allowed to stay anonymous — meaning, the public doesn’t know who funds the research. “It gets a D grade and it’s not quite an F,” Supran said, noting that in this case, the funder was disclosed. “ The fact that this report just touts the economic benefits of this specific company funding the report — it kind of makes you wonder if it’s worth the paper it’s written on.” The report’s authors declined to comment. Twilley defended the contract, saying its terms are standard throughout the university and that researchers are allowed to propose hypotheses.  The contract is not illegal nor does it constitute research misconduct such as using fake data or plagiarizing. But according to one elected official, reports like these, which carry the credibility of a university without the scrutiny of peer review, could influence public policy. “The research plays a significant role in determining whether or not we’re on the right or wrong course,” said Davante Lewis, a public service commissioner in Louisiana. His commission regulates services in Louisiana including the electric utilities. Lewis said he counts on such academic reports to provide a fair and comprehensive picture of an issue. But, as more industry money enters research, he said he was concerned, noting, “Oftentimes we have seen where money drives facts, not facts drive money.” Burnishing their reputations Besides funding LSU’s energy institute, oil and gas interests also pays for things everyone likes, such as health programs, tutoring and even halftime kicking contests with football fans. Supran says he and other researchers have a working theory that while oil and gas companies pour big money into big research institutions such as MIT and Stanford to give them credibility, they spend money at regional universities in states including Louisiana and Texas to build a compliant population. “It doesn’t take a genius to imagine that that money may be used to burnish the reputation locally of those companies and foster a vibrant recruitment pool,” Supran said. Geoffrey Supran, an associate professor at the University of Miami, tells members of the U.S. Senate Budget Committee at a May 1, 2024 hearing that his research has found “widespread infiltration of fossil fuel interests into higher education.” U.S. Senate Budget Committee Voss says the oil and gas industry’s support of benefits for the state are “one of the few things that it actually has right.” On the flip side, he added, “I think it protects the industry from criticism, because it makes people feel like they’re a part of the community.” But the heavy presence of oil and gas on campus can have a chilling effect on people and groups who don’t support those industries. Jill Tupitza, now a marine scientist in California, was a graduate student at LSU when she and fellow graduate student Corinne Salter started Climate Pelicans, an advocacy organization that worked to get LSU to stop investing in fossil fuels. When they started questioning the ties between LSU and fossil fuels, they were met with resistance. “Immediately, doors were shut,” Tupitza said. One administrator told her, “‘I can’t tell you what to do, I can’t punish you for going further. But I would strongly recommend that you stop asking questions about this,’” she recalled. “So that, obviously, that made us double down.” The group led marches and a petition drive urging climate divestment. They started a podcast that explored topics including environmental justice and false climate solutions. Tupitza said the LSU Foundation stonewalled the group’s requests for information about how much money it had invested in fossil fuels and refused requests to attend meetings about the foundation’s $700 million endowment. Later, the foundation told Tupitza that less than 4% of its holdings were invested in fossil fuels And then, while Tupitza and fellow graduate students were writing “Divest from Fossil Fuels,” in pink chalk in front of the foundation building, they were arrested on graffiti charges.  Those charges were eventually dropped. School rules prohibit writing on the sidewalks with chalk, but it is not an arrestable offense. Tupitza described her arrest as “a huge scare tactic.”.  Supran says LSU isn’t unique in its hesitation to cut ties with the oil and gas industry.  “I think it’s fair to say that for the most part, there has not been careful deliberation about the costs and the benefits of these ties, but rather a head down, and aggressive, solicitation of as much funding as they can receive from anyone.” Voss predicts that if conditions worsen in an industry known for its booms and busts, its support for LSU will disappear. And as climate change worsens, it will make it harder for businesses and people to stay in Louisiana, which is already near the top of U.S. states when it comes to population loss.  “In many ways, higher education is sitting upon a house of cards, and relying upon oil and gas is incredibly risky — as it always has been.” Instead, he said, “I think that LSU could and should be a really critical voice in climate change and environmental justice in Louisiana. I do worry that in failing to do so and by being so heavily tied up in oil and gas interests, it actually puts the university in a worse position.” This is Part 2 of a two-part investigative series exploring the relationship between the fossil fuel industry and Louisiana State University. This story was reported by a partnership with WWNO/WRKF, the Louisiana Illuminator and Floodlight. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Oil and gas money shapes research, creates ‘echo chamber’ in higher education on Mar 29, 2025.

