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A Solar Panel Standoff Threatens U.S. Climate Plans

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Friday, April 26, 2024

CLIMATEWIRE | A flood of Chinese solar components is casting a shadow on President Joe Biden's climate priorities.That's creating deep divisions in the U.S. solar industry and causing political headaches for the president. American manufacturers are calling for additional trade restrictions on Asian imports amid what they say are market-flooding practices by China that are undermining U.S. plans to build a fleet of solar factories.But those calls are colliding with the interests of some renewable energy developers that rely on China-linked companies for components that are fueling a solar building spree in the U.S. They contend new trade barriers could hinder U.S. efforts to eliminate climate pollution in the electricity sector — a pillar of Biden's environmental agenda.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.The solar standoff underscores Biden's precarious balancing act as he races toward the presidential election.The Inflation Reduction Act, the sweeping climate law signed by Biden in 2022, lavishes tax breaks on companies to build the solar supply chain in the United States. Slowing foreign imports could help create demand for domestic components. But it could also hurt Biden's other priority: achieving 100 percent carbon-free power by 2035 — a promise that analysts say can't be met without a full-speed buildout of renewable energy.That might not be possible without imported solar products.“There’s numerous examples of the conflict between President Biden’s decarbonization agenda and his deglobalization agenda,” said Tim Fox, an analyst who tracks the industry at ClearView Energy Partners. “You want to decarbonize with available and cheap solar panels. But you also want to develop solar here at home. There is tension between those two efforts."The situation came to a head this week when seven U.S. solar manufacturers filed petitions with the federal government requesting an investigation into whether the budding U.S. industry is being harmed by what they say are unfair trade practices from China-linked companies operating in Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam.The manufacturers argued that companies in Southeast Asia are benefiting from foreign subsidies, and exporting below-cost solar components into the U.S. market. That should make them subject to higher tariffs, the manufacturers said.As a warning of what might come, they pointed to an announcement earlier this year by CubicPV, a Massachusetts-based solar manufacturer that scrapped plans for a massive factory after citing a “collapse” in prices and surging construction costs.“We're at a real inflection point now for developing clean energy manufacturing in the United States,” said Scott Paul, president of the Alliance for American Manufacturing. “The presence of the massive amount of industrial overcapacity China has in solar, in [electric vehicles] and related industries is a real threat, and we know this because we've seen this play out before in the United States and in other industries. It doesn't end well.”'Green trade war'The use of trade barriers has long been opposed by developers, who say higher prices driven by tariffs could slow U.S. solar growth and make it more expensive to address climate change.Kevin Hostetler, CEO of Array Technologies, a provider of utility-scale solar trackers, a technology that turns panels toward the sun, said the manufacturers’ trade petition creates “a level of uncertainty and delay” that negatively impacts the U.S. solar industry.“We just simply don't need the short-term shocks to the system that may benefit one or two particular companies, but then harm the broader industry over the course of what could be multiple years,” he said.A statement attributed to a White House spokesperson said the administration won’t weigh in on the petitions, but it pointed to “historic investments” in the solar industry under Biden. The administration is also monitoring potential unfair market practices by China in solar and other sectors.“As President Biden has made clear, his administration is keeping all tools on the table to support the unprecedented investments secured by the President’s agenda and take action to protect American workers and manufacturers against unfair competition,” the statements said, adding that Biden is committed to expanding solar deployment.The solar battle is part of a wider spat between the U.S. and China — that members of the Biden administration are increasingly acknowledging.As China’s domestic real estate market has cooled, the country has leaned heavily on its manufacturing sector to bolster economic growth. Wood Mackenzie, a consulting firm, estimated that Chinese firms make 80 percent of the components in a solar panel, such as polysilicon, wafers, cells and modules.At the same time, S&P Global Market Intelligence said an “unprecedented wave” of imported solar panels — linked largely to China-based companies operating in Southeast Asia — came into the U.S. in 2023. Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam together accounted for 84 percent of U.S. solar panel imports in the fourth quarter of last year.In Europe, China’s dominance and the supply glut of cheap solar panels has already left manufacturers unable to compete. The surge in foreign panels has the potential to stymie a boom in U.S. solar manufacturing launched by the IRA.U.S. companies have announced plans to build factories capable of churning out 140 gigawatts of solar module capacity, Wood Mackenzie said. But only half of that is likely to be built by 2027, said Elissa Pierce, an analyst who tracks solar manufacturing at the consulting firm. Factories that build subcomponents that go into panels face even bigger hurdles. Of the 61 GW in announced wafer facilities, Wood Mackenzie said only 3.3 GW would be built. Less than one-quarter of the announced cell manufacturing facilities is actually expected to come online.“There is a growing transition from a traditional trade war to a green trade war,” said ClearView’s Fox.Biden administration officials have sharpened their rhetoric in recent weeks."It's important that China recognize the concerns [and] begin to act to address it," Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said this week. "But we don't want our industry wiped out in the meantime, so I wouldn't want to take anything off the table."Yellen recently traveled to China to discuss the administration’s concerns.'No objective answer'A similar fight in 2022, over China funneling U.S.-bound products through Southeast Asia, left some manufacturers frustrated and prompted a presidential veto. This time could be different.“I can safely say I've never filed a trade case before where there were such strong statements of support in terms of the need to address Chinese dumping, in particular in the renewable energy sector, as we've had in recent weeks,” said Tim Brightbill, co-chair of Wiley Rein’s international trade practice and lead counsel in the manufacturers’ recent petitions.Those petitions, filed Wednesday, are backed by First Solar, Qcells, Meyer Burger, Mission Solar, REC Silicon, Convalt Energy and Swift Solar — many of which have announced new expansions or investments since passage of Democrats’ climate law.It comes on the heels of a request from Qcells, a South Korean solar maker that has invested $2.5 billion in new factories in Georgia, to end an exemption under an existing tariff regime on bifacial solar panels.The company said double-sided modules now compose over 98 percent of U.S. solar module imports — meaning less than 2 percent of imports are subject to duties. The administration is reportedly planning to soon grant that request.Brightbill called the IRA “a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to reclaim the solar supply chain and the solar manufacturing process here in America.” But, he added, “you have to not just have the investment, you have to have enforcement as well.”But the petitions received an icy response from the industry’s largest trade groups.In a joint response Wednesday, the Solar Energy Industries Association, American Clean Power Association, Advanced Energy United and American Council on Renewable Energy expressed concern that the trade petitions “will lead to further market volatility across the U.S. solar and storage industry and create uncertainty at a time when we need effective solutions that support U.S. solar manufacturers.”The administration has also faced bipartisan pressure from lawmakers to take additional steps to support the domestic industry. That’s included calls to better incentivize purchases of U.S.-made solar components through stronger tax credits, and to further address stockpiling of Chinese-linked products.“China is running the same playbook Ohio steelworkers know all too well, routing their products through other southeast Asian countries to try to get around the rules,” Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown, a Democrat who is facing a tough reelection race, said in a statement. “The Administration cannot let them get away with it.”The administration last year determined Chinese companies were funneling solar products through Southeast Asia in order to avoid tariffs. Then it did the opposite of what many manufacturers had hoped: It placed a two-year moratorium on new tariffs, after the initial inquiry prompted months of infighting within the solar industry.The moratorium ends in June, and duties on solar modules are expected to resume for companies that are circumventing tariffs. “We will enforce that rigorously — including ensuring that imported panels are not being inappropriately stockpiled,” a White House official told POLITICO, speaking anonymously to abide by administration guidelines.Antoine Vagneur-Jones, head of trade and supply chains at BloombergNEF, said the U.S. faces a choice. He pointed to Europe as an example of the stakes. Solar modules there are roughly half as expensive as those in the U.S., due to a lack of trade barriers. Yet European solar factories are closing, leaving the continent almost entirely dependent on China for solar equipment.Adopting tariffs could help expand factories in the U.S., creating jobs and political support for the industry, he said. But it will mean higher costs for solar panels as critics contend that cleaner energy sources is already too expensive.“Are you prioritizing speed? Are you prioritizing not being entirely reliant on one region? Those are value judgments,” Vagneur-Jones said. “There is no objective answer.”This story also appears in Energywire.Reprinted from E&E News with permission from POLITICO, LLC. Copyright 2024. E&E News provides essential news for energy and environment professionals.

