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California will host a billion-dollar 'hydrogen hub.' What it means for our energy future

News Feed
Thursday, July 25, 2024

To its most ardent supporters, the emergence of a “hydrogen economy” is nothing but wonderful: good for the climate, good for the environment, good for human health, good for the economy, good for jobs, good for the historically overlooked and disadvantaged members of society.Is it?California is about to find out. Aggressive and impactful reporting on climate change, the environment, health and science. The federal government plans to spend $7 billion to $8 billion to build a hydrogen economy in the U.S. The money will be allocated to seven regional “hydrogen hubs” across the U.S. mainland. Six cover multiple states. California gets a hub of its own — and $1.2 billion. Private investment would add an additional $11 billion or so. The money will soon start flowing: A deal was signed with the U.S. Department of Energy in mid-July. The deal creates a new “public-private partnership” to run the hub, called ARCHES — the Alliance for Renewable Clean Hydrogen Energy Systems. The operation will disburse money for projects around the state. Hydrogen producers, oil companies, gas companies, green energy companies, environmental policy groups, long-haul trucking companies and fuel cell makers are among the applicants. Southern California Gas Co. already has announced plans to build a dedicated clean hydrogen pipeline in the L.A. region called Angeles Link.The program will kick off with 37 projects — yet to be announced — spread across the state with a heavy concentration in the Central Valley. More than 10 sites will produce enough clean renewable hydrogen to fuel the projects below and kickstart the buildout of the greater hydrogen ecosystem. (Source: ARCHES) These projects will replace diesel-powered cargo-handling equipment with hydrogen fuel cell equivalents and associated fueling infrastructure, reducing emissions and community health impacts while reimagining large-scale transportation operations. ARCHES plans to build more than 60 hydrogen fueling stations to enable more than 5,000 fuel cell electric trucks and more than 1,000 fuel cell electric buses — directly replacing diesel fuel with a zero-emissions option. The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power and the Northern California Power Agency will transition key power plants to 100% renewable hydrogen. Distributed fuel cells will be used to support grid operations throughout the state, including on the reservation of the Rincon Band of Luiseño Indians. A first-of-its-kind, hydrogen-powered, 140-foot, 50-person marine research vessel will use liquid hydrogen to replace tens of thousands of gallons of diesel fuel a year. The vessel will significantly reduce CO2 emissions and demonstrate a sustainable path forward for smaller boats. What is a hydrogen hub? That’s a lot of money, bureaucracy and infrastructure — so what exactly does California get when it gets a hydrogen hub?Consider an analogy — the gasoline supply chain. Oil is refined into gasoline, the gasoline is shipped by truck or pipeline, and end users burn it to produce energy. A hydrogen hub would act much the same, but with far lower levels of climate-disrupting greenhouse gases — ideally. Hydrogen not expected to replace all fossil fuels, not even close — the state wants electricity to pick up most of that load. But electricity won’t work in some industrial sectors, and hydrogen could fill some of those gaps.The idea is to seed the market with government money, set regulations that require reduction in greenhouse gases and create demand (currently close to nonexistent) and hope that a new technology or industry can scale up enough to dramatically reduce costs and prices.Hydrogen is the most abundant element in the universe, and a powerful energy source. (The sun is mostly hydrogen.) When burned, unlike carbon-based molecules, hydrogen gives off no greenhouse gases.It’s the leading candidate to address hard-to-decarbonize energy sectors that are difficult or impossible to run on electricity. Topping the list: long-haul trucking, steel making, glass making, cement making, heavy cargo handling equipment, large aircraft and ocean-going vessels. With some equipment modification, it could even be swapped for natural gas at electricity-generation plants.The big problem: Making clean or green hydrogen costs a lot of money, far more than the market can currently bear. “It is expensive to produce, expensive to transport, expensive to store, expensive to distribute and expensive to use,” said Michael Liebreich, a managing partner at clean energy investment firm EcoPragma Capital and a fixture at clean energy conferences around the world.The hydrogen hubs’ main aim? A dramatic reduction in hydrogen’s cost and the creation of new markets for the stuff. Federal and state money will be used as leverage to attract private industry and finance the creation of a new infrastructure, scaling it up to get costs down while subsidizing the price for end users until it becomes affordable without taxpayer help.Hydrogen markets aren’t new. A big international market for affordable hydrogen, in place for decades, trades about 95 million tons a year. Hydrogen feedstock is used to create ammonia for fertilizer and other products, and to help refine oil into gasoline, diesel and other fossil fuels. But making those millions of tons is a dirty, fossil-fuel-heavy game.“Making” is a loose term. Hydrogen, of course, already exists. But it’s largely inaccessible on its own. Except for some scarce underground deposits, pure hydrogen must be coaxed out of other molecules.The hydrogen atom — one proton, one electron — loves to hook up with other elements. Hydrogen is an ingredient in molecular matter that ranges from methane to vegetable fats to salt water, drinking water, waste water. H2O, right?It’s also an essential component of hydrocarbons like oil and natural gas. Without the carbon, though, it’s as clean as an energy source can get.Pulling it apart from its partners and isolating it for industrial use only recently has begun to move from dirty to clean. Currently, nearly all hydrogen production requires high heat and methane, the prime constituent of natural gas. Liquid water is heated to steam and mixed with methane to produce hydrogen and carbon dioxide. That process typically costs between $1 and $2 per kilogram.California is the second-largest user of this so-called gray hydrogen in the U.S., said ARCHES Chief Executive Angelina Galiteva. The budding clean hydrogen industry has come up with a color scheme to identify the dirty process known as methane steam reformation and make it easier for the general public to understand cleaner alternatives.The dirty way is called gray hydrogen. The cost ranges from 98 cents to $2.93 per kilogram, according to new-energy market researcher BloombergNEF.But cleaner production methods are identified with other colors: blue, green, even pink. Eventually, they’ll have to compete with gray hydrogen on costs, or government subsidies will need to continue forever.Blue hydrogen uses the gray methane method, but rather than letting CO2 escape, the greenhouse gas is captured and stored. BloombergNEF estimates current costs between $1.80 and $4.70 per kilogram.Green hydrogen employs a completely different production method, called electrolysis. The only ingredient is water. A massive machine pushes heavy currents of electricity through the water to split the molecules into their constituent elements, hydrogen and oxygen. If solar or wind (or nuclear) energy is used to power the electrolyzer, no carbon dioxide is emitted. The current cost of electrolytic green hydrogen, however, is steep: $4.50 to $12 per kilogram. (ARCHES