Chemicals
Education
Business

As Starlink and Other Satellites Proliferate, Astronomers Learn to Manage Interference

Swarms of satellites launched by SpaceX and other companies are disrupting astronomical observations. Here's how scientists are coping

In the next few months, from its perch atop a mountain in Chile, the Vera C. Rubin Observatory will begin surveying the cosmos with the largest camera ever built. Every three nights, it will produce a map of the entire southern sky filled with stars, galaxies, asteroids and supernovae — and swarms of bright satellites ruining some of the view.Astronomers didn’t worry much about satellites photobombing Rubin’s images when they started drawing up plans for the observatory more than two decades ago. But as the space around Earth becomes increasingly congested, researchers are having to find fresh ways to cope — or else lose precious data from Rubin and hundreds of other observatories.The number of working satellites has soared in the past five years to around 11,000, mostly because of constellations of orbiters that provide Internet connectivity around the globe (see ‘Satellite surge’). Just one company, SpaceX in Hawthorne, California, has more than 7,000 operational Starlink satellites, all launched since 2019; OneWeb, a space communications company in London, has more than 630 satellites in its constellation. On paper, tens to hundreds of thousands more are planned from a variety of companies and nations, although probably not all of these will be launched.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Satellites play a crucial part in connecting people, including bringing Internet to remote communities and emergency responders. But the rising number can be a problem for scientists because the satellites interfere with ground-based astronomical observations, by creating bright streaks on images and electromagnetic interference with radio telescopes. The satellite boom also poses other threats, including adding pollution to the atmosphere.When the first Starlinks launched, some astronomers warned of existential threats to their discipline. Now, researchers in astronomy and other fields are working with satellite companies to help quantify and mitigate the impacts on science — and society. “There is growing interest in collaborating and finding solutions together,” says Giuliana Rotola, a space-policy researcher at the Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies in Pisa, Italy.Timing things rightThe first step to reduce satellite interference is knowing when and where a satellite will pass above an observatory. “The aim is to minimize the surprise,” says Mike Peel, an astronomer at Imperial College London.Before the launch of Starlinks, astronomers had no centralized reference for tracking satellites. Now, the International Astronomical Union (IAU) has a virtual Centre for the Protection of the Dark and Quiet Sky from Satellite Constellation Interference (CPS), which serves as an information hub and to which researchers, including Peel and Rotola, volunteer their time.One of the centre’s tools, called SatChecker, draws on a public database of satellite orbits, fed by information from observers and companies that track objects in space. Astronomers can use SatChecker to confirm what satellite is passing overhead during their observations. The tool isn’t perfect; atmospheric drag and intentional manoeuvring can affect a satellite’s position, and the public database doesn’t always reflect the latest information. For instance, the BlueWalker 3 satellite from telecommunications firm AST SpaceMobile in Midland, Texas, launched in 2022 and was sometimes brighter than most stars; yet uncertainty of its position was so great at times that astronomers had difficulty predicting whether it would be in their field of view for their night-time observations.Starlink satellites leave streaks in a 2019 image taken by a 4-meter telescope at the Cerro Tololo Inter-American Observatory in Chile.Tools such as SatChecker help telescope operators to avoid problems by allowing them to target a different part of the sky when a satellite passes overhead or by simply pausing observations as it flies by. It would aid astronomers if SatChecker had even more accurate information about satellite positions, but there are constraints on improving the system. SatChecker data come from the US Space Force, which draws on a global network of sensors that tracks objects in orbit and issues updates on satellite locations as often as several times a day. The frequency of these updates is limited by factors such as how often a