Inexpensive Chinese solar panels are pitting Americans who want cheap equipment against those who want to make it

CLIMATEWIRE | A flood of Chinese solar components is casting a shadow on President Joe Biden's climate priorities.

That's creating deep divisions in the U.S. solar industry and causing political headaches for the president. American manufacturers are calling for additional trade restrictions on Asian imports amid what they say are market-flooding practices by China that are undermining U.S. plans to build a fleet of solar factories.

But those calls are colliding with the interests of some renewable energy developers that rely on China-linked companies for components that are fueling a solar building spree in the U.S. They contend new trade barriers could hinder U.S. efforts to eliminate climate pollution in the electricity sector — a pillar of Biden's environmental agenda.


On supporting science journalism

If you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.


The solar standoff underscores Biden's precarious balancing act as he races toward the presidential election.

The Inflation Reduction Act, the sweeping climate law signed by Biden in 2022, lavishes tax breaks on companies to build the solar supply chain in the United States. Slowing foreign imports could help create demand for domestic components. But it could also hurt Biden's other priority: achieving 100 percent carbon-free power by 2035 — a promise that analysts say can't be met without a full-speed buildout of renewable energy.

That might not be possible without imported solar products.

“There’s numerous examples of the conflict between President Biden’s decarbonization agenda and his deglobalization agenda,” said Tim Fox, an analyst who tracks the industry at ClearView Energy Partners. “You want to decarbonize with available and cheap solar panels. But you also want to develop solar here at home. There is tension between those two efforts."

The situation came to a head this week when seven U.S. solar manufacturers filed petitions with the federal government requesting an investigation into whether the budding U.S. industry is being harmed by what they say are unfair trade practices from China-linked companies operating in Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam.

The manufacturers argued that companies in Southeast Asia are benefiting from foreign subsidies, and exporting below-cost solar components into the U.S. market. That should make them subject to higher tariffs, the manufacturers said.

As a warning of what might come, they pointed to an announcement earlier this year by CubicPV, a Massachusetts-based solar manufacturer that scrapped plans for a massive factory after citing a “collapse” in prices and surging construction costs.

“We're at a real inflection point now for developing clean energy manufacturing in the United States,” said Scott Paul, president of the Alliance for American Manufacturing. “The presence of the massive amount of industrial overcapacity China has in solar, in [electric vehicles] and related industries is a real threat, and we know this because we've seen this play out before in the United States and in other industries. It doesn't end well.”

'Green trade war'

The use of trade barriers has long been opposed by developers, who say higher prices driven by tariffs could slow U.S. solar growth and make it more expensive to address climate change.

Kevin Hostetler, CEO of Array Technologies, a provider of utility-scale solar trackers, a technology that turns panels toward the sun, said the manufacturers’ trade petition creates “a level of uncertainty and delay” that negatively impacts the U.S. solar industry.

“We just simply don't need the short-term shocks to the system that may benefit one or two particular companies, but then harm the broader industry over the course of what could be multiple years,” he said.

A statement attributed to a White House spokesperson said the administration won’t weigh in on the petitions, but it pointed to “historic investments” in the solar industry under Biden. The administration is also monitoring potential unfair market practices by China in solar and other sectors.

“As President Biden has made clear, his administration is keeping all tools on the table to support the unprecedented investments secured by the President’s agenda and take action to protect American workers and manufacturers against unfair competition,” the statements said, adding that Biden is committed to expanding solar deployment.

The solar battle is part of a wider spat between the U.S. and China — that members of the Biden administration are increasingly acknowledging.

As China’s domestic real estate market has cooled, the country has leaned heavily on its manufacturing sector to bolster economic growth. Wood Mackenzie, a consulting firm, estimated that Chinese firms make 80 percent of the components in a solar panel, such as polysilicon, wafers, cells and modules.

At the same time, S&P Global Market Intelligence said an “unprecedented wave” of imported solar panels — linked largely to China-based companies operating in Southeast Asia — came into the U.S. in 2023. Cambodia, Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam together accounted for 84 percent of U.S. solar panel imports in the fourth quarter of last year.

In Europe, China’s dominance and the supply glut of cheap solar panels has already left manufacturers unable to compete. The surge in foreign panels has the potential to stymie a boom in U.S. solar manufacturing launched by the IRA.

U.S. companies have announced plans to build factories capable of churning out 140 gigawatts of solar module capacity, Wood Mackenzie said. But only half of that is likely to be built by 2027, said Elissa Pierce, an analyst who tracks solar manufacturing at the consulting firm. Factories that build subcomponents that go into panels face even bigger hurdles. Of the 61 GW in announced wafer facilities, Wood Mackenzie said only 3.3 GW would be built. Less than one-quarter of the announced cell manufacturing facilities is actually expected to come online.

“There is a growing transition from a traditional trade war to a green trade war,” said ClearView’s Fox.

Biden administration officials have sharpened their rhetoric in recent weeks.

"It's important that China recognize the concerns [and] begin to act to address it," Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said this week. "But we don't want our industry wiped out in the meantime, so I wouldn't want to take anything off the table."

Yellen recently traveled to China to discuss the administration’s concerns.

'No objective answer'

A similar fight in 2022, over China funneling U.S.-bound products through Southeast Asia, left some manufacturers frustrated and prompted a presidential veto. This time could be different.

“I can safely say I've never filed a trade case before where there were such strong statements of support in terms of the need to address Chinese dumping, in particular in the renewable energy sector, as we've had in recent weeks,” said Tim Brightbill, co-chair of Wiley Rein’s international trade practice and lead counsel in the manufacturers’ recent petitions.

Those petitions, filed Wednesday, are backed by First Solar, Qcells, Meyer Burger, Mission Solar, REC Silicon, Convalt Energy and Swift Solar — many of which have announced new expansions or investments since passage of Democrats’ climate law.

It comes on the heels of a request from Qcells, a South Korean solar maker that has invested $2.5 billion in new factories in Georgia, to end an exemption under an existing tariff regime on bifacial solar panels.

The company said double-sided modules now compose over 98 percent of U.S. solar module imports — meaning less than 2 percent of imports are subject to duties. The administration is reportedly planning to soon grant that request.