will also fund projects that convert plant waste from forest floors and agricultural lands into hydrogen.)The hydrogen hubs will be funded to create the infrastructure for all three: blue, green and pink, with some regions specializing in a color or two. For California, the color is green.Environmental and other concerns Cost is hardly the only challenge facing the hydrogen hubs. Hundreds of miles of pipelines must be constructed, new trucks powered by hydrogen assembled, hydrogen fueling stations placed along highways, and hydrogen storage units built.Several environmental groups have come out against them, especially the hubs focused on blue hydrogen, which their foes consider a sop to the fossil-fuel industry with high potential for carbon dioxide leaks.Even green hydrogen has drawn opposition from some who say it makes little sense to redirect an electric utility’s solar and wind power away from existing customers to make hydrogen, leaving those customers with dirtier alternatives. Those critics want the hydrogen industry to build its own clean electricity generators. The U.S. Department of Treasury is reviewing the rules around hydrogen tax credits that could have a huge impact on the budding industry. Will credits apply to green hydrogen producers that tap into existing solar projects (thus competing with residential and other industrial users), or must they use new, dedicated solar plants? Will producers of green hydrogen get full credit only when renewable energy is online, or will they be allowed to mix in some dirtier stuff when renewables aren’t readily accessible?Environmental groups and industry players eagerly await the decision. The tax credits could be worth hundreds of billions of dollars across the seven hydrogen hubs, according to climate economist Danny Cullenward.The Environmental Defense Fund believes clean hydrogen is important for hard-to-decarbonize industries. It generally supports green hydrogen, but with caveats.The tiny size of hydrogen atoms and molecules (hydrogen atoms tend to link themselves into couples to create the molecule H2) makes them especially prone to leaks from pipelines and other containers, said Katelyn Roedner Sutter, the EDF’s representative in Sacramento. “Hydrogen is very small and slippery, and it leaks really easily and can leak anywhere,” she said. While hydrogen is not a greenhouse gas, she points out, it can still play an indirect role in damaging the atmosphere because it can react with other compounds.Water is also an issue in drought-prone California. “There are certainly questions about where the water is going to come from,” she said.Green hydrogen “certainly has potential” she said. “All of these details matter.”Galiteva, the CEO of ARCHES, said leakage issues will be addressed, and the water problems too — with details to come later. But she’s “very perplexed” about environmentalists’ opposition. “We’re going to be decarbonizing the most polluting of all sectors — transportation, heavy industry, airplanes, shipping,” she said. “It’s like being against motherhood and apple pie to be against green hydrogen.”ARCHES is not a government body; it’s a nonprofit company, registered as a private limited liability corporation, or LLC. It’s owned by four partners: The University of California Board of Regents; the California Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development; the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California; and the Renewables 100 Policy Institute.Galiteva, Renewables 100’s co-founder, said ARCHES estimates the California hub will create 220,400 jobs, with high priority given to union labor. Health-wise, ARCHES claims that by 2031, $2.95 billion will be saved in health-related costs each year, as diesel fuel use declines. And $380 million will be invested in disadvantaged communities, including workforce development. But first, hubs must reduce sky-high costs for clean hydrogen while boosting what’s now virtually nonexistent demand. That kind of cost reduction is aggressive, even audacious, for a government project. “The timeline is ambitious,” Galiteva said. “Our goal is to get it to $2 per kilogram” at wholesale prices. “If we can get it to $5 we can make it cost competitive with diesel fuel at the pump.”California’s few hydrogen stations now charge up to $36 per kilogram. Precise comparisons with diesel or gasoline are difficult and depend on use. But fuel for a trip from Los Angeles to San Francisco in a Toyota Mirai or Hyundai Nexo fuel cell car would cost about twice as much as the same trip in a gasoline car. (The two Japanese automakers partially subsidize fuel costs when they lease the cars to Californians.)The U.S. is hardly the only country attempting to build a hydrogen economy. China, Japan, South Korea, several countries in Europe, and Saudi Arabia are all sinking hundreds of billions into their efforts. More than 40 countries have developed national hydrogen strategies, according to the International Energy Agency. All face similar cost challenges.Clean hydrogen will require massive spending on clean electrical power. Renewable power plants need to be built, transmission lines strung, electric substations upgraded or newly constructed, just to accommodate hydrogen production. That’s on top of the electric grid infrastructure already under strain and with new demands from electric vehicles and artificial intelligence server farms. The L.A. Department of Water and Power plans to convert the Scattergood Generating Station near Dockweiler Beach from burning natural gas to burning green hydrogen. (Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times) The road ahead for California To provide the amount of clean hydrogen needed to meet California’s 2045 climate goals, the state’s production must grow dramatically, according to ARCHES — from 6.8 million tons annually in 2023 to 71 million tons in 2045.Rapid price reduction has worked in renewable energy. Can it work for clean hydrogen? “We did it with wind and solar, and we need to do it with hydrogen as well,” said state Sen. Anna Caballero, whose district covers a wide swath of rural territory west of Merced and Fresno.Galiteva and other hydrogen proponents point out that early solar power skeptics were proved wrong and that costs have plummeted consistently over time. That’s due mainly to increasing manufacturing experience, better understanding of materials, and scale. But that took decades. The hydrogen hubs aim to reduce costs dramatically in less than 10 years.Green hydrogen production, for example, requires expensive industrial-size electrolyzers to split water. The basic technology is almost as old as the electric battery. Whether the equipment can be built affordably at scale is yet to be proved.“We’re in the early days of green hydrogen electrolysis,” said Marty Neese, chief executive at electrolysis startup Verdagy in Morro Bay.Blue hydrogen has its own cost issues. It requires vast underground real estate. Both will require new pipelines to ship the gas where it’s needed. Trucks won’t cut it in the long run — even compressed hydrogen gas would require 20 tanker trucks to transport the same amount of energy that a single truck with a load of diesel fuel can deliver.On top of all that, the permitting process and local opposition to industrial development, with all the lawsuits that entails, can be added to the list of challenges.But if it works, by the middle of this century, thousands of diesel-powered semis will be replaced with quieter, cleaner hydrogen trucks. Steel, glass and other essential products can be produced spewing far less planet-warming, health-damaging pollution. Perhaps even commercial aviation could see a clean revolution. To the federal government and the state of California, that future is worth a multibillion-dollar bet.