sensor can observe an object and whether the sensor can distinguish what it’s looking at.Currently, satellite streaks are a relatively minor issue for telescope operators. But the problem will grow as satellite numbers continue to increase drastically, meaning more observation time will be lost, and this issue will be magnified for Rubin.Fixing the streaksRubin, which cost US$810 million to build, is a unique case because it scans large swathes of the sky frequently — meaning it can detect rapidly changing phenomena such as incoming asteroids or cosmic explosions. Astronomers don’t want to be fooled by passing satellites, as happened in 2017 when researchers spotted what they thought was a γ-ray burst — high-energy flashes of light — from a distant galaxy but turned out to be sunlight reflecting off a piece of space junk.Rubin’s powerful camera, coupled with its 8.4-metre telescope, will take about 1,000 nightly exposures of the sky, each about 45 times the area of the full Moon. That’s more wide-field pictures of the sky than any optical observatory has ever taken. Simulations suggest that if satellite numbers in low Earth orbit rise to around 40,000 over the 10 years of Rubin’s survey — a not-impossible forecast — then at least 10% of its images, and the majority of those taken during twilight, will contain a satellite trail3.SpaceX took early steps to try to mitigate the problem. Working with Rubin astronomers, the company tested changes to the design and positions of Starlinks to try to keep their brightness beneath a target threshold. Amazon, the retail and technology giant based in Seattle, Washington, is also testing mitigations on prototype satellites for its planned Kuiper constellation. Such changes reduce, but don’t eliminate, the problem.To limit satellite interference, Rubin astronomers are creating observation schedules to help researchers avoid certain parts of the sky (for example, near the horizon) and at certain times (such as around twilight)4. For when they can’t avoid the satellites, Rubin researchers have incorporated steps into their data-processing pipeline to detect and remove satellite streaks. All these changes mean less time doing science and more time processing data, but they need to be done, astronomers say. “We are really looking forward to getting data from Rubin and seeing how it turns out,” Peel says.For other observatories, the IAU CPS is working on tools to help astronomers identify and correct satellite streaks in their data. One is a new database of crowdsourced observations of satellite brightnesses called SCORE, which is currently being beta tested and is planned for wider release in the coming months. This will help scientists to work backwards — they might see something puzzling in their past observations and be able to work it out, Peel says.The database “is definitely a very valuable tool” because it’s one of few that have data freely available, says Marco Langbroek, a space-tracking specialist at Delft University of Technology in the Netherlands. As a beta tester, Langbroek has added a number of entries to SCORE, including measurements of a NASA solar sail that changes in brightness as it tumbles through space. Going forwards, he says, SCORE will be most useful if a lot of astronomers contribute high-quality observations to the database, thereby building up a resource over time.Tuning things outAstronomers who work in the radio portion of the electromagnetic spectrum face extra challenges when it comes to satellites.Big radio telescopes are typically located in remote regions, to be as far as possible from mobile-phone masts and other technological infrastructure that leak radio emissions. But satellites can’t be avoided. “If signals are coming from the sky, they’re always there,” says Federico Di Vruno, an astronomer at the Square Kilometre Array Observatory in Jodrell Bank, UK, and co-director of the IAU CPS.When satellites transmit signals, the electromagnetic interference can overwhelm faint radio signals coming from the cosmos. One solution is to re-direct or temporarily turn off satellite transmissions. The US National Radio Astronomy Observatory and SpaceX have been working on ways to accomplish this, and the company now momentarily redirects or disables transmissions when Starlinks pass above sensitive telescopes including the Green Bank Telescope in West Virginia5. The method requires voluntary buy-in by all partners, plus a lot of data sharing and intensive programming by the companies and by the astronomers, but it does reduce interference. It has been successful enough that small group of radio