Brightbill called the IRA “a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to reclaim the solar supply chain and the solar manufacturing process here in America.” But, he added, “you have to not just have the investment, you have to have enforcement as well.”

But the petitions received an icy response from the industry’s largest trade groups.

In a joint response Wednesday, the Solar Energy Industries Association, American Clean Power Association, Advanced Energy United and American Council on Renewable Energy expressed concern that the trade petitions “will lead to further market volatility across the U.S. solar and storage industry and create uncertainty at a time when we need effective solutions that support U.S. solar manufacturers.”

The administration has also faced bipartisan pressure from lawmakers to take additional steps to support the domestic industry. That’s included calls to better incentivize purchases of U.S.-made solar components through stronger tax credits, and to further address stockpiling of Chinese-linked products.

“China is running the same playbook Ohio steelworkers know all too well, routing their products through other southeast Asian countries to try to get around the rules,” Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown, a Democrat who is facing a tough reelection race, said in a statement. “The Administration cannot let them get away with it.”

The administration last year determined Chinese companies were funneling solar products through Southeast Asia in order to avoid tariffs. Then it did the opposite of what many manufacturers had hoped: It placed a two-year moratorium on new tariffs, after the initial inquiry prompted months of infighting within the solar industry.

The moratorium ends in June, and duties on solar modules are expected to resume for companies that are circumventing tariffs. “We will enforce that rigorously — including ensuring that imported panels are not being inappropriately stockpiled,” a White House official told POLITICO, speaking anonymously to abide by administration guidelines.

Antoine Vagneur-Jones, head of trade and supply chains at BloombergNEF, said the U.S. faces a choice. He pointed to Europe as an example of the stakes. Solar modules there are roughly half as expensive as those in the U.S., due to a lack of trade barriers. Yet European solar factories are closing, leaving the continent almost entirely dependent on China for solar equipment.

Adopting tariffs could help expand factories in the U.S., creating jobs and political support for the industry, he said. But it will mean higher costs for solar panels as critics contend that cleaner energy sources is already too expensive.

“Are you prioritizing speed? Are you prioritizing not being entirely reliant on one region? Those are value judgments,” Vagneur-Jones said. “There is no objective answer.”

This story also appears in Energywire.

Reprinted from E&E News with permission from POLITICO, LLC. Copyright 2024. E&E News provides essential news for energy and environment professionals.

Read the full story here.
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For plants, urban heat islands don’t mimic global warming

Scientists have found that trees in cities respond to higher temperatures differently than those in forests, potentially masking climate impacts.

It’s tricky to predict precisely what the impacts of climate change will be, given the many variables involved. To predict the impacts of a warmer world on plant life, some researchers look at urban “heat islands,” where, because of the effects of urban structures, temperatures consistently run a few degrees higher than those of the surrounding rural areas. This enables side-by-side comparisons of plant responses.But a new study by researchers at MIT and Harvard University has found that, at least for forests, urban heat islands are a poor proxy for global warming, and this may have led researchers to underestimate the impacts of warming in some cases. The discrepancy, they found, has a lot to do with the limited genetic diversity of urban tree species.The findings appear in the journal PNAS, in a paper by MIT postdoc Meghan Blumstein, professor of civil and environmental engineering David Des Marais, and four others.