In the race to decarbonize energy and fuel, the federal government is spending billions to create hydrogen economies. California will be one of several hydrogen hubs — here's what that will mean.

To its most ardent supporters, the emergence of a “hydrogen economy” is nothing but wonderful: good for the climate, good for the environment, good for human health, good for the economy, good for jobs, good for the historically overlooked and disadvantaged members of society.

Is it?

California is about to find out.

Aggressive and impactful reporting on climate change, the environment, health and science.

The federal government plans to spend $7 billion to $8 billion to build a hydrogen economy in the U.S. The money will be allocated to seven regional “hydrogen hubs” across the U.S. mainland. Six cover multiple states. California gets a hub of its own — and $1.2 billion. Private investment would add an additional $11 billion or so. The money will soon start flowing: A deal was signed with the U.S. Department of Energy in mid-July.

The deal creates a new “public-private partnership” to run the hub, called ARCHES — the Alliance for Renewable Clean Hydrogen Energy Systems. The operation will disburse money for projects around the state. Hydrogen producers, oil companies, gas companies, green energy companies, environmental policy groups, long-haul trucking companies and fuel cell makers are among the applicants. Southern California Gas Co. already has announced plans to build a dedicated clean hydrogen pipeline in the L.A. region called Angeles Link.

The program will kick off with 37 projects — yet to be announced — spread across the state with a heavy concentration in the Central Valley.

What is a hydrogen hub?

That’s a lot of money, bureaucracy and infrastructure — so what exactly does California get when it gets a hydrogen hub?

Consider an analogy — the gasoline supply chain. Oil is refined into gasoline, the gasoline is shipped by truck or pipeline, and end users burn it to produce energy. A hydrogen hub would act much the same, but with far lower levels of climate-disrupting greenhouse gases — ideally.

Hydrogen not expected to replace all fossil fuels, not even close — the state wants electricity to pick up most of that load. But electricity won’t work in some industrial sectors, and hydrogen could fill some of those gaps.

The idea is to seed the market with government money, set regulations that require reduction in greenhouse gases and create demand (currently close to nonexistent) and hope that a new technology or industry can scale up enough to dramatically reduce costs and prices.

Hydrogen is the most abundant element in the universe, and a powerful energy source. (The sun is mostly hydrogen.) When burned, unlike carbon-based molecules, hydrogen gives off no greenhouse gases.

It’s the leading candidate to address hard-to-decarbonize energy sectors that are difficult or impossible to run on electricity. Topping the list: long-haul trucking, steel making, glass making, cement making, heavy cargo handling equipment, large aircraft and ocean-going vessels. With some equipment modification, it could even be swapped for natural gas at electricity-generation plants.

The big problem: Making clean or green hydrogen costs a lot of money, far more than the market can currently bear. “It is expensive to produce, expensive to transport, expensive to store, expensive to distribute and expensive to use,” said Michael Liebreich, a managing partner at clean energy investment firm EcoPragma Capital and a fixture at clean energy conferences around the world.

The hydrogen hubs’ main aim? A dramatic reduction in hydrogen’s cost and the creation of new markets for the stuff. Federal and state money will be used as leverage to attract private industry and finance the creation of a new infrastructure, scaling it up to get costs down while subsidizing the price for end users until it becomes affordable without taxpayer help.

Hydrogen markets aren’t new. A big international market for affordable hydrogen, in place for decades, trades about 95 million tons a year. Hydrogen feedstock is used to create ammonia for fertilizer and other products, and to help refine oil into gasoline, diesel and other fossil fuels. But making those millions of tons is a dirty, fossil-fuel-heavy game.

“Making” is a loose term. Hydrogen, of course, already exists. But it’s largely inaccessible on its own. Except for some scarce underground deposits, pure hydrogen must be coaxed out of other molecules.

The hydrogen atom — one proton, one electron — loves to hook up with other elements. Hydrogen is an ingredient in molecular matter that ranges from methane to vegetable fats to salt water, drinking water, waste water. H2O, right?

It’s also an essential component of hydrocarbons like oil and natural gas. Without the carbon, though, it’s as clean as an energy source can get.

Pulling it apart from its partners and isolating it for industrial use only recently has begun to move from dirty to clean. Currently, nearly all hydrogen production requires high heat and methane, the prime constituent of natural gas. Liquid water is heated to steam and mixed with methane to produce hydrogen and carbon dioxide. That process typically costs between $1 and $2 per kilogram.

California is the second-largest user of this so-called gray hydrogen in the U.S., said ARCHES Chief Executive Angelina Galiteva.

The budding clean hydrogen industry has come up with a color scheme to identify the dirty process known as methane steam reformation and make it easier for the general public to understand cleaner alternatives.

The dirty way is called gray hydrogen. The cost ranges from 98 cents to $2.93 per kilogram, according to new-energy market researcher BloombergNEF.

But cleaner production methods are identified with other colors: blue, green, even pink. Eventually, they’ll have to compete with gray hydrogen on costs, or government subsidies will need to continue forever.

Blue hydrogen uses the gray methane method, but rather than letting CO2 escape, the greenhouse gas is captured and stored. BloombergNEF estimates current costs between $1.80 and $4.70 per kilogram.

Green hydrogen employs a completely different production method, called electrolysis. The only ingredient is water. A massive machine pushes heavy currents of electricity through the water to split the molecules into their constituent elements, hydrogen and oxygen. If solar or wind (or nuclear) energy is used to power the electrolyzer, no carbon dioxide is emitted. The current cost of electrolytic green hydrogen, however, is steep: $4.50 to $12 per kilogram. (ARCHES will also fund projects that convert plant waste from forest floors and agricultural lands into hydrogen.)

The hydrogen hubs will be funded to create the infrastructure for all three: blue, green and pink, with some regions specializing in a color or two. For California, the color is green.

Environmental and other concerns

Cost is hardly the only challenge facing the hydrogen hubs. Hundreds of miles of pipelines must be constructed, new trucks powered by hydrogen assembled, hydrogen fueling stations placed along highways, and hydrogen storage units built.

