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A filing error put more than 90,000 acres of Yakama Nation land in the hands of Washington state

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Friday, December 20, 2024

It was barely a choice. In 1855, a time when the ink of border lines on United States maps had scarcely dried, Yakama Chief Kamiakin was told to sign over the land of 14 tribal nations and bands in the Pacific Northwest — or face the prospect of walking “knee deep” in the blood of his people. Legend has it that, when he put pen to paper, he was so furious he bit through his lip. By signing, he ceded over 10 million acres across what is now known as Washington state. In return, the Yakama Nation was allowed to live on a reservation one-tenth the size of their ancestral lands, about 100 miles southeast of Seattle. But the story doesn’t end there. The treaty map was lost for close to 75 years, misfiled by a federal clerk who put it under “M” for Montana. With no visual record to contradict them, federal agents extracted even more Yakama land for the nascent state, drawing new boundaries on new maps. One removed an additional 140,000 acres from the reservation, another about half a million, and still other versions exist. By the time the original map was discovered in the 1930s, it was too late. Settlers had already made claims well within reservation boundaries, carving the consequences of this mistake into the contours of the land. Non-Native landowners remain to this day. The Yakama want that land back. Most tribal members know the story of Kamiakin and his bloodied lip when he signed the treaty. Ask Phil Rigdon, a Yakama citizen and nationally recognized forester. As the superintendent of the Yakama Nation Department of Natural Resources, he deals with a medley of issues, but his most important work is getting the reservation land back. After working on this for nearly 20 years, he knows that it takes time and an entire community to make the progress they want. “It’s a family thing for us, as we do this business,” he said. Pahto, also known as Mount Adams, looms over the western edge of the Yakama reservation. In 1972, President Richard Nixon signed an executive order acknowledging that the mountain had been mistakenly excluded from the reservation. Maria Parazo Rose / Grist Pushed up against the eastern slopes of the Cascade Range mountains, the Yakama reservation is over a million acres — but not all of it belongs to the tribe. The primary non-tribal landowner on Yakama Nation is the state of Washington, which owns close to 92,000 surface and subsurface acres of state trust land within the reservation’s boundaries, in addition to other types of land holdings.  As part of the Enabling Act of 1889, the federal government gifted tracts of land to states when they graduated from territories to join the Union. These parcels, known as state trust lands, are considered resources in perpetuity: States can sell or lease these lands to make money from grazing, timber, and other activities. The profit is then used to fund a state’s institutions: universities, jails, hospitals, and, especially, public schools.  These lands can be a meaningful revenue source. A Grist investigation from earlier this year found that state trust lands across the Western U.S. that send money to land-grant universities paid out about $6.6 billion dollars from 2018 to 2022. Read Next The extractive industries filling public university coffers on stolen land Tristan Ahtone, Robert Lee, Amanda Tachine, An Garagiola, Audrianna Goodwin, Maria Parazo Rose, & Clayton Aldern Washington’s state trust lands, including those on the Yakama reservation, are managed by its Department of Natural Resources, or DNR. The state is eager to return the lands back to the tribe; it recognizes that a return would both complete the Yakamas’ ownership of the reservation and support the region’s environmental health. However, the state’s efforts are dictated by legal policies and priorities that ensure the land is exchanged only on the condition that Washington is compensated for the lands’ value, even though it was wrongfully taken.   Grist has reported on over 2 million acres of state trust lands that exist within the borders of 79 reservations across the Western U.S. Our investigation has shown that extractive industries, like mining, logging, and oil and gas drilling, operate on that land that generates billions of dollars for state entities. But the Yakama Nation’s history with state lands is singular in its legal morass.  When the treaty map was “misfiled,” two main areas on the reservation were repeatedly depicted as non-tribal land on incorrect replacement maps. One is along the northern border of the reservation, known as Tract C. The other is Tract D, in the reservation’s southwestern corner.  Today, nearly 71,500 acres of surface and subsurface state trust lands on Tract D, and 19,700 acres on Tract C, send revenue to Washington’s institutions, mostly benefitting public K-12 schools. The map the Washington DNR uses to reference the Yakama reservation still marks Tract C as a “disputed area.” Prior to settler colonialism, the ancestral Yakama homeland stretched for 10 million acres — from Pahto (Mount Adams) in the west past Nch’i-Wàna (the Columbia River) in the east. In 1855, the Territory of Washington was just two years old, and settlers aimed to make it a state. That year, the United States forced a treaty upon the people of Yakama Nation, who were subsequently confined to a reservation — ceding roughly 90 percent of their more than 10 million acres. To establish the reservation, negotiators relied on natural features to define its boundaries. 6 Yakama Nation v. Klickitat Cnty. Commencing on the Yakama River, at the mouth of the Attah-nam River; thence westerly along said Attah-nam River to the forks; thence along the southern tributary to the Cascade Mountains; thence southerly along the main ridge of said mountains, passing south and east of Mount Adams, to the spur whence flows the waters of the Klickatat and Pisco rivers; thence down said spur to the divide between the waters of said rivers; thence along said divide to the divide separating the waters of the Satass River from those flowing into the Columbia River; thence along said divide to the main Yakama, eight miles below the mouth of the Satass River; and thence up the Yakama River to the place of beginning. The according treaty text and map illustrated a reservation that stretched from the Cascade Range eastward to the Yakima River, with a southern boundary south of Mount Adams. But the treaty map disappeared shortly after the treaty's signing, throwing the reservation boundary — especially the southwestern edge — into dispute. Subsequent federal surveys would seek to delineate this boundary. The Schwartz survey, conducted in 1890, cut nearly a half-million acres out of the reservation relative to the understanding reached in the treaty. A federal report released in 1900 fixed some of the more obvious errors of the Schwartz survey but failed to appropriately reflect the southwestern boundary of the reservation. The Supreme Court ruled in 1913 that the Yakama reservation extended to the main ridge of the Cascade Range. In the early 1920s, a new federal survey implemented this correction — but still used an unnatural straight line to denote the southwestern side. Despite the recovery around 1930 of the 1855 treaty map, which prompted a new federal survey of the boundary in 1932, the southwestern boundary of the Yakama reservation would remain in dispute. This 120,000-acre section of land, highlighted in a mid-20th-century Yakama claim to the Indian Claims Commission, became known as Tract D. The litigation of Tract D — which appropriately captures the natural geographic boundaries of the 1855 treaty — would define the next seven decades of Yakama land claims. Today, between surface and subsurface rights, more than 70,000 acres of Washington state trust lands sit within Tract D. What happened to Tract D? Scroll to continue Parker Ziegler and Clayton Aldern / Grist The boundary errors have been acknowledged by authorities ranging from Harold Ickes, the Secretary of the Interior during the Franklin Roosevelt administration in the 1930s, to former President Richard Nixon in the 1970s. But none of these acknowledgments were legally binding, said attorney Joe Sexton of Galanda Broadman law firm, based in Washington. That is, until the 2021 9th U.S. Circuit Court case of the ​​Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation v. Klickitat County, for which Sexton and Galanda Broadman, along with attorneys for the tribe led by Ethan Jones, argued the Yakamas’ case.  It started with a jurisdictional dispute over a criminal prosecution: In 2017, Klickitat County arrested a minor and enrolled tribal member for a crime in Tract D. The county claimed that the tribe had no jurisdiction over Tract D, since it wasn’t reservation land; the tribe declared the opposite. The Yakama Nation sued Klickitat County for stepping outside its jurisdiction; the county argued that Tract D was not included when the reservation was created. Sexton’s job was to prove that it was.   “If they had lost this, they would’ve really been brokenhearted about the fact that future Yakamas would not be able to consider this part of their reservation,” Sexton said.  With Sexton’s argument about interpreting and honoring treaty language, the Yakama Nation ultimately won the case, confirming that Tract D was and had always been a part of the reservation, within the original boundaries. This was further validated when, the following year, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the county’s appeal against Yakama Nation. The case also set a meaningful precedent for how the Tract C boundary, which has had no such adjudication, might be approached in court, Sexton said.  While the court’s decision was monumental, it did nothing to address the continued existence of state trust lands on the reservation. Under the U.S. Constitution, federal treaties with tribal nations, as with other sovereign entities, are considered the supreme law of the land. Washington also has its own state Supreme Court decision, which expressly holds that tribal treaties are binding law. The Treaty with the Yakama of 1855 precedes the federal 1889 Enabling Act that distributed state trust lands, so it should have precedence. In other words, because the treaty was signed first, the subsequent expansion of state trust lands on Yakama land, due to incorrect maps, shouldn’t have happened.  “The Treaty of 1855 trumps it,” Sexton said. “There’s no question about that.” But because of how Western property law works, the state has legitimate legal claim to those lands.  It goes back to how the U.S. perceived its right over the land upon which it was building itself: Empowered by the Doctrine of Discovery, a Catholic decree authorizing colonial powers to claim land, the government decided that all of the land and everything on or under it was federal property until it was turned into a state, or national park, or reservation. Whoever had the property deed, which was initially held and then granted by the federal government, was in charge. And deeds are the key to ownership, Sexton said, seen to be almost as powerful as treaties, even though they’re not listed in the Constitution.  So despite the fact that the U.S. gave away Yakama land to which it no longer had any right, because it fell within the bounds of the reservation, the federal government’s distribution of trust lands to Washington state is still recognized as a legal transaction.  Washington has the ability to decide how these trust lands are handled. But because so much time has passed since the state’s inception in 1889, generations of settlement and ownership have been established in the area, and state beneficiaries have come to count on trust lands as a revenue source — which means it is unlikely that Washington would return the trust lands on the reservation to the tribe without some form of compensation.  “State officials, they’ll claim that the law ties their hands. But I don’t know that it does,” Sexton said. “And if it does, they’re certainly not working to change the law in any actual way.” Klickitat Meadow, like many of the forest meadows on Tract C of the reservation, is where the headwaters of the Klickitat River begin. Many Yakama tribal members come to this closed part of the reservation to hunt and gather food, and learn about the land. Maria Parazo Rose / Grist The October sun shone through fall-colored leaves above the truck Phil Rigdon drove into the forests of Tract D. Along a rolling ridgeline, he pointed out groves of pine stands.  “We call this area Cedar Valley, even though there’s no cedars here,” Rigdon said, gesturing out the window. “It was the homesteaders that called it Cedar Valley. And so I don’t know why it stuck.” Rigdon stepped into the superintendent role for Yakama Nation’s Department of Natural Resources in 2005, coming with a bachelor’s degree in forest management from the University of Washington and a master’s degree from the Yale School of the Environment. He steers land management across the entire reservation. But before that, Rigdon was a forester. In these backroads, he recognized copses of trees he once knew as saplings he planted decades ago, now stretching 40 feet tall.  “You never think you grow up, but holy shit,” he said. “Now you’re like the big trees, you’re the old growth.”  