“The appeal of these urban temperature gradients is, well, it’s already there,” says Des Marais. “We can’t look into the future, so why don’t we look across space, comparing rural and urban areas?” Because such data is easily obtainable, methods comparing the growth of plants in cities with similar plants outside them have been widely used, he says, and have been quite useful. Researchers did recognize some shortcomings to this approach, including significant differences in availability of some nutrients such as nitrogen. Still, “a lot of ecologists recognized that they weren’t perfect, but it was what we had,” he says.Most of the research by Des Marais’ group is lab-based, under conditions tightly controlled for temperature, humidity, and carbon dioxide concentration. While there are a handful of experimental sites where conditions are modified out in the field, for example using heaters around one or a few trees, “those are super small-scale,” he says. “When you’re looking at these longer-term trends that are occurring over space that’s quite a bit larger than you could reasonably manipulate, an important question is, how do you control the variables?”Temperature gradients have offered one approach to this problem, but Des Marais and his students have also been focusing on the genetics of the tree species involved, comparing those sampled in cities to the same species sampled in a natural forest nearby. And it turned out there were differences, even between trees that appeared similar.“So, lo and behold, you think you’re only letting one variable change in your model, which is the temperature difference from an urban to a rural setting,” he says, “but in fact, it looks like there was also a genotypic diversity that was not being accounted for.”The genetic differences meant that the plants being studied were not representative of those in the natural environment, and the researchers found that the difference was actually masking the impact of warming. The urban trees, they found, were less affected than their natural counterparts in terms of when the plants’ leaves grew and unfurled, or “leafed out,” in the spring.The project began during the pandemic lockdown, when Blumstein was a graduate student. She had a grant to study red oak genotypes across New England, but was unable to travel because of lockdowns. So, she concentrated on trees that were within reach in Cambridge, Massachusetts. She then collaborated with people doing research at the Harvard Forest, a research forest in rural central Massachusetts. They collected three years of data from both locations, including the temperature profiles, the leafing-out timing, and the genetic profiles of the trees. Though the study was looking at red oaks specifically, the researchers say the findings are likely to apply to trees broadly.At the time, researchers had just sequenced the oak tree genome, and that allowed Blumstein and her colleagues to look for subtle differences among the red oaks in the two locations. The differences they found showed that the urban trees were more resistant to the effects of warmer temperatures than were those in the natural environment.“Initially, we saw these results and we were sort of like, oh, this is a bad thing,” Des Marais says. “Ecologists are getting this heat island effect wrong, which is true.” Fortunately, this can be easily corrected by factoring in genomic data. “It’s not that much more work, because sequencing genomes is so cheap and so straightforward. Now, if someone wants to look at an urban-rural gradient and make these kinds of predictions, well, that’s fine. You just have to add some information about the genomes.”It's not surprising that this genetic variation exists, he says, since growers have learned by trial and error over the decades which varieties of trees tend to thrive in the difficult urban environment, with typically poor soil, poor drainage, and pollution. “As a result, there’s just not much genetic diversity in our trees within cities.”The implications could be significant, Des Marais says. When the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) releases its regular reports on the status of the climate, “one of the tools the IPCC has to predict future responses to climate change with respect to temperature are these urban-to-rural gradients.” He hopes that these new findings will be incorporated into their next report, which is just being drafted. “If these results are generally true beyond red oaks, this suggests that the urban heat island approach to studying plant response to temperature is underpredicting how strong that response is.”The research team included Sophie Webster, Robin Hopkins, and David Basler from Harvard University and Jie Yun from MIT. The work was supported by the National Science Foundation, the Bullard Fellowship at the Harvard Forest, and MIT.