Several environmental groups have come out against them, especially the hubs focused on blue hydrogen, which their foes consider a sop to the fossil-fuel industry with high potential for carbon dioxide leaks.

Even green hydrogen has drawn opposition from some who say it makes little sense to redirect an electric utility’s solar and wind power away from existing customers to make hydrogen, leaving those customers with dirtier alternatives. Those critics want the hydrogen industry to build its own clean electricity generators.

The U.S. Department of Treasury is reviewing the rules around hydrogen tax credits that could have a huge impact on the budding industry. Will credits apply to green hydrogen producers that tap into existing solar projects (thus competing with residential and other industrial users), or must they use new, dedicated solar plants? Will producers of green hydrogen get full credit only when renewable energy is online, or will they be allowed to mix in some dirtier stuff when renewables aren’t readily accessible?

Environmental groups and industry players eagerly await the decision. The tax credits could be worth hundreds of billions of dollars across the seven hydrogen hubs, according to climate economist Danny Cullenward.

The Environmental Defense Fund believes clean hydrogen is important for hard-to-decarbonize industries. It generally supports green hydrogen, but with caveats.

The tiny size of hydrogen atoms and molecules (hydrogen atoms tend to link themselves into couples to create the molecule H2) makes them especially prone to leaks from pipelines and other containers, said Katelyn Roedner Sutter, the EDF’s representative in Sacramento. “Hydrogen is very small and slippery, and it leaks really easily and can leak anywhere,” she said. While hydrogen is not a greenhouse gas, she points out, it can still play an indirect role in damaging the atmosphere because it can react with other compounds.

Water is also an issue in drought-prone California. “There are certainly questions about where the water is going to come from,” she said.

Green hydrogen “certainly has potential” she said. “All of these details matter.”

Galiteva, the CEO of ARCHES, said leakage issues will be addressed, and the water problems too — with details to come later. But she’s “very perplexed” about environmentalists’ opposition. “We’re going to be decarbonizing the most polluting of all sectors — transportation, heavy industry, airplanes, shipping,” she said. “It’s like being against motherhood and apple pie to be against green hydrogen.”

ARCHES is not a government body; it’s a nonprofit company, registered as a private limited liability corporation, or LLC. It’s owned by four partners: The University of California Board of Regents; the California Governor’s Office of Business and Economic Development; the State Building and Construction Trades Council of California; and the Renewables 100 Policy Institute.

Galiteva, Renewables 100’s co-founder, said ARCHES estimates the California hub will create 220,400 jobs, with high priority given to union labor. Health-wise, ARCHES claims that by 2031, $2.95 billion will be saved in health-related costs each year, as diesel fuel use declines. And $380 million will be invested in disadvantaged communities, including workforce development.

But first, hubs must reduce sky-high costs for clean hydrogen while boosting what’s now virtually nonexistent demand. That kind of cost reduction is aggressive, even audacious, for a government project. “The timeline is ambitious,” Galiteva said. “Our goal is to get it to $2 per kilogram” at wholesale prices. “If we can get it to $5 we can make it cost competitive with diesel fuel at the pump.”

California’s few hydrogen stations now charge up to $36 per kilogram. Precise comparisons with diesel or gasoline are difficult and depend on use. But fuel for a trip from Los Angeles to San Francisco in a Toyota Mirai or Hyundai Nexo fuel cell car would cost about twice as much as the same trip in a gasoline car. (The two Japanese automakers partially subsidize fuel costs when they lease the cars to Californians.)

The U.S. is hardly the only country attempting to build a hydrogen economy. China, Japan, South Korea, several countries in Europe, and Saudi Arabia are all sinking hundreds of billions into their efforts. More than 40 countries have developed national hydrogen strategies, according to the International Energy Agency. All face similar cost challenges.

Clean hydrogen will require massive spending on clean electrical power. Renewable power plants need to be built, transmission lines strung, electric substations upgraded or newly constructed, just to accommodate hydrogen production. That’s on top of the electric grid infrastructure already under strain and with new demands from electric vehicles and artificial intelligence server farms.

Industrial infrastructure of the DWP's Scattergood natural gas plant near El Segundo.

The L.A. Department of Water and Power plans to convert the Scattergood Generating Station near Dockweiler Beach from burning natural gas to burning green hydrogen.

(Jay L. Clendenin / Los Angeles Times)

The road ahead for California

To provide the amount of clean hydrogen needed to meet California’s 2045 climate goals, the state’s production must grow dramatically, according to ARCHES — from 6.8 million tons annually in 2023 to 71 million tons in 2045.

Rapid price reduction has worked in renewable energy. Can it work for clean hydrogen? “We did it with wind and solar, and we need to do it with hydrogen as well,” said state Sen. Anna Caballero, whose district covers a wide swath of rural territory west of Merced and Fresno.

Galiteva and other hydrogen proponents point out that early solar power skeptics were proved wrong and that costs have plummeted consistently over time. That’s due mainly to increasing manufacturing experience, better understanding of materials, and scale. But that took decades. The hydrogen hubs aim to reduce costs dramatically in less than 10 years.

Green hydrogen production, for example, requires expensive industrial-size electrolyzers to split water. The basic technology is almost as old as the electric battery. Whether the equipment can be built affordably at scale is yet to be proved.

“We’re in the early days of green hydrogen electrolysis,” said Marty Neese, chief executive at electrolysis startup Verdagy in Morro Bay.

Blue hydrogen has its own cost issues. It requires vast underground real estate. Both will require new pipelines to ship the gas where it’s needed. Trucks won’t cut it in the long run — even compressed hydrogen gas would require 20 tanker trucks to transport the same amount of energy that a single truck with a load of diesel fuel can deliver.

On top of all that, the permitting process and local opposition to industrial development, with all the lawsuits that entails, can be added to the list of challenges.

But if it works, by the middle of this century, thousands of diesel-powered semis will be replaced with quieter, cleaner hydrogen trucks. Steel, glass and other essential products can be produced spewing far less planet-warming, health-damaging pollution. Perhaps even commercial aviation could see a clean revolution. To the federal government and the state of California, that future is worth a multibillion-dollar bet.