Driving through Tract D, there was a clear contrast between different parcels of the forest. Some were densely packed or dotted with stumps — those owned and managed by the state or private interests. The forest on tribal land, meanwhile, was thinned out, full of mature trees with thick trunks. Branches stretched into air. Thinning out trees has many purposes: It decreases the material that feeds wildfires, it enables a more complex plant system, and it slows the spread of insects and disease. It creates a healthier forest.  Both the state and private industry harvest timber more aggressively than the tribe, though Rigdon acknowledged that the state manages forest much better than private industry, which does more clear-cutting. After all, the state DNR must manage state trust lands so that schools and other institutions receive revenue years into the future.  This isn’t to say the tribe doesn’t log. They cannot tax people, as a tribe, so they harvest enough to help fund their government institutions, which partly depend on timber as a revenue stream. But the Yakamas’ approach is to view land as a continuum, to be managed for the very long run. They pay attention to the overall environment, making decisions based on what allows the entire ecosystem to work as it should. Their harvesting practices double as a way of maintaining forest health — the priority over revenue generation.  “What we leave on the ground actually is usually more valuable than what we take,” Rigdon said.  The tribe values land for more than its potential economic worth: There is kinship, memory, medicine. Like when Joe Blodgett, a tribal member and Rigdon’s cousin, described the Klickitat Meadow, he didn’t bring up the golden grass or jagged peaks on the horizon. He talked about weekends fishing with his dad. Klickitat Meadow is in the Tract C part of the reservation, checkerboarded with state trust lands and tucked up in the mountains behind roads that require four-wheel drive. This area, and others like it, is where Blodgett and other members of Yakama Nation learned to gather food and about their connection to the land.  “It gets back to the importance of what our resources are offering us,” Blodgett said. “They’re making a sacrifice, they’re making that offering. And we’ve got to appreciate that.” Read Next The extractive industries filling public university coffers on stolen land Tristan Ahtone, Robert Lee, Amanda Tachine, An Garagiola, Audrianna Goodwin, Maria Parazo Rose, & Clayton Aldern Blodgett manages the Yakima Klickitat Fisheries Project, a tribal initiative that works on restoring sustainable and harvestable fish populations. His work involves overseeing environmental restoration projects, like in the Klickitat Meadow, which has been far too dry. A warmer climate played a part in this, but the full reason is more nuanced. A history of state-sanctioned sheep grazing permitted on adjacent state trust lands led to grazing on the meadow that never should have happened. Large herds, which wouldn’t normally be in the area, compacted the dirt so much that water can no longer percolate into the ground to feed the streams and rivers that start in mountain meadows like this.  Actions that damage the environment in seemingly small ways add up, Blodgett said. Scale matters. But by the same token, small environmental mitigation practices also add up to meaningful improvements. In a meadow stream nearby, for example, the tribe has built human approximations of beaver dams that slow the water and help it absorb into the ground. Solutions like these are called “low tech,” but the simplistic name belies their necessity for other projects to succeed.   For example, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers is ready to move forward with the removal of the Bateman Island Causeway, an unauthorized, artificial land bridge in the Columbia River that connects Bateman Island to the shore. Tribes have long advocated for its removal, given its disturbance to the surrounding ecosystem. Removing it will restore fish populations off the reservation, but Blodgett said the situation won’t get better without cold water coming down from the mountain streams on the reservation. That’s where the low-tech fixes come in.   “They’re equally important,” Blodgett said of the low-tech fixes and bigger infrastructure projects. “You’re going to see the biggest bang out there when you pull that causeway out. But if [fish] don’t have these types of systems to go back to, you’re just going to continue to spin your wheels.” Climate change adds pressure to the Yakamas’ environmental restoration efforts. Because the effects of a rapidly changing environment are becoming more prevalent, Blodgett and other Yakama experts know that they have to take faster, bigger action to stay ahead of and be resilient to even harsher future conditions. It will require landscape-scale restoration projects, more sustainable management of forests, and smarter water- and land-use practices — big projects for which the Yakama Nation would need cohesive control over its reservation, without pockets of state or private ownership.  The Yakama Nation has a plan for land reclamation. The tribe began buying land back from companies and private landowners in the mid-1990s, returning close to 40,000 acres. One of the bigger single acquisitions was a deal with a private landowner to buy back roughly 7,500 acres in Tract C for about $5 million. But the remaining 19,700 surface and subsurface acres of state trust land in Tract C have proved to be elusive; the tribe has been negotiating to reacquire those lands for over 20 years.  The complications come from the Enabling Act rules that govern Washington state’s financial responsibility to its beneficiaries: The state cannot lose money from state trust lands. In practice, were the state to return trust lands to Yakama Nation, it would need to be paid however much that land is worth, or receive land that is the equivalent value of what they exchange. Without that compensation, public schools and other institutions will feel the financial pinch.  Between 2021 and 2023, the state trust lands within Yakama reservation generated $573,219.85 — which is .16 percent of all the revenue that state trust lands across Washington state produced in that same time period. Washington does have one avenue for transferring state trust lands from the DNR to other entities, as long as those lands are deemed financially “unproductive.” The Trust Land Transfer program’s benefit is that the state legislature funds land exchanges, instead of an entity, like a tribe, buying it back. But you have to have a legislature willing to do that. It’s a unique program, one that the DNR says they operate in the spirit of collaboration with the tribes.  Read Next How schools, hospitals, and prisons in 15 states profit from land and resources on 79 tribal nations Anna V. Smith & Maria Parazo Rose The state trust lands on Tract C are eligible for this program and are on the final list of this year’s proposed transfers, with “minimal long-term revenue potential.” The state DNR has requested $15 million from the state legislature to return roughly 9,900 surface acres to the tribe. Per state policy, the state would retain the rights to any subsurface materials under these lands, even if the surface rights go to the tribe. The DNR would use the payment money to purchase new lands in place of the transferred trust lands, to continue supporting beneficiaries. Comparatively, Tract D, which courts confirmed is a part of the Yakama reservation, is still productively generating revenue and not eligible for the Trust Land Transfer program. The legislature could theoretically fund a direct transfer to compensate the DNR and its beneficiaries for the Tract D state trust lands, but that would be a hefty price tag. So, instead, the state has brought in the federal government to facilitate an exchange, given that it has more resources and holds so much land in the area. The DNR has identified federal lands off reservation that they want and now it’s a matter of negotiation, said Commissioner of Public Lands Hilary Franz.  “The reason this situation exists is because the federal government created a situation of injustice to the tribes. To right the situation doesn’t mean you create a wrong,” Franz said, explaining that giving those trust lands away without an exchange would unfairly take revenue away from schools and other beneficiaries. “It means, federal government, you made the wrong allocation of lands to the state for trust lands, when it should have gone to the tribe. Now, correct that … and you make the tribes whole and you make our schools whole.” Franz said that if the legislature doesn’t approve funding for the Tract C Trust Land Transfer — though she is confident they will — the DNR would likely approach it in the same way as Tract D, negotiating with the federal government for a direct transfer. Otherwise, the alternative would be the arduous process of amending the state constitution and federal Enabling Act. But, Franz said, that’s too hard. Hard, but not impossible. Section 11 of the 1889 Enabling Act, dealing with lands granted to support schools, has been amended eight times, most recently in 1970. Washington’s state constitution has been amended 109 times, one of the most recent in 2016 for a redistricting issue. The state legislature will decide whether or not to fund the Tract C trust land transfer in the spring of 2025. But no matter how the issue of trust lands is resolved between the Yakama Nation and Washington state, it sets a meaningful example for tribes on the 78 other reservations where trust lands exist. One cool morning last October, about 170 years after the Yakama treaty signing, a crowd of about 90 people gathered in a dusty clearing next to the Klickitat River on the southwest corner of the Yakama reservation, in Tract D. Cupped by pine-covered hillsides, they were there to commemorate the groundbreaking of long-awaited upgrades to the Klickitat Hatchery. On October 11, 2024, the Yakama Nation hosted a groundbreaking ceremony for updates to the Klickitat Hatchery. Seen here are Yakama staff, joined by Tribal Chairman Gerald Lewis (far left) and Tribal Councilman Jeremy Takala (far right). Maria Parazo Rose / Grist It had been run by the state until 2006, when it was turned over to the tribe; tribal members have managed it back to health, holding things together with duct tape and determination. Over the low rumbling of river water, representatives from the county, state, federal, and tribal governments praised the collaborative effort that had gone into restoring the hatchery. The tribe was also celebrating the forthcoming return of the land the hatchery is located on. On December 13, Washington state transferred the title to the 167 acres and all the hatchery facilities from the state Department of Fish and Wildlife, or DFW, to the Yakama Nation. Bill Sharp, coordinator for Yakama Nation Fisheries’ projects, has worked on environmental restoration projects for 35 years. He’s white, a non-tribal member. To him, navigating the title transfer with the DFW has been faster and easier than land transfers with the state DNR. The presence of state trust lands on the reservation, he said, is an insult to injury. “Can you just clean the slate, say, ‘Our bad, here it is, all back’? That’s how it should go,” Sharp said, about the state trust land return efforts. “But the way things were funded, and the easements and restrictions that white people put on top of that — those things just really get in the way of doing what’s right.” What is the right way to settle an injustice? Who is justice for? Rigdon, Blodgett, and other Yakama experts working on this issue know that land return is a long game, even on their own reservation. They’re in it for the very long haul, which means that each new challenge is just another day — and that every win, like with the hatchery, is cause for celebration.  “I’ve always had the opinion that you can never lose if you never stop trying,” said Sharp. “So as long as the Yakama are here, and they live and breathe, they’re going to keep fighting to protect the resources that sustain their lives. And we all benefit from that, everyone, whether you’re a tribal member or not.” Read Next Top 5 takeaways of our investigation into state trust lands Tristan Ahtone At the end of the ceremony, the faint smell of a warm, fresh salmon meal slipped into the air, prepared by Yakama staff for the festivities. After the closing speeches, the crowd moved like a wave, chattering about this and that while they waited in a winding line. A row of tables held trays of salad, salmon, bread, and grapes. Folks from state and federal organizations sat with their tribal counterparts, full plates in hand. The Klickitat County commissioner was there, her presence marking a fresh page in the tribal-county relationship.  Kids squirmed in plastic chairs before bolting across the grass to play between bites. The salmon was simple and smoky, well-salted. People ate what they wanted and took what they needed. Some came up for second helpings. Anyone could walk away with a heavy box of leftovers for a later meal. For a moment, at least, there was no competing for resources or space. There was enough to share. This story was produced with support from Renaissance Journalism’s 2024-2025 LaunchPad Fellowship for NextGen Journalists, and the Nova Institute for Health 2024 Media Fellowship. This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A filing error put more than 90,000 acres of Yakama Nation land in the hands of Washington state on Dec 20, 2024.