Brisbane 2032 is no longer legally bound to be ‘climate positive’. Will it still leave a green legacy?

Brisbane 2032 was supposed to be the first ‘climate-positive’ Olympic Games. But a quiet change to the host contract puts the commitment in doubt.

When Brisbane was awarded the 2032 Olympic and Paralympic Games, it came with a widely publicised landmark promise: the world’s first “climate-positive” games. The International Olympic Committee had already announced all games would be climate-positive from 2030. It said this meant the games would be required to “go beyond” the previous obligation of reducing carbon emissions directly related to their operations and offsetting or otherwise “compensating” for the rest. In other words, achieving net-zero was no longer sufficient. Now each organising committee would be legally required to remove more carbon from the atmosphere than the games emit. This is in keeping with the most widely cited definition of climate-positive. Both Paris 2024 and Los Angeles 2028 made voluntary pledges. But Brisbane 2032 was the first contractually required to be climate-positive. This was enshrined in the original 2021 Olympic Host Contract, an agreement between the IOC, the State of Queensland, Brisbane City Council and the Australian Olympic Committee. But the host contract has quietly changed since. All references to “climate-positive” have been replaced with weaker terminology. The move was not publicly announced. This fits a broader pattern of Olympic Games promising big on sustainability before weakening or abandoning commitments over time. A quiet retreat from climate positive Research by my team has shown the climate-positive announcement sparked great hope for the future of Brisbane as a regenerative city. We saw Brisbane 2032 as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to radically shift away from the ongoing systemic issues underlying urban development. This vision to embrace genuinely sustainable city design centred on fostering circular economies and net positive development. It would have aligned urban development with ecological stewardship. Beyond just mitigating environmental harm, the games could have set a new standard for sustainability by becoming a catalyst to actively regenerate the natural environment. Yet, on December 7 2023, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) initiated an addendum to the host contract. It effectively downgraded the games’ sustainability obligations. It was signed by Brisbane City Council, the State of Queensland, the Australian Olympic Committee and the IOC between April and May 2024. The commitment for the 2032 Brisbane Games to be climate positive has been removed from the Olympic Host Contract. International Olympic Committee Asked about these amendments, the IOC replied it “took the decision to no longer use the term ‘climate-positive’ when referring to its climate commitments”. But the IOC maintains that: “The requirements underpinning this term, however, and our ambition to address the climate crisis, have not changed”. It said the terminology was changed to ensure that communications “are transparent and easily understood; that they focus on the actions implemented to reduce carbon emissions; and that they are aligned with best practice and current regulations, as well as the principle of continual improvement”. Similarly, a Brisbane 2032 spokesperson told The Conversation the language was changed: to ensure we are communicating in a transparent and easily understood manner, following advice from the International Olympic Committee and recommendations of the United Nations and European Union Green Claims Directive, made in 2023. Brisbane 2032 will continue to plan, as we always have, to deliver a Games that focus on specific measures to deliver a more sustainable Games. But the new wording commits Brisbane 2032 to merely “aiming at removing more carbon from the atmosphere than what the Games project emits”. Crucially, this is no longer binding. The new language makes carbon removal an optional goal rather than a contractual requirement. A stadium in Victoria Park violates the 2032 Olympic Host Contract location requirements. Save Victoria Park, CC BY Aiming high, yet falling short Olympic Games have adopted increasingly ambitious sustainability rhetoric. Yet, action in the real world typically falls short. In our ongoing research with the Politecnico di Torino, Italy, we analysed sustainability commitments since the 2006 Winter Olympics in Turin. We found they often change over time. Initial promises are either watered down or abandoned altogether due to political, financial, and logistical pressures. Construction activities for the Winter Olympic Games 2014 in Sochi, Russia, irreversibly damaged the Western Caucasus – a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Rio 2016 failed to clean up Guanabara Bay, despite its original pledge to reduce pollutants by 80%. Rio also caused large-scale deforestation and wetland destruction. Ancient forests were cleared for PyeongChang 2018 ski slopes. Our research found a persistent gap between sustainability rhetoric and reality. Brisbane 2032 fits this pattern as the original promise of hosting climate-positive games is at risk of reverting to business as usual. Victoria Park controversy In 2021, a KPMG report for the Queensland government analysed the potential economic, social and environmental benefits of the Brisbane 2032 games. It said the government was proposing to deliver the climate-positive commitment required to host the 2032 games through a range of initiatives. This included “repurposing and upgrading existing infrastructure with enhanced green star credentials”. But plans for the Olympic stadium have changed a great deal since then. Plans to upgrade the Brisbane Cricket Ground, commonly known as the Gabba, have been replaced by a new stadium to be built in Victoria Park. Victoria Park is Brisbane’s largest remaining inner-city green space. It is known to Indigenous peoples as Barrambin (the windy place). It is listed on the Queensland Heritage Register due to its great cultural significance. Page 90 of the Olympic Host Contract prohibits permanent construction “in statutory nature areas, cultural protected areas and World Heritage sites”. Local community groups and environmental advocates have vowed to fight plans for a Victoria Park stadium. This may include a legal challenge. The area of Victoria Park (64 hectares) compared with Central Park (341h), Regent’s Park (160h), Bois de Vicennes (995h). Save Victoria Park What next? The climate-positive commitment has been downgraded to an unenforceable aspiration. A new Olympic stadium has been announced in direct violation of the host contract. Will Brisbane 2032 still leave a green legacy? Greater transparency and public accountability are needed. Otherwise, the original plan may fall short of the positive legacy it aspired to, before the Olympics even begin. Marcus Foth receives funding from the Australian Research Council. He is a Senior Associate with Outside Opinion, a team of experienced academic and research consultants. He is chair of the Principal Body Corporate for the Kelvin Grove Urban Village, chair of Brisbane Flight Path Community Alliance, and a member of the Queensland Greens.

Has the UK's most loathed protest group really stopped throwing soup?

Just Stop Oil says it will disband but does this mark an end to the chaos caused by its climate protests?