astronomers visited China last month to discuss the strategy with satellite operators and scientists there.An image made from multiple exposures shows streaks from Starlink satellites, the International Space Station and other satellites over a site in Wales.But as soon as one solution is found, fresh challenges appear. One is the rise of ‘direct-to-cell’ satellites, which function like mobile-phone towers in space and can transmit to areas on the ground that otherwise don’t have coverage. Optical astronomers worry about these because they are physically large and therefore bright6, and they are a big problem for radio astronomers because direct-to-cell transmissions are extremely powerful. If one of those hits a radio observatory, “the telescope might be blind for a little bit”, Di Vruno says. So astronomers and satellite operators are discussing how they can share information about these as well, to avoid each other when a satellite passes over an observatory.Another emerging challenge is ‘unintended’ emissions — which happen when satellites ‘leak’ radiation in wavelengths far outside the bands typically used for transmissions and other tasks. Early tests for the Square Kilometre Array radio telescopes, which are under construction in Australia and South Africa, discovered such leakage coming from Starlinks and other satellites7.Many of these unintended emissions are at the low frequencies that are used in some studies including those of the early Universe. So far, astronomers haven’t come up with a good solution, other than scheduling telescopes to not record data when a satellite passes through the part of the sky being observed. In the future, it is possible that authorities such as the International Telecommunication Union might be able to issue regulations on this, as it already does for other shared uses of the electromagnetic spectrum.Cleaning up the atmosphereAstronomers aren’t the only researchers concerned about the impacts of satellite constellations. In the past few years, a growing number of atmospheric scientists have been warning that these fleets will pollute Earth’s upper atmosphere during launches and then when their orbits decline and they burn up. Researchers are just starting to get to grips with the scope of this pollution, says Connor Barker, an atmospheric chemist at University College London (UCL).The point of satellite constellations is to have lots of satellites in orbit, but refreshing them when new technology comes along means that the pace of launches and re-entries will accelerate. In February alone, an average of four Starlink satellites a day re-entered the atmosphere and burned up.Each re-entry adds chemicals to the upper atmosphere. In a 2023 study, researchers reported that measurements made during high-altitude aeroplane flights detected more than 20 chemical elements in Earth’s upper atmosphere that probably came from satellite re-entries, including aluminium, copper and lead8. Other work has found that satellite constellations contributed around 40% of many types of carbon emission from the space industry in 2022, including black carbon particles and carbon dioxide9 that could contribute to warming the atmosphere. It’s not yet clear how much this warms the planet or contributes to other environmental problems. Some early analyses suggest that satellite launches could contribute a small but measurable amount of ozone destruction.There are no regulations on satellite atmospheric pollution. Barker and his colleagues at UCL say a good first step towards a solution is to get better estimates of the scope of the problem. They have been building an emissions inventory for rocket launches and satellite re-entries, carefully tallying up the contaminants involved and estimating the altitudes at which they enter the atmosphere. “Even though this is currently a relatively small industry that’s having a relatively small impact on the atmosphere, we should still be aware of it,” says Eloise Marais, an atmospheric chemist at UCL.Researchers are trying to raise the profile of these and other concerns linked to satellite fleets. Some of these issues were discussed in February in Vienna, at a meeting of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. It was the first time that the committee formally discussed the impacts of satellite constellations on astronomy.No major actions were taken, as expected for these early discussions. But “now all of the member states know of dark and quiet skies”, Di Vruno says. That in itself, he says, is a success.This article is reproduced with permission and was first published on March 18, 2025.