Read the full story here.
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New England kicks off $450M plan to supercharge heat pump adoption

New England winters can get wicked cold. This week, five of the region’s states launched a $450 million effort to warm more of the homes in the often-frigid region with energy-efficient, low-emission heat pumps instead by burning fossil fuels. “It’s a big deal,” said Katie Dykes, commissioner of Connecticut’s…

New England winters can get wicked cold. This week, five of the region’s states launched a $450 million effort to warm more of the homes in the often-frigid region with energy-efficient, low-emission heat pumps instead by burning fossil fuels. “It’s a big deal,” said Katie Dykes, commissioner of Connecticut’s Department of Energy and Environmental Protection. ​“It’s unprecedented to see five states aligning together on a transformational approach to deploying more-affordable clean-heat options.” The New England Heat Pump Accelerator is a collaboration between Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. The initiative is funded by the federal Climate Pollution Reduction Grants program, which was created by President Joe Biden’s 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. The accelerator’s launch marks a rare milestone for a Biden-era climate initiative amid the Trump administration’s relentless attempts to scrap federal clean energy and environmental programs. The goal: Get more heat pumps into more homes through a combination of financial incentives, educational outreach, and workforce development. New England is a rich target for such an effort because of its current dependence on fossil-fuel heating. Natural gas and propane are in wide use, and heating oil is still widespread throughout the region; more than half of Maine’s homes are heated by oil, and the other coalition states all use oil at rates much higher than the national average. The prevalence of oil in particular means there’s plenty of opportunity to grow heat-pump adoption, cut emissions, and lower residents’ energy bills. At the same time, heat pumps have faced barriers in the region, including the upfront cost of equipment, New England’s high price of electricity, and misconceptions about heat pumps’ ability to work in cold weather. “There’s not a full awareness that these cold-temperature heat pumps can handle our winters, and do it at a cost that is lower than many of our delivered fuels,” said Joseph DeNicola, deputy commissioner of Connecticut’s Department of Energy and Environmental Protection. To some degree, the momentum is shifting. Maine has had notable success, hitting its aim of 100,000 new heat pump installations in 2023, two years ahead of its initial deadline. Massachusetts is on track to reach its 2025 target, but needs adoption rates to rise in order to make its 2030 goal. The accelerator aims to speed up adoption by supporting the installation of some 580,000 residential heat pumps, which would reduce carbon emissions by 2.5 million metric tons by 2030 — the equivalent of taking more than 540,000 gas-powered passenger vehicles off the road. The initiative is organized into three program areas, or ​“hubs,” as planners called them during a webinar kicking off the accelerator this week. The largest portion of money, some $270 million, will go to the ​“market hub.” Distributors will receive incentives for selling heat pumps. They will keep a small percentage of the money for themselves and pass most of the savings on to the contractors buying the equipment. The contractors, in turn, will pass the lower price on to the customers. In addition to reducing upfront costs for consumers, this approach is designed to shift the market by encouraging distributors to keep the equipment in stock, therefore making it an easier choice for contractors and their customers. These midstream incentives are expected to reduce the cost of cold-climate air-source heat pumps by $500 to $700 per unit and heat-pump water heaters by $200 to $300 per unit. When contractors buy the appliances, the incentive will be applied automatically — no extra paperwork or claims process required.

Latest Kote climate order aims to speed up Oregon’s clean energy transition

The executive order seeks to accelerate wind and solar energy and energy storage, energy efficiency and the transition to clean fuels in Oregon.

Gov. Tina Kotek has issued another broad climate executive order directing state agencies to take specific actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and speed up Oregon’s move to carbon-free electricity. Her order Wednesday seeks to accelerate wind and solar energy and energy storage by streamlining land use and environmental reviews, siting, permitting and grid connections.It sets an energy storage goal and directs agencies to prioritize public-private partnerships for clean energy projects and to find ways to support emerging technologies such as enhanced geothermal technology, offshore wind and advanced battery storage. The order also calls for state agencies to increase energy efficiency in public and private buildings and extends Oregon’s Clean Fuels Program through 2040. The program requires suppliers to steadily cut fuel pollution.“The rising cost of living is hitting Oregonians household budgets hard, so we must act effectively and prudently to protect ratepayers from increased energy costs, while also building a more resilient, clean energy future,” Kotek said at a press conference at the state Capitol while flanked by a group of clean energy and climate action supporters.Kotek’s move comes amid growing doubts about Oregon’s ability to hit its ambitious 100% clean energy target. State law requires investor-owned utilities in Oregon to reduce emissions by 80% by 2030 and to transition to all clean electricity by 2040, something experts say utilities are unlikely to do given the lack of transmission lines and the extraordinary growth in electricity demand from data centers, buildings and cars. The order also lands as the Trump administration has moved aggressively to roll back federal climate policies, reversing many emissions-reduction measures enacted under President Joe Biden – including halting wind and solar projects on federal lands and dismantling generous tax credits funded by the Biden-era Inflation Reduction Act. It’s Kotek’s third climate-related executive order in less than a month. At the end of October, she directed state agencies to harness the potential of forests, farms, wetlands and waterways to reduce emissions, preserve wildlife habitat and help communities withstand the threat of climate change. And in early October, she pushed to streamline and accelerate the pace of wind and solar project development in the state before the clock runs out on federal clean energy tax credits.Kotek said the latest executive order can help slow climate change, expand transmission grid capacity, attract new businesses and create economic opportunities across Oregon’s energy sector. The order sets a goal of 8 gigawatts of energy storage in Oregon by 2045. Building more energy storage is key, the governor’s office said, because it provides backup electricity when wind or solar power production is low and during outages or peak demand periods. Energy storage projects also reduce the need for building additional electricity-generating resources such as wind or solar projects.Eight gigawatts is achievable, the governor’s office said, because the state already has nearly 500 megawatts of energy storage and more than 7 gigawatts of storage projects are currently planned for development. The order also directs the state Department of Energy to designate transmission corridors, including on public land, and streamline siting and approval in those corridors or in existing rights of way. The order requires a 50% reduction in carbon intensity of Oregon fuels by 2040. The current rule requires a 10% reduction in average carbon intensity from 2015 levels by 2025, followed by a 20% reduction by 2030 and 37% by 2035. Most fuel producers mix in cleaner fuels such as ethanol, biodiesel or renewable diesel into traditional gasoline and diesel or buy credits from others who have gone beyond the state requirement. In 2024, the Clean Fuels Program led to the reduction of approximately 3 million metric tons of greenhouse gases. Over the lifetime of the program, since 2016, approximately 14.6 million metric tons of greenhouse gases have been reduced.Much of the order focuses on state agencies – including the Department of Energy, the Department of Land Conservation and Development, Department of Environmental Quality and the Public Utility Commission – aligning their decisions, investments and activities, including the implementation of existing programs, to advance clean energy, clean fuels and energy efficiency. It doesn’t entail new programs or additional funding for the remainder of the 2025-2027 biennium but may lead to new funding demands in future years, said Kotek spokesperson Anca Matica. The order directs agencies to tally the barriers to clean energy permitting, construction and connecting into the transmission grid and come up with solutions by next fall. The agencies are to focus on projects that benefit Oregon ratepayers and that involve upgrades to the existing grid and transmission expansion in existing rights-of-way.By September 2026, agencies are to identify strategies to streamline and accelerate the construction of wind and solar projects. Agencies must provide quarterly updates on progress in advancing public-private partnerships. The governor’s office said the order won’t raise rates. Rather, the order directs agencies to prioritize energy efficiency and investments that deliver the greatest value to ratepayers, the governor’s office said. (should you move this up where she has the quote?)Reporter Carlos Fuentes contributed to this story. If you purchase a product or register for an account through a link on our site, we may receive compensation. By using this site, you consent to our User Agreement and agree that your clicks, interactions, and personal information may be collected, recorded, and/or stored by us and social media and other third-party partners in accordance with our Privacy Policy.