More than 170 years later, the Yakama are still trying to get their land back.

It was barely a choice. In 1855, a time when the ink of border lines on United States maps had scarcely dried, Yakama Chief Kamiakin was told to sign over the land of 14 tribal nations and bands in the Pacific Northwest — or face the prospect of walking “knee deep” in the blood of his people.

Legend has it that, when he put pen to paper, he was so furious he bit through his lip.

By signing, he ceded over 10 million acres across what is now known as Washington state. In return, the Yakama Nation was allowed to live on a reservation one-tenth the size of their ancestral lands, about 100 miles southeast of Seattle.

But the story doesn’t end there. The treaty map was lost for close to 75 years, misfiled by a federal clerk who put it under “M” for Montana.

With no visual record to contradict them, federal agents extracted even more Yakama land for the nascent state, drawing new boundaries on new maps. One removed an additional 140,000 acres from the reservation, another about half a million, and still other versions exist.

By the time the original map was discovered in the 1930s, it was too late. Settlers had already made claims well within reservation boundaries, carving the consequences of this mistake into the contours of the land. Non-Native landowners remain to this day.

The Yakama want that land back. Most tribal members know the story of Kamiakin and his bloodied lip when he signed the treaty. Ask Phil Rigdon, a Yakama citizen and nationally recognized forester. As the superintendent of the Yakama Nation Department of Natural Resources, he deals with a medley of issues, but his most important work is getting the reservation land back. After working on this for nearly 20 years, he knows that it takes time and an entire community to make the progress they want.

“It’s a family thing for us, as we do this business,” he said.

a mountain landscape under blue sky
Pahto, also known as Mount Adams, looms over the western edge of the Yakama reservation. In 1972, President Richard Nixon signed an executive order acknowledging that the mountain had been mistakenly excluded from the reservation.
Maria Parazo Rose / Grist

Pushed up against the eastern slopes of the Cascade Range mountains, the Yakama reservation is over a million acres — but not all of it belongs to the tribe. The primary non-tribal landowner on Yakama Nation is the state of Washington, which owns close to 92,000 surface and subsurface acres of state trust land within the reservation’s boundaries, in addition to other types of land holdings. 

As part of the Enabling Act of 1889, the federal government gifted tracts of land to states when they graduated from territories to join the Union. These parcels, known as state trust lands, are considered resources in perpetuity: States can sell or lease these lands to make money from grazing, timber, and other activities. The profit is then used to fund a state’s institutions: universities, jails, hospitals, and, especially, public schools. 

These lands can be a meaningful revenue source. A Grist investigation from earlier this year found that state trust lands across the Western U.S. that send money to land-grant universities paid out about $6.6 billion dollars from 2018 to 2022.

Washington’s state trust lands, including those on the Yakama reservation, are managed by its Department of Natural Resources, or DNR. The state is eager to return the lands back to the tribe; it recognizes that a return would both complete the Yakamas’ ownership of the reservation and support the region’s environmental health. However, the state’s efforts are dictated by legal policies and priorities that ensure the land is exchanged only on the condition that Washington is compensated for the lands’ value, even though it was wrongfully taken.  

Grist has reported on over 2 million acres of state trust lands that exist within the borders of 79 reservations across the Western U.S. Our investigation has shown that extractive industries, like mining, logging, and oil and gas drilling, operate on that land that generates billions of dollars for state entities. But the Yakama Nation’s history with state lands is singular in its legal morass. 

When the treaty map was “misfiled,” two main areas on the reservation were repeatedly depicted as non-tribal land on incorrect replacement maps. One is along the northern border of the reservation, known as Tract C. The other is Tract D, in the reservation’s southwestern corner. 

Today, nearly 71,500 acres of surface and subsurface state trust lands on Tract D, and 19,700 acres on Tract C, send revenue to Washington’s institutions, mostly benefitting public K-12 schools. The map the Washington DNR uses to reference the Yakama reservation still marks Tract C as a “disputed area.”

Prior to settler colonialism, the ancestral Yakama homeland stretched for 10 million acres — from Pahto (Mount Adams) in the west past Nch’i-Wàna (the Columbia River) in the east.

In 1855, the Territory of Washington was just two years old, and settlers aimed to make it a state.

That year, the United States forced a treaty upon the people of Yakama Nation, who were subsequently confined to a reservation — ceding roughly 90 percent of their more than 10 million acres.

To establish the reservation, negotiators relied on natural features to define its boundaries.

6 Yakama Nation v. Klickitat Cnty.

Commencing on the Yakama River, at the mouth of the Attah-nam River; thence westerly along said Attah-nam River to the forks; thence along the southern tributary to the Cascade Mountains; thence southerly along the main ridge of said mountains, passing south and east of Mount Adams, to the spur whence flows the waters of the Klickatat and Pisco rivers; thence down said spur to the divide between the waters of said rivers; thence along said divide to the divide separating the waters of the Satass River from those flowing into the Columbia River; thence along said divide to the main Yakama, eight miles below the mouth of the Satass River; and thence up the Yakama River to the place of beginning.

The according treaty text and map illustrated a reservation that stretched from the Cascade Range eastward to the Yakima River, with a southern boundary south of Mount Adams.

But the treaty map disappeared shortly after the treaty's signing, throwing the reservation boundary — especially the southwestern edge — into dispute. Subsequent federal surveys would seek to delineate this boundary.

The Schwartz survey, conducted in 1890, cut nearly a half-million acres out of the reservation relative to the understanding reached in the treaty.

A federal report released in 1900 fixed some of the more obvious errors of the Schwartz survey but failed to appropriately reflect the southwestern boundary of the reservation.

The Supreme Court ruled in 1913 that the Yakama reservation extended to the main ridge of the Cascade Range. In the early 1920s, a new federal survey implemented this correction — but still used an unnatural straight line to denote the southwestern side.

Despite the recovery around 1930 of the 1855 treaty map, which prompted a new federal survey of the boundary in 1932, the southwestern boundary of the Yakama reservation would remain in dispute.

This 120,000-acre section of land, highlighted in a mid-20th-century Yakama claim to the Indian Claims Commission, became known as Tract D.

The litigation of Tract D — which appropriately captures the natural geographic boundaries of the 1855 treaty — would define the next seven decades of Yakama land claims.

Today, between surface and subsurface rights, more than 70,000 acres of Washington state trust lands sit within Tract D.

What happened to Tract D?

Scroll to continue

Parker Ziegler and Clayton Aldern / Grist

The boundary errors have been acknowledged by authorities ranging from Harold Ickes, the Secretary of the Interior during the Franklin Roosevelt administration in the 1930s, to former President Richard Nixon in the 1970s.

But none of these acknowledgments were legally binding, said attorney Joe Sexton of Galanda Broadman law firm, based in Washington. That is, until the 2021 9th U.S. Circuit Court case of the ​​Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation v. Klickitat County, for which Sexton and Galanda Broadman, along with attorneys for the tribe led by Ethan Jones, argued the Yakamas’ case. 

It started with a jurisdictional dispute over a criminal prosecution: In 2017, Klickitat County arrested a minor and enrolled tribal member for a crime in Tract D. The county claimed that the tribe had no jurisdiction over Tract D, since it wasn’t reservation land; the tribe declared the opposite. The Yakama Nation sued Klickitat County for stepping outside its jurisdiction; the county argued that Tract D was not included when the reservation was created. Sexton’s job was to prove that it was.  

“If they had lost this, they would’ve really been brokenhearted about the fact that future Yakamas would not be able to consider this part of their reservation,” Sexton said. 

With Sexton’s argument about interpreting and honoring treaty language, the Yakama Nation ultimately won the case, confirming that Tract D was and had always been a part of the reservation, within the original boundaries. This was further validated when, the following year, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the county’s appeal against Yakama Nation. The case also set a meaningful precedent for how the Tract C boundary, which has had no such adjudication, might be approached in court, Sexton said. 