Chemicals
CO2
Cosmos

Urban Wildfire Smoke Sensors Miss Harmful Chemicals

As fires burned in Los Angeles this year, newer toxin monitors found contaminants that aren’t measured by standard methods. Now scientists and officials are pushing for better detection

When the catastrophic Los Angeles fires broke out in January of 2025, John Volckens suspected firefighters and residents were breathing toxic air from the burning homes, buildings, and cars, but it was unclear how much risk the public faced. So, the professor of environmental health at Colorado State University devised a plan to get answers.Volckens shipped 10 air pollution detectors to Los Angeles to measure the amounts of heavy metals, benzene, and other chemicals released by the flames, which burned more than 16,000 homes, businesses, and other structures, making it one of the country’s costliest natural disasters.“These disaster events keep happening. They release pollution into the environment and to the surrounding community,” said Volckens, who shared his results with local air regulators. “We have this kind of traumatic experience, and then we’re left with: Well, what did we just breathe in?”On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.Scientists and public health officials have long tracked the pollutants that cause smog, acid rain, and other environmental health hazards and shared them with the public through the local Air Quality Index. But the monitoring system misses hundreds of harmful chemicals released in urban fires, and the Los Angeles fires have led to a renewed push for state and federal regulators to do more as climate change drives up the frequency of these natural disasters.It’s questionable whether the Trump administration will act, however. Earlier this month, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Lee Zeldin announced what he described as the “biggest deregulatory” action in history, which critics warn will lead to a rollback of environmental health regulations.While Air Quality Index values are a good starting place for knowing what’s in the air, they don’t provide a full picture of pollutants, especially during disasters, said Yifang Zhu, a professor of environmental health sciences at UCLA. In fact, the AQI could be in a healthy range, “but you could still be exposed to higher air toxins from the fires,” she added.Heavy smoke from the Eaton fire in Los Angeles.Josh EdelsonAFP via Getty ImagesIn February, nearly a dozen lawmakers from California called on the EPA to create a task force of local and federal authorities to better monitor what’s in the air and inform the public. Locals are “unsure of the actual risks they face and confused by conflicting reports about how safe it is to breathe the air outside, which may lead to families not taking adequate protective measures,” the lawmakers wrote in a letter to James Payne, who was then the acting EPA administrator. The EPA press office declined to comment in an e-mail to KFF Health News.Lawmakers have also introduced bills in Congress and in the California legislature to address the gap. A measure by U.S. Rep. Mike Thompson (D-Calif.) and U.S. Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) would direct the EPA to allocate grant money to local air pollution agencies to communicate the risks of wildfire smoke, including deploying air monitors. Meanwhile, a bill by Democratic state Assembly member Lisa Calderon would create a “Wildfire Smoke Research and Education Fund” to study the health impacts of wildfire smoke, especially on firefighters and residents affected by fires.The South Coast Air Quality Management District, a regional air pollution control agency, operates about 35 air monitoring stations across nearly 11,000 square miles of the Los Angeles region to measure pollutants like ozone and carbon monoxide.During the fires, the agency, which is responsible for the air quality of 16.8 million residents, relied on its network of stations to monitor five common pollutants, including PM2.5, the fine particles that make up smoke and can travel deep inside the body. After the fires, the South Coast AQMD deployed two mobile monitoring vans to assess air quality in cleanup areas and expanded neighborhood-level monitoring during debris removal, said Jason Low, head of the agency’s monitoring and analysis division.Local officials also received the data collected by Volcken’s devices, which arrived on-site four days after the fires broke out. The monitors — about the size of a television remote control and housed in a plastic cover the size of a bread loaf — were placed at air monitoring stations around the fires’ perimeters, as well as at other sites, including in West Los Angeles and Santa Clarita. The devices, called AirPens, monitored dozens of air contaminants in real time and collected precise chemical measurements of smoke composition.Researchers replaced the sensors every week, sending the filters to a lab that analyzed them for measurements of volatile organic compounds like benzene, lead, and black carbon, along with other carcinogens. Volcken’s devices provided public health officials with data for a month as cleanup started. The hope is that the information provided can help guide future health policies in fire-prone areas.“There’s not one device that can measure everything in real time,” Low said. “So, we have to rely on different tools for each different type of purpose of monitoring.”ASCENT, a national monitoring network funded by the National Science Foundation, registered big changes after the fires. One monitor, about 11 miles south of the Eaton fire in the foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains, detected 40 times the normal amount of chlorine in the air and 110 times the typical amount of lead in the days following the fires. It was clear the chemical spikes came from urban wildfire smoke, which is more dangerous than what would be emitted when trees and bushes burn in rural areas, said Richard Flagan, the co-principal investigator at the network’s site in Los Angeles.“Ultimately, the purpose is to get the data out there in real time, both for the public to see but also for people who are doing other aspects of research,” said Flagan, adding that chemical measurements are critical for epidemiologists who are developing health statistics or doing long-term studies of the impact of air pollution on peoples’ health.Small, low-cost sensors could fill in gaps as government networks age or fail to adequately capture the full picture of what’s in the air. Such sensors can identify pollution hot spots and improve wildfire smoke warnings, according to a March 2024 U.S. Government Accountability Office report.Although the devices have become smaller and more accurate in the past decade, some pollutants require analysis with X-ray scans and other costly high-level equipment, said J. Alfredo Gómez, director of the Natural Resources and Environment team at the GAO. And Gómez cautioned that the quality of the data can vary depending on what the devices monitor.“Low-cost sensors do a good job of measuring PM2.5 but not such a good job for some of these other air toxins, where they still need to do more work,” Gómez said.UCLA’s Zhu said the emerging technology of portable pollution monitors means residents — not just government and scientists — might be able to install equipment in their backyards and broaden the picture of what’s happening in the air at the most local level.“If the fires are predicted to be worse in the future, it might be a worthwhile investment to have some ability to capture specific types of pollutants that are not routinely measured by government stations,” Zhu said.KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