Groups Push Back on Montana’s ‘Data Center Boom’ in Petition Before Utility Commission

A group of nonprofit organizations are asking Montana's utility board to tighten its oversight of NorthWestern Energy as it plans to provide large amounts of electricity to data centers

A group of nonprofits is petitioning Montana’s utility board to tighten its oversight of NorthWestern Energy, arguing existing customers could foot the bill for the utility’s plan to provide data centers with electricity.Nine groups working on energy, conservation, social justice and affordability issues on Tuesday asked the Public Service Commission to impose rules on NorthWestern so its 413,000-plus residential customers won’t be forced to shoulder the cost of new power plants and transmission lines to power data centers.Here’s what we know about the data centers in question, how Montana law intersects with the debate and what the petitioners are asking the PSC to do in response. How much power do these data centers want NorthWestern Energy to supply? NorthWestern Energy has signed letters of intent to supply power to three data centers, according to the complaint. If all goes according to the forecasted demand, by 2030, NorthWestern will supply 1,400 megawatts of power to these data centers to meet their needs. That’s roughly equivalent to the annual electricity needs of more than 1 million homes and more than double the 759 megawatts of power NorthWestern’s existing customers require on a typical day.NorthWestern has signed agreements with Atlas Power, which seeks 75 megawatts of power for a facility in Butte starting in 2026 and and another 75 megawatts by 2030; Sabey Data Center Properties, which would initially require 50 megawatts to power a 600-acre campus planned for Butte and eventually expand its use to 250 megawatts; and Quantica Infrastructure, which wants to secure 175 megawatts for a project in Yellowstone County by late 2027 and increase its electrical footprint to 1,000 megawatts by 2030.According to the complaint, NorthWestern currently owns or has standing contracts for about 2,100 megawatts of power. It will acquire 592 additional megawatts of power from the Colstrip coal-fired power plant on Jan. 1, although it already has plans for some of that additional electricity. Why are the petitioners worried about these data centers? The petitioners argue that NorthWestern’s plan to sign electricity service agreements before garnering regulatory approval is “unreasonable, insufficient and contrary to Montana law.”More specifically, they argue that NorthWestern has “short circuited” the public’s right to know what the company is doing. The petitioners also say NorthWestern is inappropriately blocking oversight by, for example, moving to shield the letters of intent from public review. The PSC has the authority to ensure NorthWestern won’t shift new costs to its ratepayers, who are unable to shop around for power from other utilities, the petitioners contend.The petitioners are Big Sky 55+, Butte Watchdogs for Social and Environmental Justice, Climate Smart Missoula, Golden Triangle Resource Council, Helena Interfaith Climate Advocates, Honor the Earth, Montana Environmental Information Center, Montana Public Interest Research Group and NW Energy Coalition.Shannon James, Montana Environmental Information Center’s climate and campaigns organizer, said in a press release Tuesday that Montana should learn from other states’ missteps and avoid a hands-off approach to data center regulation.“Communities across the country have suffered when large, noisy data centers move into their neighborhoods, raising their power bills and taking their water,” James said. “Montana has a chance to get ahead of the curve and protect existing utility customers from having to pay for expensive new fossil fuel power plants so NorthWestern Energy can cater to wealthy tech companies.” What do the petitioners want the PSC to do? The petition asks the PSC to create a separate customer class for data centers, complete with a separate tariff, or rate structure, for the power they buy. In addition to establishing a unique formula for data centers’ power bills, a specialized tariff could stipulate that data centers give NorthWestern plenty of notice before changing their power usage. That could “provide more predictability” to the utility and shield its other customers from undue risk, the complaint reads.If the PSC grants the request, the petitioners will have an opportunity to ask NorthWestern about its plans in a quasi-judicial public hearing. The groups will also have the opportunity to call experts to testify about potential impacts to NorthWestern’s customers if data centers tie into NorthWestern’s grid. What kinds of state laws are in play? The petition references a Montana law outlining the process for large new customers to secure electrical service from a regulated utility. That law says that a new retail customer can’t purchase more than 5 megawatts of power from a public utility unless it first demonstrates to the PSC “that the provision of electricity supply service … will not adversely impact the public utility’s other customers over the long term.”The petition also highlights sections of Montana law that establish the authority and duties of the PSC, which is made up of five elected officials. In keeping with a two-decade trend, the PSC is an all-Republican board.The laws in question give the PSC the authority to “inquire into the management of the business of all public utilities,” and obtain “all necessary information to enable the commission to perform its duties.” It also authorizes the PSC to “inspect the books, accounts, papers, records and memoranda of any public utility and examine, under oath, any officer, agent, or employee of the public utility in relation to its business and affairs.” What does NorthWestern say about the data center agreements? Jo Dee Black, a spokesperson for NorthWestern Energy, wrote in an email to MTFP on Tuesday that the company has committed to establishing a tariff specifically for large-load customers. She added that contracts for new data center customers will be submitted to the PSC “as they are executed.”“New commercial customers with large energy loads, including data centers, will pay their fair share of integration and service costs,” Black wrote. “Infrastructure investments will ultimately mean a larger, more resilient energy system in Montana, however, new large load customers, such as data centers, will have to pay for their costs to integrate with the energy system.” Black didn’t directly answer MTFP’s question regarding the number of agreements NorthWestern has signed with data centers, offering only that the company “has the three Letters of Intent” referenced in the petitioners’ complaint.If the PSC grants the request, parties to the proceeding — the petitioners, NorthWestern Energy and other organizations or individuals that the PSC clears for participation — will start building a case for commissioners to review. The PSC could issue an order based on the case, with or without first scheduling a hearing.This story was originally published by Montana Free Press and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press. Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