While the court’s decision was monumental, it did nothing to address the continued existence of state trust lands on the reservation.

Under the U.S. Constitution, federal treaties with tribal nations, as with other sovereign entities, are considered the supreme law of the land. Washington also has its own state Supreme Court decision, which expressly holds that tribal treaties are binding law. The Treaty with the Yakama of 1855 precedes the federal 1889 Enabling Act that distributed state trust lands, so it should have precedence. In other words, because the treaty was signed first, the subsequent expansion of state trust lands on Yakama land, due to incorrect maps, shouldn’t have happened. 

“The Treaty of 1855 trumps it,” Sexton said. “There’s no question about that.”

But because of how Western property law works, the state has legitimate legal claim to those lands. 

It goes back to how the U.S. perceived its right over the land upon which it was building itself: Empowered by the Doctrine of Discovery, a Catholic decree authorizing colonial powers to claim land, the government decided that all of the land and everything on or under it was federal property until it was turned into a state, or national park, or reservation. Whoever had the property deed, which was initially held and then granted by the federal government, was in charge. And deeds are the key to ownership, Sexton said, seen to be almost as powerful as treaties, even though they’re not listed in the Constitution. 

So despite the fact that the U.S. gave away Yakama land to which it no longer had any right, because it fell within the bounds of the reservation, the federal government’s distribution of trust lands to Washington state is still recognized as a legal transaction. 

Washington has the ability to decide how these trust lands are handled. But because so much time has passed since the state’s inception in 1889, generations of settlement and ownership have been established in the area, and state beneficiaries have come to count on trust lands as a revenue source — which means it is unlikely that Washington would return the trust lands on the reservation to the tribe without some form of compensation. 

“State officials, they’ll claim that the law ties their hands. But I don’t know that it does,” Sexton said. “And if it does, they’re certainly not working to change the law in any actual way.”

A landscape aerial of a tree-lined valley
Klickitat Meadow, like many of the forest meadows on Tract C of the reservation, is where the headwaters of the Klickitat River begin. Many Yakama tribal members come to this closed part of the reservation to hunt and gather food, and learn about the land.
Maria Parazo Rose / Grist

The October sun shone through fall-colored leaves above the truck Phil Rigdon drove into the forests of Tract D. Along a rolling ridgeline, he pointed out groves of pine stands. 

“We call this area Cedar Valley, even though there’s no cedars here,” Rigdon said, gesturing out the window. “It was the homesteaders that called it Cedar Valley. And so I don’t know why it stuck.”

Rigdon stepped into the superintendent role for Yakama Nation’s Department of Natural Resources in 2005, coming with a bachelor’s degree in forest management from the University of Washington and a master’s degree from the Yale School of the Environment. He steers land management across the entire reservation. But before that, Rigdon was a forester. In these backroads, he recognized copses of trees he once knew as saplings he planted decades ago, now stretching 40 feet tall. 

“You never think you grow up, but holy shit,” he said. “Now you’re like the big trees, you’re the old growth.” 

Driving through Tract D, there was a clear contrast between different parcels of the forest. Some were densely packed or dotted with stumps — those owned and managed by the state or private interests. The forest on tribal land, meanwhile, was thinned out, full of mature trees with thick trunks. Branches stretched into air. Thinning out trees has many purposes: It decreases the material that feeds wildfires, it enables a more complex plant system, and it slows the spread of insects and disease. It creates a healthier forest. 

Both the state and private industry harvest timber more aggressively than the tribe, though Rigdon acknowledged that the state manages forest much better than private industry, which does more clear-cutting. After all, the state DNR must manage state trust lands so that schools and other institutions receive revenue years into the future. 

This isn’t to say the tribe doesn’t log. They cannot tax people, as a tribe, so they harvest enough to help fund their government institutions, which partly depend on timber as a revenue stream. But the Yakamas’ approach is to view land as a continuum, to be managed for the very long run. They pay attention to the overall environment, making decisions based on what allows the entire ecosystem to work as it should. Their harvesting practices double as a way of maintaining forest health — the priority over revenue generation. 

“What we leave on the ground actually is usually more valuable than what we take,” Rigdon said. 

The tribe values land for more than its potential economic worth: There is kinship, memory, medicine.

Like when Joe Blodgett, a tribal member and Rigdon’s cousin, described the Klickitat Meadow, he didn’t bring up the golden grass or jagged peaks on the horizon. He talked about weekends fishing with his dad. Klickitat Meadow is in the Tract C part of the reservation, checkerboarded with state trust lands and tucked up in the mountains behind roads that require four-wheel drive. This area, and others like it, is where Blodgett and other members of Yakama Nation learned to gather food and about their connection to the land. 

“It gets back to the importance of what our resources are offering us,” Blodgett said. “They’re making a sacrifice, they’re making that offering. And we’ve got to appreciate that.”

Blodgett manages the Yakima Klickitat Fisheries Project, a tribal initiative that works on restoring sustainable and harvestable fish populations. His work involves overseeing environmental restoration projects, like in the Klickitat Meadow, which has been far too dry. A warmer climate played a part in this, but the full reason is more nuanced. A history of state-sanctioned sheep grazing permitted on adjacent state trust lands led to grazing on the meadow that never should have happened. Large herds, which wouldn’t normally be in the area, compacted the dirt so much that water can no longer percolate into the ground to feed the streams and rivers that start in mountain meadows like this. 

Actions that damage the environment in seemingly small ways add up, Blodgett said. Scale matters. But by the same token, small environmental mitigation practices also add up to meaningful improvements. In a meadow stream nearby, for example, the tribe has built human approximations of beaver dams that slow the water and help it absorb into the ground. Solutions like these are called “low tech,” but the simplistic name belies their necessity for other projects to succeed.  

For example, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers is ready to move forward with the removal of the Bateman Island Causeway, an unauthorized, artificial land bridge in the Columbia River that connects Bateman Island to the shore. Tribes have long advocated for its removal, given its disturbance to the surrounding ecosystem. Removing it will restore fish populations off the reservation, but Blodgett said the situation won’t get better without cold water coming down from the mountain streams on the reservation. That’s where the low-tech fixes come in.  

“They’re equally important,” Blodgett said of the low-tech fixes and bigger infrastructure projects. “You’re going to see the biggest bang out there when you pull that causeway out. But if [fish] don’t have these types of systems to go back to, you’re just going to continue to spin your wheels.”

Climate change adds pressure to the Yakamas’ environmental restoration efforts. Because the effects of a rapidly changing environment are becoming more prevalent, Blodgett and other Yakama experts know that they have to take faster, bigger action to stay ahead of and be resilient to even harsher future conditions. It will require landscape-scale restoration projects, more sustainable management of forests, and smarter water- and land-use practices — big projects for which the Yakama Nation would need cohesive control over its reservation, without pockets of state or private ownership. 


The Yakama Nation has a plan for land reclamation. The tribe began buying land back from companies and private landowners in the mid-1990s, returning close to 40,000 acres. One of the bigger single acquisitions was a deal with a private landowner to buy back roughly 7,500 acres in Tract C for about $5 million. But the remaining 19,700 surface and subsurface acres of state trust land in Tract C have proved to be elusive; the tribe has been negotiating to reacquire those lands for over 20 years. 

The complications come from the Enabling Act rules that govern Washington state’s financial responsibility to its beneficiaries: The state cannot lose money from state trust lands. In practice, were the state to return trust lands to Yakama Nation, it would need to be paid however much that land is worth, or receive land that is the equivalent value of what they exchange. Without that compensation, public schools and other institutions will feel the financial pinch. 

Between 2021 and 2023, the state trust lands within Yakama reservation generated $573,219.85 — which is .16 percent of all the revenue that state trust lands across Washington state produced in that same time period.

Washington does have one avenue for transferring state trust lands from the DNR to other entities, as long as those lands are deemed financially “unproductive.” The Trust Land Transfer program’s benefit is that the state legislature funds land exchanges, instead of an entity, like a tribe, buying it back. But you have to have a legislature willing to do that. It’s a unique program, one that the DNR says they operate in the spirit of collaboration with the tribes. 

The state trust lands on Tract C are eligible for this program and are on the final list of this year’s proposed transfers, with “minimal long-term revenue potential.” The state DNR has requested $15 million from the state legislature to return roughly 9,900 surface acres to the tribe. Per state policy, the state would retain the rights to any subsurface materials under these lands, even if the surface rights go to the tribe. The DNR would use the payment money to purchase new lands in place of the transferred trust lands, to continue supporting beneficiaries.

Comparatively, Tract D, which courts confirmed is a part of the Yakama reservation, is still productively generating revenue and not eligible for the Trust Land Transfer program. The legislature could theoretically fund a direct transfer to compensate the DNR and its beneficiaries for the Tract D state trust lands, but that would be a hefty price tag. So, instead, the state has brought in the federal government to facilitate an exchange, given that it has more resources and holds so much land in the area. The DNR has identified federal lands off reservation that they want and now it’s a matter of negotiation, said Commissioner of Public Lands Hilary Franz. 

“The reason this situation exists is because the federal government created a situation of injustice to the tribes. To right the situation doesn’t mean you create a wrong,” Franz said, explaining that giving those trust lands away without an exchange would unfairly take revenue away from schools and other beneficiaries. “It means, federal government, you made the wrong allocation of lands to the state for trust lands, when it should have gone to the tribe. Now, correct that … and you make the tribes whole and you make our schools whole.”

Franz said that if the legislature doesn’t approve funding for the Tract C Trust Land Transfer — though she is confident they will — the DNR would likely approach it in the same way as Tract D, negotiating with the federal government for a direct transfer. Otherwise, the alternative would be the arduous process of amending the state constitution and federal Enabling Act. But, Franz said, that’s too hard. 
Hard, but not impossible. Section 11 of the 1889 Enabling Act, dealing with lands granted to support schools, has been amended eight times, most recently in 1970. Washington’s state constitution has been amended 109 times, one of the most recent in 2016 for a redistricting issue.