Chemicals
Business
Education

New Mexico set to become third state to implement full PFAS product ban

New Mexico is poised to become the third state to institute a full-fledged ban on products that contain toxic "forever chemicals," as two key bills head to the governor's desk. The concurrent pieces of legislation, which have both passed through the state Legislature, would prohibit most items that contain these compounds, while also deeming specific...

New Mexico is poised to become the third state to institute a full-fledged ban on products that contain toxic "forever chemicals," as two key bills head to the governor's desk. The concurrent pieces of legislation, which have both passed through the state Legislature, would prohibit most items that contain these compounds, while also deeming specific types of discarded firefighting foam as hazardous waste. The chemicals in question, called per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS), are notorious for their propensity to linger in the human body and in the environment. Linked to various types of cancers and other serious illnesses, PFAS are found in numerous household products, as well as in certain kinds of firefighting foam. The first bill, H.B. 212, would ban products that contain intentionally added PFAS and would authorize the state's Environmental Improvement Board to adopt relevant rules. Starting on Jan. 1, 2027, manufacturers would not be able to sell or distribute cookware, food packaging, dental floss and juvenile products that have intentionally added PFAS. The same would apply to carpets, cleaning fluids, cosmetics, fabric treatments, menstrual products, textiles, ski wax and upholstered furniture on Jan. 1, 2028. With respect to pesticides, fertilizers and other agricultural materials — many of which contain PFAS — the Environmental Improvement Board would consult with the New Mexico Department of Agriculture before setting rules on these subjects.  There would be some exceptions to the prospective ban, such as those items that the board has determined "to be essential for health, safety or the functioning of society and for which alternatives are not reasonably available." The accompanying piece of legislation, H.B. 140, focuses on a range of chemicals, including PFAS, and provides new clarity on the meaning of the term "hazardous waste." The bill would redefine hazardous waste as "any solid waste or combination of solid wastes" that because of its amount, concentration or characteristics could "cause or significantly contribute to an increase in mortality or an increase in serious irreversible or incapacitating reversible illness." Among the specific hazardous waste items mentioned is "discarded aqueous film-forming foam containing intentionally added [PFAS]." If Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham (D) signs the two bills as anticipated, New Mexico would become the third state to implement a near-complete prohibition on PFAS-containing products. The state would follow in the footsteps of Maine and Minnesota, which passed their respective laws in 2021 and 2023. Numerous other states have approved legislation forbidding PFAS in certain product categories, rather than instituting bans across the board. While the three-year price of preventing PFAS pollution via such a ban would climb to about $2.8 million, the cost of removing and destroying just one pound of PFAS from water could be up to $18 million, according to an analysis of the legislation from the New Mexico Environment Department. "With approximately 1,100 public drinking water systems in New Mexico serving 94 percent of our residents, preventing contamination is the only affordable means of securing our drinking water supply," the analysis concluded.