Community Benefits

Across California, communities and developers are coming to the negotiating table in an effort to distribute prosperity. Community Benefits Agreements can help.

Construction of a new stadium or solar farm can spark both alarm and promise for local residents, and for good reasons. Often, communities are sidelined in decision making about these projects, and the benefits of such large-scale developments are not always evenly distributed.  Historically, when these opportunities arrive, local officials have held public hearings where residents could voice concerns. However, this type of engagement has its drawbacks. It tends to favor vocal residents with the time and resources to attend. Moreover, research shows residents who attend these public hearings are disproportionately project opponents, rather than those who are pushing for more energy infrastructure or housing. And, ultimately, there is no guarantee that local electeds will take community feedback into consideration.Community Benefit Agreements (CBA) have emerged as one way to increase local control over development decisions and ensure that economic and other gains from new infrastructure are more widely shared.  What is a CBA? A Community Benefit Agreement is a legally binding contract between a developer and local governments or community groups such as labor unions, neighborhood associations, or environmental advocates.  In exchange for specific, tangible benefits, such as job training programs, affordable housing units, local hiring guarantees, parks, reduced electricity rates, or direct financial payments, local organizations agree to support a proposed project – or at least not oppose it. In this way, CBAs might be able to help speed up approval processes and accelerate development by navigating potential community opposition. CBAs to Support Clean Energy Development As California moves toward its goal of 100% renewable energy by 2045, communities are beginning to see many more wind and solar infrastructure projects — particularly those in the inland and rural counties of the state. As of November 2025, there are 282 planned utility-scale solar projects in California. Their total planned capacity is 59,721 megawatts (MW). Historically, Community Benefits Agreements have resulted from extensive advocacy and organizing by local community members. However, instead of pushing communities to self-organize for these benefits, California has begun to require clean energy developers to enter into legally-binding agreements with local community organizations in order to benefit from streamlined permitting at the state level.  CBAs for renewable energy are becoming increasingly prominent in policy and some jurisdictions both in California and other states have institutionalized community benefits:  Riverside County’s Policy B-29 requires large solar projects to pay approximately $150 per acre. Imperial County’s Public Benefit Program collects fees from solar projects to issue grants for infrastructure improvements and job creation.  California’s AB 205 now requires developers seeking state-level permits for large solar and wind facilities to execute a CBA Michigan’s recent legislation mandates that developers enter Host Community Agreements with minimum payments of $2,000 per megawatt. New York established a Host Community Benefits program with annual fees per megawatt issued as electric bill credits to residents of municipalities hosting renewable energy projects Read the Report: Rethinking Community Benefits: Industry-Specific Insights for a Transforming California  In order to help community groups who want to negotiate benefits agreements with developers, our team at the Possibility Lab – in partnership with CA FWD – built an Energy Project Benefits Agreement Database to identify common characteristics of successful agreements.  Explore our Energy Project Benefits Agreement Database  The Promise and Challenges of CBAs The promise of CBAs is that they give communities direct power to negotiate for their needs and preferences. However, it can be unclear who actually represents “the community.” Because CBAs are often negotiated by select community groups, they can lack democratic accountability. And just as the residents attending a public hearing may not be representative of the demographics of a community, with varying and unequal access to economic and political capital, the same could be true of the community groups who participate in negotiating CBAs.  As a result, some critics view CBAs as essentially allowing developers to “buy off” opposition in order to streamline approvals. The importance of timing in these agreements doesn’t improve optics: offered too early, benefits might feel like bribes; too late, they may seem like unjust compensation for negative impacts.  In the end, CBAs are private contracts and the details of many agreements stay hidden. As a result, despite many examples of CBAs in and outside California, surprisingly little is known about their actual structure, benefits, and outcomes. Many important questions remain unanswered, including whether CBAs speed up or slow down development. Which communities successfully negotiate CBAs, and which don’t? What happens when negotiations are unsuccessful? Who follows through to ensure commitments are fulfilled? CBAs are a promising vehicle to address the potential tensions between the need to quickly build more infrastructure and the desire to engage communities in decision-making. Nonetheless, more research is needed to understand their effectiveness in delivering real benefits to communities while enabling progress on housing, energy, and other new development. To learn more, visit the UC Berkeley Possibility Lab’s People-Centered Policymaking site

Introducing the MIT-GE Vernova Climate and Energy Alliance

Five-year collaboration between MIT and GE Vernova aims to accelerate the energy transition and scale new innovations.