The state legislature will decide whether or not to fund the Tract C trust land transfer in the spring of 2025. But no matter how the issue of trust lands is resolved between the Yakama Nation and Washington state, it sets a meaningful example for tribes on the 78 other reservations where trust lands exist.

One cool morning last October, about 170 years after the Yakama treaty signing, a crowd of about 90 people gathered in a dusty clearing next to the Klickitat River on the southwest corner of the Yakama reservation, in Tract D. Cupped by pine-covered hillsides, they were there to commemorate the groundbreaking of long-awaited upgrades to the Klickitat Hatchery.

A group of people in construction vests digging
On October 11, 2024, the Yakama Nation hosted a groundbreaking ceremony for updates to the Klickitat Hatchery. Seen here are Yakama staff, joined by Tribal Chairman Gerald Lewis (far left) and Tribal Councilman Jeremy Takala (far right). Maria Parazo Rose / Grist

It had been run by the state until 2006, when it was turned over to the tribe; tribal members have managed it back to health, holding things together with duct tape and determination. Over the low rumbling of river water, representatives from the county, state, federal, and tribal governments praised the collaborative effort that had gone into restoring the hatchery.

The tribe was also celebrating the forthcoming return of the land the hatchery is located on. On December 13, Washington state transferred the title to the 167 acres and all the hatchery facilities from the state Department of Fish and Wildlife, or DFW, to the Yakama Nation.

Bill Sharp, coordinator for Yakama Nation Fisheries’ projects, has worked on environmental restoration projects for 35 years. He’s white, a non-tribal member. To him, navigating the title transfer with the DFW has been faster and easier than land transfers with the state DNR. The presence of state trust lands on the reservation, he said, is an insult to injury.

“Can you just clean the slate, say, ‘Our bad, here it is, all back’? That’s how it should go,” Sharp said, about the state trust land return efforts. “But the way things were funded, and the easements and restrictions that white people put on top of that — those things just really get in the way of doing what’s right.”

What is the right way to settle an injustice? Who is justice for? Rigdon, Blodgett, and other Yakama experts working on this issue know that land return is a long game, even on their own reservation. They’re in it for the very long haul, which means that each new challenge is just another day — and that every win, like with the hatchery, is cause for celebration. 

“I’ve always had the opinion that you can never lose if you never stop trying,” said Sharp. “So as long as the Yakama are here, and they live and breathe, they’re going to keep fighting to protect the resources that sustain their lives. And we all benefit from that, everyone, whether you’re a tribal member or not.”

At the end of the ceremony, the faint smell of a warm, fresh salmon meal slipped into the air, prepared by Yakama staff for the festivities. After the closing speeches, the crowd moved like a wave, chattering about this and that while they waited in a winding line. A row of tables held trays of salad, salmon, bread, and grapes. Folks from state and federal organizations sat with their tribal counterparts, full plates in hand. The Klickitat County commissioner was there, her presence marking a fresh page in the tribal-county relationship. 

Kids squirmed in plastic chairs before bolting across the grass to play between bites. The salmon was simple and smoky, well-salted. People ate what they wanted and took what they needed. Some came up for second helpings. Anyone could walk away with a heavy box of leftovers for a later meal. For a moment, at least, there was no competing for resources or space. There was enough to share.

This story was produced with support from Renaissance Journalism’s 2024-2025 LaunchPad Fellowship for NextGen Journalists, and the Nova Institute for Health 2024 Media Fellowship.

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A filing error put more than 90,000 acres of Yakama Nation land in the hands of Washington state on Dec 20, 2024.

Read the full story here.
Photos courtesy of

Editorial endorsement: Elect Splitt, Greene, La Forte and Engelsman to Portland Public Schools board

Christy Splitt, Herman Greene, Virginia La Forte and Stephanie Engelsman emerge as the strongest candidates with the experience, independence and vision to lead the board of Portland Public Schools, the editorial board writes.

Portland Public Schools is decidedly not in the best of times. Roughly half of students are struggling to master reading and math, and enrollment is declining. Mistrust and anger are lingering after the 2023 teachers strike, and additional layoffs loom as expenses outpace funding increases. Yet each of the four seats on the May ballot for the district’s board of directors has attracted multiple candidates. That interest is a testament to Portlanders’ loyalty to the city’s public schools, even when there’s much that needs fixing. Good intentions alone won’t steer PPS through its challenges. The board needs members who can work collaboratively to hold the district accountable for educating students, make tough budget cuts and rekindle civic enthusiasm for the district. It needs members who are individually able to withstand pressure and pushback – from the administration, teachers union, legislators and others – to make decisions that are unequivocally centered on students and opening doors to their future. And it needs members who will advocate for more funding while recognizing the imperative to improve student achievement with the resources Portland already has.For PPS, those candidates best equipped to lead the district are Christy Splitt in Zone 1; Herman Greene in Zone 4; Virginia La Forte in Zone 5; and Stephanie Engelsman in Zone 6.While our endorsements focus just on Portland Public Schools, voters across the state are making similar decisions for their local districts. They should similarly look for candidates who demonstrate a focus on accountability, financial stewardship, commitment to student achievement and growth and, crucially, independence. Zone 1 – Southwest Portland including Wells High SchoolChristy Splitt: Splitt, 47, was appointed by Portland school board members just three months ago after former director Andrew Scott stepped down from his seat due to his move out of the Southwest Portland zone. A former teacher who has been involved in state politics as a lobbyist, staffer and environmental advocate, she works for the Oregon Department of Energy as its governmental relations coordinator. That experience navigating policy through the Legislature will be valuable as districts across the state seek greater funding to address rising labor costs as well as legacy pension contributions that sap money intended to help current students. In her short tenure on the board so far, she helped draft a framework for how the district should explore potential cost savings for the modernization of three high schools in the $1.8 billion school construction bond that’s also on the May ballot. The resolution, developed with departing board members Gary Hollands and Julia Brim-Edwards, reflects the kind of balancing act needed, weighing new high school construction with improving decrepit conditions in many elementary and middle schools.Her opponent, Ken Cavagnolo, works in artificial intelligence and notes his commitment to student-focused initiatives and higher salaries for teachers. But his campaign seems driven more by ideological stances than a deep understanding of what’s happening in PPS schools. He acknowledged in his endorsement interview that he has not volunteered at or worked with any Portland schools, nor does he have children in the system. Splitt has shown her commitment for years as a PPS parent, volunteer and PTA leader and is the clear choice.Zone 4 – Parts of North and Northeast Portland, including Roosevelt High School Herman Greene: The race for the seat representing parts of North and Northeast Portland proved to be the toughest of the four to decide. Both the incumbent, Greene, and his opponent, Rashelle Chase-Miller, are dedicated and qualified candidates who either had or currently have children in PPS.But Greene, 51, has already demonstrated his commitment to keeping students’ needs front and center, even when that means going against conventional wisdom or holding firm in contract negotiations with the powerful teachers union. He was among the first to raise alarms about the proposed cost of the new high schools on the May bond measure, urging the district to review the plans’ expenses.In October 2021, he was one of the three board members opposing the majority’s push to mandate COVID-19 vaccinations for all students 12 and older to attend school – even though health authorities were not recommending such a move. He called out the potential impact of such a policy on pushing away Black students, noting the community’s long history of medical mistreatment. Ultimately, the board agreed, unanimously putting aside the well-intentioned but ill-conceived proposal.He successfully advocated for clarifying district policy to allow high schools to offer a U.S. Junior Reserve Officer Training Corps program, similar to other career and technical education opportunities. Nothing would require high schools to do so, but many community members objected to the idea of a military-affiliated program. But that shows Greene’s focus on serving students – not Portland sensibilities. School districts should not be in the business of shutting down avenues to a student’s future or prescribing which career paths are politically acceptable. The district’s role is to help students explore their interests and gain the knowledge and skills to make informed decisions about their futures. And as one of the three directors at the bargaining table during the 2023 teachers strike, he fulfilled a board member’s toughest role. Despite intense pressure to give teachers concessions the district could not afford, Greene stood firm. He has correctly pointed out that without massive new state funding, the district would have to cut school days and other student services if it were to adopt caps on class sizes – one of the most expensive changes sought by teachers. While Greene has repeatedly called for more state funding, the teachers union has still targeted him for replacement as part of its “Flip the PPS Board” campaign. But had the district agreed to more of the union’s demands, ongoing cuts at PPS would be even deeper.Chase-Miller, 43, is a formidable opponent, with her background as a literacy advocate and program director for SMART Reading. She offers deeper analysis of some of the educational policy questions facing board members than Greene, who often seems to make off-the-cuff statements. She provides greater clarity in her priorities for special education and literacy initiatives in the face of budget cuts. And while she supports class size caps, she would preserve the district’s focus on smaller class sizes in Title 1 schools where such an investment makes a more meaningful difference than in high-income neighborhoods.But as a parent leader who prominently embraced the teachers union’s narrative of the strike despite public information to the contrary and whose campaign has received more than $10,000 from the teachers union, she doesn’t project the independence necessary for a board member whose constituency is students. Greene is quick to admit that he’s not politically polished, but he is comfortable advocating for the diverse needs of a broad student body, even if it goes against conventional wisdom. With the departures of Hollands and Brim-Edwards, the board is losing key accountability-minded members. Greene’s voice is an important one to keep.Zone 5 – Northeast Portland including Grant and McDaniel High SchoolsVirginia La Forte: As the mother of a current PPS high schooler and a 2024 PPS graduate, La Forte has shown up for years as a volunteer, advocate and, when needed, challenger to the district. More than a decade ago, she pressed PPS to clean up hazardous lead paint at schools. She served on the advisory group helping develop the district’s 2017 bond to rebuild three high schools and mitigate environmental hazards, including lead in schools’ drinking water. The 54-year-old marketing strategist most recently has been leading the charge for the district to install lights at the field next to Grant High School, allowing sports teams to hold more games at their home field rather than traveling off-site – missing class time as a result. Proceeds for the bond measure on the May ballot would address this need.Those efforts reflect one of La Forte’s strengths – her ability to identify, create and execute a solution to big problems. She would bring that approach to her top priorities of addressing chronic absenteeism, low literacy rates and the district’s crumbling infrastructure.Among her ideas is to explore how to braid together schools and community partners to provide full-day summer programs that offer high-dosage tutoring as well as sports and recreational opportunities. She noted the importance of trainings for teachers in literacy techniques and the need to target the causes underlying chronic absenteeism as factors in boosting reading proficiency.But she also would strengthen the board with an understanding of what accountability entails. When asked how she would hold the district superintendent accountable, she discussed the components of creating shared goals, establishing a plan, identifying metrics to measure progress and then regularly checking in with multiple groups – an often skipped step.Opponent Jorge Sanchez Bautista, 18, is a senior at McDaniel High School who has experienced first-hand some of the shortcomings of the district and the challenges borne by students as a result of insufficient resources. Part of the teachers union’s “Flip the PPS Board” slate, Bautista has been politically active on a number of social justice issues, picketed regularly with teachers during the 2023 strike and brings an affable and authentic enthusiasm. He identifies himself as a member of the Oregon Board of Education – although in actuality, he has a student advisory role – but his platform lacks the specificity, focus and depth that La Forte brings. While his commitment to engage the community to guide his decisions is a crucial part of representation, he did not show a clear vision of what he would seek to achieve. We look forward to hearing more from Bautista, who plans to attend Portland State University and, possibly, University of Oregon afterwards. But for getting big things done now, La Forte is the stronger choice.Zone 6 – Southeast Portland including Cleveland and Franklin High SchoolsStephanie Engelsman: Few board members have shown the level of rigorous oversight as Zone 6 Director Julia Brim-Edwards, who is finishing her second consecutive term on the school board. Whether they liked it or not, fellow board members knew she would come to meetings armed with specific questions derived from reading board packets and talking with administrators and community members. With Brim-Edwards not running for re-election, the candidate who will best fill her shoes and provide that scrutiny to district policies and decisions is Engelsman.Engelsman, 47, brings her experience not just as a parent of PPS elementary school kids, but also her years as a public defense attorney working with youth in juvenile cases and foster care. She notes the hardships that families face and how they connect with students’ ability to succeed in school – or even to just attend. She identifies how specific policies, such as automatic unenrollment for students who are absent without academic engagement for 10 consecutive school days, can contribute to chronic absenteeism, especially for those without the parental assistance to re-enroll. While she hopes to lower class sizes, she recognizes the necessity of ensuring Title 1 schools’ classrooms get priority in lean budget years. She said she would look for other creative ways to bring in more community resources, from student-teachers to nonprofits that can help provide that assistance and attention that current staffing levels cannot.She emphasizes the importance of doing the reading for board meetings, being prepared and asking the tough questions. She also intends to regularly visit schools – a key component of understanding issues and building trust with school community members. Her two opponents, business owner Rob Galanakis, 40, and disaster resilience consultant Simone Crowe, 37, don’t provide the same education-focused agenda that Engelsman offers. Galanakis often spoke of education as an afterthought, focusing his priorities around housing and transportation policies – areas over which the school board has limited influence and control. Crowe also lacked the familiarity with district budget concerns that are critical to strong oversight. While we did not agree with some of Engelsman’s answers, she has shown that she will bring a critical eye and informed viewpoint that the board needs. -The Oregonian/OregonLive Editorial Board Oregonian editorials Editorials reflect the collective opinion of The Oregonian/OregonLive editorial board, which operates independently of the newsroom. Members of the editorial board are Therese Bottomly, Laura Gunderson, Helen Jung and John Maher. Members of the board meet regularly to determine our institutional stance on issues of the day. We publish editorials when we believe our unique perspective can lend clarity and influence an upcoming decision of great public interest. Editorials are opinion pieces and therefore different from news articles. If you have questions about the opinion section, email Helen Jung, opinion editor, or call 503-294-7621.