Has the UK's most loathed protest group really stopped throwing soup?Justin RowlattBBC News Climate EditorJSO HandoutThe climate action group Just Stop Oil has announced it is to disband at the end of April. Its activists have been derided as attention-seeking zealots and vandals and it is loathed by many for its disruptive direct action tactics. It says it has won because its demand that there should be no new oil and gas licences is now government policy. So, did they really win and does this mark an end to the chaos caused by its climate protests?Hayley Walsh's heart was racing as she sat in the audience at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane on 27 January this year. The 42 year-old lecturer and mother of three tried to calm her breathing. Hollywood star Sigourney Weaver was onstage in her West End debut production of Shakespeare's The Tempest. But Hayley, a Just Stop Oil activist, had her own drama planned.As Weaver's Prospero declaimed "Come forth, I say," Hayley sprang from her seat and rushed the stage with Richard Weir, a 60-year-old mechanical engineer from Tyneside. They launched a confetti cannon and unfurled a banner that read "Over 1.5 Degrees is a Global Shipwreck" - a reference to the news that 2024 was the first year to pass the symbolic 1.5C threshold in global average temperature rise, and a nod to the shipwreck theme in the play. It was a classic Just Stop Oil (JSO) action. The target was high profile and would guarantee publicity. The message was simple and presented in the group's signature fluorescent orange.The reaction of those affected was also a classic response to JSO. Amid the boos and whistles you can hear a shout of "idiots". "Drag them off the stage", one audience member can be heard shouting, "I hope you [expletive] get arrested," another says.JSO is a UK-based environmental activist group that aims to end fossil fuel extraction and uses direct action to draw attention to its cause. It has been called a "criminal cult" and its activists branded "eco-loons" by the Sun. The Daily Mail has described it as "deranged" and says its members have "unleashed misery on thousands of ordinary people though their selfish antics".JSO HandoutIt is the group's road protests that have probably caused the most disruption – and public anger.The group has thrown soup at a Van Gogh in the National Gallery, exploded a chalk dust bomb during the World Snooker Championship in Sheffield, smashed a cabinet containing a copy of the Magna Carta at the British Library, sprayed temporary paint on the stones of Stonehenge and even defaced Charles Darwin's grave.But it is the group's road protests that have probably caused the most disruption – and public anger. In November 2022, 45 JSO members climbed gantries around the M25 severely disrupting traffic for over four days. People missed flights, medical appointments and exams as thousands of drivers were delayed for hours. The cost to the Metropolitan Police was put at £1.1 million.Just Stop Oil was born out of Extinction Rebellion (XR). XR – founded in 2018 - brought thousands of people onto the streets in what were dubbed "festivals of resistance". They came to a peak in April 2019, when protestors brought parts of the capital to a halt for more than a week and plonked a large pink boat in the middle of Oxford Circus.The spectacle and disruption XR caused generated massive media attention, but the police were furious. Hundreds of officers were diverted from frontline duties and by the end of 2019 the bill for policing the protests had reached £37m.And behind the scenes XR was riven by furious debates about tactics. Many inside the movement said it should be less confrontational and disruptive but a hard core of activists argued it would be more effective to double down on direct action.It became clear that there was room for what Sarah Lunnon, one of the co-founders of Just Stop Oil, calls "a more radical flank". They decided a new, more focused operation was needed, modelled on earlier civil disobedience movements like the Suffragettes, Gandhi's civil disobedience campaigns and the civil rights movement in the US.The group was formally launched on Valentine's Day, 2022. It was a very different animal to XR. Instead of thousands of people taking part in street carnivals, JSO's actions involved a few committed activists. A small strategy group oversaw the campaign and meticulously planned its activities. A mobilisation team worked to recruit new members, and another team focused on supporting activists after they were arrested.Getty ImagesJust Stop Oil protesters invading a Rugby matchThe dozens of actions the group has carried out generated lots of publicity, but also massive public opposition. There were confrontations between members of the public and protestors and an outcry from politicians across all the main political parties.The police said they needed more powers to deal with this new form of protest and they got them. New offences were created including interfering with national infrastructure, "locking on" – chaining or gluing yourself to something – and tunnelling underground. Causing a public nuisance also became a potential crime – providing the police with a powerful new tool to use against protestors who block roads.In the four years since it was formed dozens of the group's supporters have been jailed. Five activists were handed multi-year sentences for their role in the M25 actions in 2022. Those were reduced on appeal earlier this month but are still the longest jail terms for non-violent civil disobedience ever issued.Senior JSO members deny the crackdown had anything to do with the group's decision to "hang up the hi-vis" – as its statement this week announcing the end of campaign put it.JSO's public position is that it has won its battle. "Just Stop Oil's initial demand to end new oil and gas is now government policy, making us one of the most successful civil resistance campaigns in recent history," the group claimed.The government has said it does not plan to issue any new licences for oil and gas production but strongly denies its policies have a link to JSO. Furthermore, the Prime Minister's official spokesperson told journalists: "We have been very clear when it comes to oil and gas that it has a future for decades to come in our energy mix."And the group's wider goal – to end the production of oil and gas – has manifestly not been achieved. The members of the group I spoke to for this article all agree the climate crisis has deepened.AFPA protest at the Aston Martin showroom in central LondonIn the face of stiffer sentences, some climate campaigners have said they will turn to more clandestine activities. One new group says it plans a campaign of sabotage against key infrastructure. In a manifesto published online it says it plans to "kickstart a new phase of the climate activist movement, aiming to shut down key actors of the fossil fuel economy."That's not a direction the JSO members I spoke to said they wanted to go. Sarah Lunnon said a key principle of JSO and the civil disobedience movement generally was that activists would take responsibility for their actions. One of the first questions new joiners were asked is whether they would be willing to be locked up."As corporations and billionaires corrupt political systems across the world, we need a different approach. "We are creating a new strategy, to face this reality and to carry our responsibilities at this time," the group says, suggesting they may be planning to form a new movement.JSO's most high-profile figure, Roger Hallam, is one of the five activists convicted for their role in the M25 protests. In a message from his prison cell he acknowledged that JSO has only had a "marginal impact". That is "not due to lack of trying," he said. The failure lay with the UK's "elites and our leaders" who had walked away from their responsibility to tackle the climate crisis, Hallam claimed. A hint perhaps that the group's new focus might be on the political system itself.JSO has said its last protest – to be held at the end of April – will mark "the end of soup on Van Goghs, cornstarch on Stonehenge and slow marching in the streets". But don't believe it. When pressed, the JSO members I spoke to said they may well turn back to disruptive tactics but under a new name and with a new and as yet unspecified objective.