MIT and GE Vernova launched the MIT-GE Vernova Energy and Climate Alliance on Sept. 15, a collaboration to advance research and education focused on accelerating the global energy transition.Through the alliance — an industry-academia initiative conceived by MIT Provost Anantha Chandrakasan and GE Vernova CEO Scott Strazik — GE Vernova has committed $50 million over five years in the form of sponsored research projects and philanthropic funding for research, graduate student fellowships, internships, and experiential learning, as well as professional development programs for GE Vernova leaders.“MIT has a long history of impactful collaborations with industry, and the collaboration between MIT and GE Vernova is a shining example of that legacy,” said Chandrakasan in opening remarks at a launch event. “Together, we are working on energy and climate solutions through interdisciplinary research and diverse perspectives, while providing MIT students the benefit of real-world insights from an industry leader positioned to bring those ideas into the world at scale.”The energy of changeAn independent company since its spinoff from GE in April 2024, GE Vernova is focused on accelerating the global energy transition. The company generates approximately 25 percent of the world’s electricity — with the world’s largest installed base of over 7,000 gas turbines, about 57,000 wind turbines, and leading-edge electrification technology.GE Vernova’s slogan, “The Energy of Change,” is reflected in decisions such as locating its headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusetts — in close proximity to MIT. In pursuing transformative approaches to the energy transition, the company has identified MIT as a key collaborator.A key component of the mission to electrify and decarbonize the world is collaboration, according to CEO Scott Strazik. “We want to inspire, and be inspired by, students as we work together on our generation’s greatest challenge, climate change. We have great ambition for what we want the world to become, but we need collaborators. And we need folks that want to iterate with us on what the world should be from here.”Representing the Healey-Driscoll administration at the launch event were Massachusetts Secretary of Energy and Environmental Affairs Rebecca Tepper and Secretary of the Executive Office of Economic Development Eric Paley. Secretary Tepper highlighted the Mass Leads Act, a $1 billion climate tech and life sciences initiative enacted by Governor Maura Healey last November to strengthen Massachusetts’ leadership in climate tech and AI.“We're harnessing every part of the state, from hydropower manufacturing facilities to the blue-to-blue economy in our south coast, and right here at the center of our colleges and universities. We want to invent and scale the solutions to climate change in our own backyard,” said Tepper. “That’s been the Massachusetts way for decades.”Real-world problems, insights, and solutionsThe launch celebration featured interactive science displays and student presenters introducing the first round of 13 research projects led by MIT faculty. These projects focus on generating scalable solutions to our most pressing challenges in the areas of electrification, decarbonization, renewables acceleration, and digital solutions. Read more about the funded projects here.Collaborating with industry offers the opportunity for researchers and students to address real-world problems informed by practical insights. The diverse, interdisciplinary perspectives from both industry and academia will significantly strengthen the research supported through the GE Vernova Fellowships announced at the launch event.“I’m excited to talk to the industry experts at GE Vernova about the problems that they work on,” said GE Vernova Fellow Aaron Langham. “I’m looking forward to learning more about how real people and industries use electrical power.”Fellow Julia Estrin echoed a similar sentiment: “I see this as a chance to connect fundamental research with practical applications — using insights from industry to shape innovative solutions in the lab that can have a meaningful impact at scale.”GE Vernova’s commitment to research is also providing support and inspiration for fellows. “This level of substantive enthusiasm for new ideas and technology is what comes from a company that not only looks toward the future, but also has the resources and determination to innovate impactfully,” says Owen Mylotte, a GE Vernova Fellow.The inaugural cohort of eight fellows will continue their research at MIT with tuition support from GE Vernova. Find the full list of fellows and their research topics here.Pipeline of future energy leadersHighlighting the alliance’s emphasis on cultivating student talent and leadership, GE Vernova CEO Scott Strazik introduced four MIT alumni who are now leaders at GE Vernova: Dhanush Mariappan SM ’03, PhD ’19, senior engineering manager in the GE Vernova Advanced Research Center; Brent Brunell SM ’00, technology director in the Advanced Research Center; Paolo Marone MBA ’21, CFO of wind; and Grace Caza MAP ’22, chief of staff in supply chain and operations.The four shared their experiences of working with MIT as students and their hopes for the future of this alliance in the realm of “people development,” as Mariappan highlighted. “Energy transition means leaders. And every one of the innovative research and professional education programs that will come out of this alliance is going to produce the leaders of the energy transition industry.”The alliance is underscoring its commitment to developing future energy leaders by supporting the New Engineering Education Transformation program (NEET) and expanding opportunities for student internships. With 100 new internships for MIT students announced in the days following the launch, GE Vernova is opening broad opportunities for MIT students at all levels to contribute to a sustainable future.“GE Vernova has been a tremendous collaborator every step of the way, with a clear vision of the technical breakthroughs we need to affect change at scale and a deep respect for MIT’s strengths and culture, as well as a hunger to listen and learn from us as well,” said Betar Gallant, alliance director who is also the Kendall Rohsenow Associate Professor of Mechanical Engineering at MIT. “Students, take this opportunity to learn, connect, and appreciate how much you’re valued, and how bright your futures are in this area of decarbonizing our energy systems. Your ideas and insight are going to help us determine and drive what’s next.”Daring to create the future we wantThe launch event transformed MIT’s Lobby 13 with green lighting and animated conversation around the posters and hardware demos on display, reflecting the sense of optimism for the future and the type of change the alliance — and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts — seeks to advance.“Because of this collaboration and the commitment to the work that needs doing, many things will be created,” said Secretary Paley. “People in this room will work together on all kinds of projects that will do incredible things for our economy, for our innovation, for our country, and for our climate.”The alliance builds on MIT’s growing portfolio of initiatives around sustainable energy systems, including the Climate Project at MIT, a presidential initiative focused on developing solutions to some of the toughest barriers to an effective global climate response. “This new alliance is a significant opportunity to move the needle of energy and climate research as we dare to create the future that we want, with the promise of impactful solutions for the world,” said Evelyn Wang, MIT vice president for energy and climate, who attended the launch.To that end, the alliance is supporting critical cross-institution efforts in energy and climate policy, including funding three master’s students in MIT Technology and Policy Program and hosting an annual symposium in February 2026 to advance interdisciplinary research. GE Vernova is also providing philanthropic support to the MIT Human Insight Collaborative. For 2025-26, this support will contribute to addressing global energy poverty by supporting the MIT Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab (J-PAL) in its work to expand access to affordable electricity in South Africa.“Our hope to our fellows, our hope to our students is this: While the stakes are high and the urgency has never been higher, the impact that you are going to have over the decades to come has never been greater,” said Roger Martella, chief corporate and sustainability officer at GE Vernova. “You have so much opportunity to move the world in a better direction. We need you to succeed. And our mission is to serve you and enable your success.”With the alliance’s launch — and GE Vernova’s new membership in several other MIT consortium programs related to sustainability, automation and robotics, and AI, including the Initiative for New Manufacturing, MIT Energy Initiative, MIT Climate and Sustainability Consortium, and Center for Transportation and Logistics — it’s evident why Betar Gallant says the company is “all-in at MIT.”The potential for tremendous impact on the energy industry is clear to those involved in the alliance. As GE Vernova Fellow Jack Morris said at the launch, “This is the beginning of something big.”

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