Chemicals
Agriculture
Health

Communities are rebuilding after L.A. fires despite lack of soil testing for toxic substances

Rebuilding in Altadena and Pacific Palisades has begun, despite the lack of official requirements to test soil for heavy metals and other toxic substances.

In Altadena and the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of L.A., reconstruction has begun despite the fact that the soil on affected properties has not been tested for toxic substances. The Federal Emergency Management Agency’s controversial decision to forgo soil testing in communities burned in the Eaton and Palisades wildfires sparked pushback Wednesday as California lawmakers questioned whether the practice will prevent residents from knowing if there are toxic substances on the land before rebuilding begins.Federally hired cleanup crews have been removing ash and debris, in addition to a 6-inch layer of topsoil, from buildings burned by the wildfires. But, asked last month by The Times, FEMA and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers confirmed they won’t test the soil at these properties after they finish their cleanup, breaking with a long-standing practice that was intended to ensure that homes and schools don’t still contain excessive levels of harmful chemicals after environmental disasters such as a wildfire.Led by U.S. Rep Laura Friedman (D-Glendale), a contingent of eight federal lawmakers from California objected to FEMA’s decision to forgo soil testing in a letter to Cameron Hamilton, the agency’s acting administrator. The lawmakers pressed Hamilton to explain the change in strategy. One key question was how FEMA could ensure that removing 6 inches of soil would be sufficient to rid properties of toxic substances.“The residents of greater Los Angeles should be informed of any potential toxins in the soil as they navigate the complicated recovery process,” the letter reads. “Wildfire survivors deserve to return to safe, toxin-free properties.”The Eaton and Palisades wildfires — among the most destructive in California history — damaged or destroyed more than 13,500 properties across Los Angeles County. The resulting public health risks are too great to skimp on environmental testing, Friedman said.“FEMA’s refusal to test for toxins in the soil after wildfire cleanup in Los Angeles County is unacceptable,” Friedman said in a statement. “Families deserve to know their homes are safe and free of dangerous chemicals. This is a break from decades of FEMA precedent — and it risks exposing entire communities to long-term health threats.”The letter comes as rebuilding efforts are swiftly moving forward. So far, federal cleanup crews have cleared ash and rubble from more than 860 properties, according to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. About 200 rebuilding permits have been filed with local agencies — and a few have already been approved, although it unclear how many at this point.Los Angeles city and county officials say they won’t require soil testing before issuing most rebuilding permits. Without soil testing, many residents worry that new buildings could be built on contaminated land, increasing the likelihood that residents and workers may be exposed to toxic chemicals by inhaling airborne dust. Environmental and health officials have warned that wildfire ash from burned buildings can contain hazardous substances including cancer-causing arsenic and brain-damaging lead. Experts warn that the pace of rebuilding shouldn’t outpace necessary safety precautions. “The nation is captivated by how and when L.A. will rebound,” said Mohamed Sharif, co-chair of the local chapter of the American Institute of Architects’ wildfire disaster response task force. “We know fire is not the only source of catastrophe and disaster in California. We have a multiplex of things, whether it’s seismic events or landslides or rain events. But fire has really illuminated just how fragile we are as a society.” Soil testing in the aftermath of previous wildfires found that a significant portion of properties still had excessive levels of heavy metals even after cleanup crews removed a 3-to-6-inch layer of topsoil. In those cases — such as the 2018 Camp fire in Northern California and the Woolsey fire near Malibu in the same year — for properties where contaminants exceeded California’s standards, cleanup crews returned to remove another layer of soil, and additional soil testing was conducted.But now FEMA officials insist that excavating 6 inches of soil from properties is enough to remove fire-related contamination. Anything deeper, they argue, is likely to be preexisting contamination, which is beyond the agency’s purview. FEMA encouraged state and local officials to pay for soil testing, if they believe it’s necessary.So far, no state or local plans for soil testing have been unveiled.