An Irish hotelier, Qatari royals and a federal lawsuit involving a Beverly Hills hotel

Irish hotelier Patrick McKillen is suing members of the Qatari royal family, accusing them of defrauding him and his company. The family has denied the allegations.

As Irish hotelier Patrick McKillen tells it, he met the former emir of Qatar on a yacht in Doha to discuss a business opportunity in California, more than 8,000 miles away.McKillen and Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani were discussing the purchase of a Beverly Hills hotel, which McKillen said he committed to managing and redeveloping.Now that hotel — the Maybourne Beverly Hills — is at the center of a civil racketeering complaint filed in the Central District of California on Tuesday, in which McKillen accuses Qatari royals of orchestrating “a global scheme” to defraud him and his company of hundreds of millions of dollars for work completed on several luxury properties.In the lawsuit, McKillen, who reportedly co-owns a whiskey distillery with U2 frontman Bono, said he and his team “undertook a massive redevelopment effort” on the Beverly Hills hotel — where rooms go for more than $1,000 a night — over a two-year period, but were not paid millions of dollars allegedly owed for the work done.McKillen, a citizen of Ireland and the United Kingdom, brought the complaint against senior members of the royal family, including Hamad bin Khalifa; and Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani, the former prime minister known as “HBJ”; as well as the family’s agents, representatives and controlled businesses.In the complaint, which encompasses claims already being litigated in courts around the world, McKillen alleges that the schemes against him and his company, Hume Street Management Consultants Limited, “are part of a years’ long pattern of illegal racketeering orchestrated by the Qatari royals and are in line with a history of illicit, lawless actions.”McKillen’s lawyers declined to comment.“This is the latest of many vacuous claims made by Paddy McKillen and associated parties across multiple jurisdictions, all of which are either on-going or have been struck out by the courts,” the Qatari-owned Maybourne Hotel Group said in a statement. “As with the other claims, we will contest this latest claim and prove the allegations to be entirely false.”The federal lawsuit filed in Los Angeles is the latest action taken by McKillen in his long-running legal dispute with the Qatari royal family, a conflict that has made headlines around the world. He has filed actions in the U.S., France and the United Kingdom.The Maybourne Beverly Hills is also the subject of a breach of contract lawsuit that was filed by McKillen’s company in Los Angeles County Superior Court in 2022. That court denied a motion by the company that owns the hotel to force McKillen’s company into arbitration. The decision is under appeal.“It appears that Mr. McKillen would prefer to litigate in the press rather than continue the actions he initiated in the United States, UK, and France and await their outcome,” Jason D. Russell, who is representing Hamad bin Jassim in California actions, said in an email. “Our client remains confident that these claims, like the myriad others he has filed, will be found to lack merit in a court or by an arbitrator.”Earlier this year, the High Court in London set aside McKillen’s company’s permission to serve a claim on Hamad bin Jassim outside of the jurisdiction, finding it had failed to show a real prospect of success, according to court documents. The claim, for around £3.6 million (about $4.8 million), was tied the development of a private home in London for Hamad bin Jassim. The company’s appeal was refused earlier this month, according to British court records.McKillen was also convicted in Paris earlier this year of being physically and verbally aggressive to a bailiff who was in his apartment in the city because of the alleged nonpayment of a loan to the Luxembourg-based Quintet Private Bank.McKillen’s lawyers told the Irish Times that their client “vigorously denies any violence or any wrongdoing” against the bailiff and claimed the allegations against him were “false.” McKillen, who was reportedly fined €10,000 (about $11,377) over the incident, has appealed the conviction.By the time the Qatari royal family approached McKillen about the California hotel in 2019, he said he had been working on projects with them for years.According to the federal complaint filed in California, in 2004, McKillen acquired shares in a group of luxury hotels that came to be known as the Maybourne Hotel Group. Despite later selling his shares in the group to a company owned by Hamad bin Jassim, McKillen said he continued to manage and redevelop the Maybourne Hotel Group and its hotels at the direction of the royals.Hamad bin Khalifa later acquired an interest in the Maybourne Hotel Group, according to the complaint.McKillen said he and his company had been tasked with the management and redevelopment of the refurbishment of a Manhattan mansion owned by Hamad bin Jassim in 2018; the construction and development of a new Parisian hotel on the site of the historic Îlot Saint-Germain building in 2019; and the management and redevelopment of the newly branded Maybourne Beverly Hills hotel in 2019.McKillen alleges that for each of those projects, the Qatari royals told him he would be compensated through fees for services performed, but that at some point, “the Qatari Royals decided, in secret, that they would not, in fact, be compensating Mr. McKillen or HSMC.” McKillen alleged in the complaint that he and his company were strung along “under false representations” that they would be paid.The complaint detailed the October 2019 meeting on a yacht in Doha, Qatar, between McKillen and Hamad bin Khalifa to discuss the opportunity for the royal family to acquire the California hotel, then known as the Montage Beverly Hills.McKillen said he presented a vision for the hotel to Hamad bin Khalifa and “gave his commitment to manage and strategically redevelop” it. A holding company owned by Hamad bin Khalifa purchased the hotel later that year, according to the complaint.In the complaint, McKillen said a representative of the family confirmed that he and his company would be compensated with fees paid for work performed on the hotel. During the next two years, McKillen said he and his team transitioned the hotel to the Maybourne brand and led the hotel’s development and management.In July 2021, according to the complaint, McKillen submitted a fee proposal to an advisor to the Al Thani family, stating that his company was owed $6 million in project management fees on an annual basis, to be paid quarterly, from January 2020 to January 2025. That proposal was “met with stonewalling by the Qatari Royals,” the complaint alleges. After months passed with no payment, McKillen said, he wrote a letter to Hamad bin Khalifa and Hamad bin Jassim telling them about the refusal to pay him fees owed and stating that he could no longer work on the project.McKillen later sent an additional invoice for $12 million in project management fees for work performed in California in 2020 and 2021, according to the complaint. He alleges that none of those fees had been paid.The Qatari royals are facing a separate legal battle over the Maybourne Riviera, after French authorities sued them for allegedly breaching planning and environmental regulations and illegally building on land exposed to “seismic risks,” according to an Irish Times article. The newspaper reported that, at a recent hearing, a representative for the Al Thani family blamed McKillen. McKillen told that news outlet that the alleged breaches occurred two years after he was fired from the project in April 2022. “The damage was done after we left,” he told the outlet. “The French state isn’t suing me, it’s suing the Qataris.”