Amid Trump Cuts, Climate Researchers Wait for the Ax to Fall

Climate experts whose research is funded by federal grants hide, whisper and wait for their jobs to disappear

Climate Researchers Wait for the Ax to FallClimate experts whose research is funded by federal grants hide, whisper and wait for their jobs to disappearBy Ariel Wittenberg, Chelsea Harvey & E&E News The Trump administration has slashed jobs and funding at the National Institutes of Health. Mark Wilson/Newsmakers/Getty ImagesCLIMATEWIRE | The National Institutes of Health has canceled grants for research on diversity, Covid-19 and vaccines. Climate scientists are hoping their work won’t be next — but fear it could be.“We are holding our breaths because we know we are on their list of targets,” said Marsha Wills-Karp, chair of the Johns Hopkins University Department of Environmental Health and Engineering. “It feels like it’s been slash and burn. We are hopeful they won’t get to climate, but we know it’s not likely.”Researchers in her department have received NIH grants to study the effects of wildfire air pollution on preterm birth rates and how hotter weather is affecting the health of babies at birth, measured by their weight and potential complications. They’re also studying how climate change is affecting nutrition.On supporting science journalismIf you're enjoying this article, consider supporting our award-winning journalism by subscribing. By purchasing a subscription you are helping to ensure the future of impactful stories about the discoveries and ideas shaping our world today.At the University of Washington, Kristie Ebi is fearful that NIH could cut grants that fund studies about which populations are more vulnerable to extreme heat — a project that the team is planning to expand to include the dangers of wildfire smoke.“We’re working to provide information that departments of health, communities and individuals can use,” Ebi said. “The more you know, the more of those lives you can save.”None of those programs haven’t been cut yet. But there’s reason to think they could be, and soon.Earlier this week, ProPublica reported on an internal NIH memo that outlined how the agency will no longer fund research on the health effects of climate change. It followed a story in Mother Jones showing that NIH had ended three climate-related programs, including the Climate Change and Health Initiative. The program was created in 2022 and has had annual congressional appropriations of $40 million, according to a December NIH report that was taken offline by the agency earlier this year.“HHS is taking action to terminate research funding that is not aligned with NIH and HHS priorities,” said Emily Hilliard, a department spokesperson.“As we begin to Make America Healthy Again, it’s important to prioritize research that directly affects the health of Americans,” she added. “We will leave no stone unturned in identifying the root cause of the chronic disease epidemic as part of our mission to Make America Healthy Again.”She did not respond to questions about whether HHS believes that research into the health effects of heat and other types of extreme weather are aligned with agency priorities or whether HHS believes that heat waves affect the health of Americans. NIH did not respond to a request for comment.Heat is the No. 1 weather-related killer in the U.S., according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, an agency within HHS. Heat caused or contributed to at least 2,300 deaths in 2023, CDC records show.In addition to turbocharging temperatures, climate change can affect people's health by increasing the prevalence of vector-borne diseases and the number of wildfires, whose smoke has been shown to increase asthma and cause cardiovascular problems.Those connections have long been studied with funding from the National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences. Then in 2022, NIH broadened the scope of federal funding for climate health research, directing each of the agency’s 26 centers and institutes to study the dangers of climate change. At the time, the agency said “a mounting number of assessments and reports provide undeniable evidence that climate change is resulting in … direct and indirect consequences for human health and well-being.”Most of the climate researchers contacted by POLITICO's E&E News declined to talk publicly about their funding, citing concerns about their grants being rescinded if they spoke to the media.One researcher who was awarded federal funding said some experts in the climate and health field are pausing work related to their grants, like hiring.Others have turned down speaking requests because they're concerned about attracting attention from the Trump administration. Their work often focuses on how extreme weather has disproportional effects on the health of communities of color, according to several researchers who were granted anonymity for fear of retribution. One said that they declined a speaking invitation to avoid “accidentally us[ing] language we are not supposed to and then be told our language is not compliant with various executive orders” on diversity and equality.“We’ve been told we need to comply with those executive orders as federal grantees, but it’s hard to do if you are funded for something that the name is something you are not allowed to say,” the researcher said. “No one wants to do a social media post or a webinar or an event that might get them in trouble.”An annual conference hosted by NIH, Boston University and the Harvard School of Public Health was postponed earlier this month.Linda Birnbaum, who led the National Institutes of Environmental Health Sciences until 2017, said that during the first Trump administration, researchers were able to circumvent directives by wording grant applications as “climate and health” rather than “climate change.”“It worked then. I don’t think that will work anymore,” she said.Reprinted from E&E News with permission from POLITICO, LLC. Copyright 2025. E&E News provides essential news for energy and environment professionals.

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