“You’re going to have to show me definitive testing that shows that material below 6 inches is attributed to the fire or debris caused by the fire,” FEMA Region 9 administrator Robert Fenton told The Times in a recent interview. “I have not found that yet.”But FEMA’s decision to skip soil sampling has left many homeowners unsure about what’s next. Abigail Greydanus, her husband and their 1-year-old son evacuated their Altadena home shortly after the Eaton fire broke out. When a neighbor returned to check on their home, the property was unrecognizable. “It was a pile of smoldering ashes,” Greydanus said. “You could still see the shell of the oven, the weight rack my husband had in the garage. But everything else was just melted or destroyed.” The couple signed up for the Army Corps debris removal program. But even after crews cleared rubble and debris from their property, they are wary to rebuild without confirming whether lingering pollutants may still be in the soil. “No one wants to go back to a home if it’s going to be unsafe, if their children will be [exposed to] lead from playing in the backyard,” Greydanus said. In lieu of government-led soil testing, homeowners and school districts may have to pay for soil sampling if they want answers. Some research institutions are stepping into the breach, including USC, which is providing free lead testing, and a coalition of researchers from UCLA, Loyola Marymount and Purdue universities, who are offering a full panel of soil tests for those in affected areas. Meanwhile, some school officials in these areas are already hiring companies — and paying out of pocket — to test for toxic chemicals.Three Los Angeles Unified School District schools were damaged or destroyed in the Palisades fire: Marquez Charter Elementary, Palisades Charter Elementary and Palisades Charter High School. The Army Corps of Engineers oversaw the cleanup of these campuses earlier this month.An LAUSD spokesperson said the school district “will conduct a full environmental assessment throughout the entire campus — including soil sampling of existing landscaping as well as areas to be uncovered that will be a part of the buildout of the interim campus.” They hired environmental consultants to assess the soil at the elementary schools. Because Palisades Charter High School is an independent charter school, LAUSD referred requests for comment to its administration; a representative for the high school did not respond to a request for comment. Pasadena Unified School District also saw extensive fire damage at several of its campuses, including public and charter schools: Franklin Elementary, Eliot Arts Magnet Middle School, Odyssey Charter School, Pasadena Rosebud Academy, Oak Knoll Montessori School and Aveson School of Leaders. School district officials would not confirm whether the district would perform soil testing on its properties.“Pasadena Unified is actively working across all levels of government to further examine whether there are any remaining risks,” a spokesperson said. “Discussions are ongoing. Our commitment is to keep our school community safe and informed throughout this entire process.”Under state law, the California Department of Toxic Substances Control is required to oversee soil sampling at newly constructed schools or campus expansions to ensure they comply with the state standards. But when asked about how it would approach rebuilding schools in Altadena and Pacific Palisades, the state agency was noncommittal. “Sampling plans are required by law in limited circumstances, like when new property is purchased to build a school with state funds,” a DTSC representative told The Times. “For schools in the Altadena and Pacific Palisades communities, DTSC will provide technical assistance to school districts by request, which includes helping them prepare sampling plans and reviewing results of the samples that they collect.” The agency would not say whether testing would be required before schools began to rebuild. Meanwhile, even if government regulators don’t get involved, property owners may find it difficult to hire contractors to rebuild.“Any professional geotechnical engineer will not go to test for the foundation strength unless they know that site is free of toxins,” said Sharif, of the American Institute of Architects.Rebuilding is complex, he noted, involving many economic, environmental and safety considerations. It’s unwise to leave the decision to thousands of individual property owners. After all, contamination on one property can affect neighboring homes.“I shudder to think what owners of the lots next door to a hypothetical owner aren’t doing,” Sharif said. “This is to say that while the majority of the damage is on private land, it’s insane to entrust private citizens with public health.”

Chemicals
Government
Health

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