Meet Portland’s 2025 Rose Festival Court Princesses

Every spring, Portland crowns a queen. Here are the contenders.

Every spring, Portland crowns a queen.That is, of course, the Rose Festival Queen, a local high school girl chosen from the Rose Festival Court.Last June, Jefferson High School senior Kobi Flowers was crowned the 110th Portland Rose Festival Queen.This year, at 11 a.m. on Friday, June 6, a new queen will take her place. Who will it be this year? One of 15 area high school students who were selected as princesses earlier this spring.After a month of orientation, princesses spend May traveling to community events. Each receives “a $3,500 scholarship provided by The Randall Group valid for any accredited college, university or trade program, a wardrobe including shoes and accessories, and a lifetime of enduring friendships with their Rose Festival Court sisters.”Here are the 2025 princesses. All information is provided by the Portland Rose Festival.Kathy Nguyen, Leodis McDaniel High School Kathy Nguyen, a junior at Leodis McDaniel High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Nguyen plans to study law and work in medicine in law.Activities: Nguyen participates in dance, Key Club, tennis and National Honor Society, among many other things. She also runs and teaches pickleball to elementary school kids. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Portland’s scenery is unparalleled, and I enjoy biking up to Mount Tabor on bright summer days, where the journey through tree-lined streets, local shops, and public art makes the effort worthwhile. I’ve been going there since I learned to ride a bike, and it remains a special place where I make lasting memories with friends, watching sunsets and enjoying sports and nature.”Eleanor Isles, Ulysses S. Grant High School Eleanor Isles, a junior at Ulysses S. Grant High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Four-year university and a career in law, specifically patent litigation.Activities: Isles takes part in mock trial, cross country and National Honor Society, among many other things. She developed an AI cyberbullying detection algorithm during an internship at PSU. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is Powell’s Books. Every time I’m downtown, I find myself drawn to its endless shelves of stories and knowledge.”Sabrina Johnson, Cleveland High School Sabrina Johnson, a junior at Cleveland High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Four-year university and then graduate school studying counseling psychology or environmental justice.Activities: Johnson is part of the cheer team and student council. She is also an active member of the youth group at St. Luke’s Lutheran Church.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? "My favorite place in Portland is Sellwood Riverfront Park, or ‘the docks,’ which holds special memories of joy, friendship, and beauty. Surrounded by greenery, sparkling water, and a stunning city skyline, it’s where I find peace and happiness while spending time with friends and family."Brenda Martinez De Jesus, Benson Polytechnic High SchoolBrenda Martinez De Jesus, a junior at Benson Polytechnic High School was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: University and a career as a pediatric nurse.Activities: Martinez De Jesus is her junior class vice president and vice president of HOSA-Future Health Professionals. She is also a cheerleader, swimmer and tennis player.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit is Mount Tabor because of how much you can see. You can see how our city is truly beautiful. From the top you can see our beautiful buildings, the trees being so big and so green, and the light through the city that light it up.”Janiya Thompson, Jefferson High School Janiya Thompson, a senior at Jefferson High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: University, majoring in graphic design then working in illustration/animation or marketing/media design.Activities: Thompson participates in mock trial, choir and theater, among many other things, and loves to make art in her free time.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “I love visiting Mississippi Street for its vibrant mix of experiences, entertainment, and great food. Whether I’m with friends or exploring on my own, it always offers new adventures and feels like a perfect representation of Portland.”Gloria Zawadi, Roosevelt High School Gloria Zawadi, a senior at Roosevelt High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose Festival Year in school: SeniorFuture plans: Major in Psychology at a university and then work as a clinical psychologist. Activities: Zawadi plays tennis and is president of Roosevelt’s Black Student Union. She participates in African Club and Upward Bound, along with many other activities, and loves dancing and writing.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Columbia Park because it is a place where I hold a lot of memories and is very dear to me. I learned how to swim for the first time at Columbia Pool and frequently spent time on the swings and play structure when we would visit the park in elementary school on walking field trips.”Ava Rathi, Lincoln High School Ava Rathi, a senior at Lincoln High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Study international affairs, political science, or business at a university and pursue a career in international relations or public policy.Activities: Rathi is the captain of Speech and Debate and participates in mock trial and National Honor Society, among other things. She likes to ski and make art. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is the Japanese Gardens. It has a calm atmosphere and beautiful design. It was one of the first places I visited after moving to this city and I have been enamored with the architecture and nature since I was a kid.”Meerali Patel, Central Catholic High School Meerali Patel, a senior at Central Catholic High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Study law and be either a business lawyer, financial consultant or economics consultant.Activities: Patel is a varsity lacrosse player and a member of mock trial and constitutional debate, among other things. She is also the leader of the Women’s Coalition and a member of the Asian American Hotelier Owners Association What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Even before the amazing renovations, the PDX airport has always been the most representative of a city’s spirit in my opinion. With the kind staff that have always made my family feel welcome, the wide variety of art that showcases our beautiful city and of course the amazing food that I am not afraid to eat before a long-haul flight I genuinely look forward to going to the airport before a flight.”Sivan Safran, Ida B. Wells High School Sivan Safran, a senior at Ida B. Wells High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Major in urban studies and Jewish history and then pursue a career in documentary filmmaking. Activities: Safran participates in theater, track, yearbook and is the co-president of the Jewish Student Union, among other things. She plays drums and loves to take photos.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Forest Park – All my life I’ve loved nature. I was born into a family of park rangers, backroads bike trip leaders, and commune members who worshiped Mother Earth.”Isa Halle, Franklin High School Isa Halle, a junior at Franklin High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Major in international relations and minor in French at a university and potentially a career in international relations focusing on environmental advocacy.Activities: Halle is the president and co-founder of Franklin’s Harm Reduction Club and is on the ski and cheer team, among other things. She loves to thrift shop and is a vendor at Portland Vintage Market. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is Sellwood Riverfront Park. Since my birthday is at the beginning of summer, I often spend it at the docks in Sellwood. I have had my birthday party there for the last four years, and for this reason, I have very fond memories of laying in the sun and swimming with my friends. My happiest memories of summer and sunshine are in Sellwood Riverfront Park, and I look forward to dock days every year.”Jayden Rendon-Ramirez, David Douglas High School Jayden Rendon-Ramirez, a junior at David Douglas High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture education plans: University and then a career as a pediatrician or nurse.Activities: Rendon-Ramirez participates in Red Cross, College Possible Club and dance team, among other things. She volunteers every weekend at her church and loves hike in Portland.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place in Portland, Oregon, would be SW downtown because of the busy city environment and all the restaurants and shops that they have there. Also, its diverse culture and views make it a vibrant and exciting place to explore.”Ivette Hernandez, Parkrose High School Ivette Hernandez, a senior at Parkrose High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Attend a university and enter the pediatric field.Activities: Hernandez manages the Parkrose wrestling team, leads the Finance Club and plays tennis, among other things. She likes to solve puzzles and play video games. What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “My favorite place to visit in Portland is Rocky Butte Natural Area. I love this place! It has greenery, knowledge, and a beautiful view of the city.”Esther Lian, St. Mary AcademyEsther Lian, a senior at St. Mary Academy, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Attend university and go into business, marketing and management.Activities: Lian participates in robotics, volleyball and the South Asian Student Association, among many other things. She likes to cook, craft and dance.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Grotto, it’s one of the most breathtaking places that I have visited. It’s both spiritual healing and connecting with nature. The view is spectacular and so beautiful as well as the Church inside the Grotto.” Addie Glem, Century High School (Metro West)Addie Glem, a junior at Century High School, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: JuniorFuture plans: Study nursing and become either a labor and delivery nurse or ICU nurseActivities: Glem does cross country and track and is an officer in the National Honor Society, among other things. She likes baking and volunteering in the Labor & Delivery unit at Kaiser Westside Hospital.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Arlene Schnitzer Concert Hall. This building holds so many memories that I treasure in my heart.” Avari Brocker, La Salle Catholic (Metro East)Avari Brocker, a senior at La Salle Catholic, was selected to the 2025 Rose Festival Court.Courtesy of the Rose FestivalYear in school: SeniorFuture plans: Study biomedical engineering with a minor in business, and later get a master’s degree in prosthetics engineering so she can start a prosthetics company.Activities: Brocker is part of student council and the captain of the speech and debate and volleyball teams, among other things. She works at Mathnasium and likes poetry and photography.What is your favorite place to visit in Portland and why? “Rose Garden, because of all the memories I have shared there. One of my favorite memories is my parents’ impromptu vow renewal.”– Lizzy Acker covers life and culture and writes the advice column Why Tho? Reach her at 503-221-8052, lacker@oregonian.com.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

Luxury yacht owners are throwing scientists a lifeline

Francesco Ferretti had a problem. His research expedition to track white sharks in the Mediterranean was suddenly adrift—the boat he’d arranged had vanished into the pandemic’s chaos of canceled plans and family emergencies. With scientific equipment packed and a team of seven researchers ready, the marine biologist found himself scanning the horizon for solutions. It was then that Ferretti turned to six-year-old Yachts for Science, a matchmaking service linking wealthy boat owners with cash-strapped researchers. Soon, an owner of a private yacht offered to help. Though weather conditions limited their time on the water and forced a relocation between countries, the expedition pressed on, with the yacht’s crew eagerly assisting with scientific operations. The unusual collaboration—luxury yacht meets marine research—proved successful despite the compromise of working on a vessel not specifically designed for scientific work. “Whenever the crew was there, and we were actually doing science, they were available to help,” says Ferretti. “Sometimes you need hands, or you need other people to do stuff for you, to facilitate even the most trivial things, like organizing buckets or helping with sampling.” A dive during an expedition last year to Silver Banks, a whale sanctuary in the Dominican Republic, organized by Bering Yachts. [Photo: Max Bello] Ferretti’s experience represents a growing movement in marine research, where luxury meets necessity. There are dozens of research vessels registered in the U.S., far more than any other country, including NOAA’s fleet of 15 research and survey ships, but availiablity can be scarce, and they aren’t cheap. Renting one of those vessels for an oceanographic expedition like this can cost upwards of $50,000 per day, according to Ferretti, a huge sum to raise for many scientists facing budget constraints. Meanwhile, the world’s ultra-wealthy use their multimillion-dollar yachts just a few weeks each year, with vessels sitting idle while still incurring substantial crew and maintenance costs.  Organizations like Yachts for Science, the International SeaKeepers Society, and the Pink Flamingo Society aim to bridge this gap, turning underutilized pleasure craft into platforms for discovery, whether by donating full research expeditions or simply collecting ocean data during regular voyages. For scientists, these collaborations provide vital access to remote, understudied regions; for yacht owners, they offer tax benefits, meaningful engagement for crew, and the satisfaction of contributing to ocean conservation without necessarily sacrificing privacy or comfort. Rob McCallum, who helps facilitate these matchmaking arrangements through Yachts for Science, describes his organization as “the Tinder of the seas.” McCallum says they are on track to make about a dozen matches this year—amounting to about $1.4 million in vessel time for researchers—with plans to ramp up to hundreds of collaborations over the next few years, generating about $15 million in vessel time per year. “We’re just approaching some of our funders at the moment asking for $600,000 a year for three years to actually fund taking the brakes off,” says McCallum. “My belief is that it’ll grow almost to an infinite extent, because once you have yachts getting out there and doing science, it will become the thing discussed at cocktail parties.” The yacht owner who answered Ferretti’s call was Frank Peeters, a Belgian businessman whose vessel, Blue Titan, is what he calls “an adventure yacht” built for crossing oceans rather than hosting parties. “The boat is not fit for that many people,” says Peeters of the 27-meter (88-foot) yacht. “Normally we sail with 6 people and the crew, and here we were sometimes 12, 13, 14 people.” Bering Yachts organized a 13-person expedition to Silver Banks aboard the 30-meter Bering 92 Papillon. [Photo: Bering Yachts] The expedition quickly faced challenges. After two days off the Tunisian coast, military officials intercepted the craft, claiming the research team lacked proper permissions. What followed was a bureaucratic struggle that lasted two weeks, with permits granted then mysteriously revoked. At one point, the boat was even briefly confiscated. Despite complications costing Peeters between 10,000 and 20,000 euros (about $11,000 to $22,000) out of pocket, he has no regrets. “Would I do it again? Yes, I would do it again immediately,” he says. “I know they have to work on very small budgets, and we could help there.” The scientists eventually redirected their shark-tracking expedition to Italian waters near Lampedusa, where they continued their research. While the team didn’t directly observe white sharks, they detected white shark environmental DNA (eDNA) at multiple sites, confirming the species’ presence in the area. This helped identify one of the last strongholds of the Mediterranean white shark population and marked a key step in launching a multi-institutional conservation program. Peeters, who describes himself as “kind of retired” and sails Blue Titan with his wife about 16 weeks a year, now follows the researchers on Instagram, occasionally receiving video updates about their work. He was also acknowledged in the scientific paper that resulted from the expedition—a form of compensation he finds “definitely worthwhile.” A North Atlantic humpback whale breaching during the Bering Yachts expedition. [Photo: Max Bello] For researchers like Ferretti, these collaborations involve compromise. Scientists must adapt their methodologies for yacht environments, working carefully in spaces designed for luxury rather than research. But with U.K. research grant success rates dipping below 10% and U.S. government funding for the sciences increasingly uncertain, these adaptations reflect a persistent reality.  Beyond donating entire vessels for expeditions, yacht owners can contribute to science with minimal effort by installing simple data collection technology on their luxury vessels, which often venture into remote, understudied areas where scientific data is scarce. “A lot of these boats are going into data-poor regions where there isn’t a lot of information,” says Roman Chiporukha, who co-runs Roman & Erica, a travel company for ultra-wealthy clients. “They could be mapping ocean floors where it hasn’t been done in the past.” For yacht owners, these donations can also yield financial benefits. “When you’re donating the boat, it acts as a donation from a philanthropic institution,” says Chiporukha. “If I charter my boat for half a million dollars a week, I just wrote off half a million dollars [in taxes].” Yachts are, of course, not typically associated with ocean protection or environmental stewardship: A 2018 study found that the world’s top 20 billionaires emitted around 8,000 metric tons of CO2 annually, compared to the average citizen’s carbon footprint of around 4 tons, or 15 tons in the United States; and that a staggering two-thirds of these emissions were created by their superyachts. And not all ocean inhabitants welcome the presence of luxury vessels: See the Iberian orcas that have taken to ramming yachts off the Spanish coast since 2020. Researchers have used eyewitness reports to study these encounters—another way yacht owners can contribute to marine science—and have speculated that the behavior may be juvenile whales using boat rudders as target practice for bluefin tuna.) The luxury vessels participating in this scientific matchmaking vary widely. Turkey-based international company Bering Yachts found an opportunity not just in donating yacht time but in experiencing extraordinary research firsthand. “I felt very privileged to be there,” says Bering Yachts founder Alexei Mikhailov, who joined an expedition last year to Silver Banks in the Dominican Republic, a whale sanctuary that permits only about 500 visitors annually. “When you’re surrounded by thousands of whales and mothers with babies, action around you 360 degrees, 24/7, it’s insane.” The research trip utilized a customer’s 30-meter steel-and-aluminum yacht, positioning scientists 80 miles offshore in consistently rough seas. Despite 5- to 7-foot waves that would typically cause severe discomfort, the vessel’s dual stabilization systems created a comfortable platform for the researchers and their sensitive equipment. For Mikhailov, whose early career was dedicated to environmental protection, the expedition reconnected him with scientific pursuit in a profound way that he hopes he can help replicate with Yachts for Science again. “It was very interesting to talk to these people and share stories,” says Mikhailov. “I hope we’ll have another chance to visit a place like this in the future.”

Francesco Ferretti had a problem. His research expedition to track white sharks in the Mediterranean was suddenly adrift—the boat he’d arranged had vanished into the pandemic’s chaos of canceled plans and family emergencies. With scientific equipment packed and a team of seven researchers ready, the marine biologist found himself scanning the horizon for solutions. It was then that Ferretti turned to six-year-old Yachts for Science, a matchmaking service linking wealthy boat owners with cash-strapped researchers. Soon, an owner of a private yacht offered to help. Though weather conditions limited their time on the water and forced a relocation between countries, the expedition pressed on, with the yacht’s crew eagerly assisting with scientific operations. The unusual collaboration—luxury yacht meets marine research—proved successful despite the compromise of working on a vessel not specifically designed for scientific work. “Whenever the crew was there, and we were actually doing science, they were available to help,” says Ferretti. “Sometimes you need hands, or you need other people to do stuff for you, to facilitate even the most trivial things, like organizing buckets or helping with sampling.” A dive during an expedition last year to Silver Banks, a whale sanctuary in the Dominican Republic, organized by Bering Yachts. [Photo: Max Bello] Ferretti’s experience represents a growing movement in marine research, where luxury meets necessity. There are dozens of research vessels registered in the U.S., far more than any other country, including NOAA’s fleet of 15 research and survey ships, but availiablity can be scarce, and they aren’t cheap. Renting one of those vessels for an oceanographic expedition like this can cost upwards of $50,000 per day, according to Ferretti, a huge sum to raise for many scientists facing budget constraints. Meanwhile, the world’s ultra-wealthy use their multimillion-dollar yachts just a few weeks each year, with vessels sitting idle while still incurring substantial crew and maintenance costs.  Organizations like Yachts for Science, the International SeaKeepers Society, and the Pink Flamingo Society aim to bridge this gap, turning underutilized pleasure craft into platforms for discovery, whether by donating full research expeditions or simply collecting ocean data during regular voyages. For scientists, these collaborations provide vital access to remote, understudied regions; for yacht owners, they offer tax benefits, meaningful engagement for crew, and the satisfaction of contributing to ocean conservation without necessarily sacrificing privacy or comfort. Rob McCallum, who helps facilitate these matchmaking arrangements through Yachts for Science, describes his organization as “the Tinder of the seas.” McCallum says they are on track to make about a dozen matches this year—amounting to about $1.4 million in vessel time for researchers—with plans to ramp up to hundreds of collaborations over the next few years, generating about $15 million in vessel time per year. “We’re just approaching some of our funders at the moment asking for $600,000 a year for three years to actually fund taking the brakes off,” says McCallum. “My belief is that it’ll grow almost to an infinite extent, because once you have yachts getting out there and doing science, it will become the thing discussed at cocktail parties.” The yacht owner who answered Ferretti’s call was Frank Peeters, a Belgian businessman whose vessel, Blue Titan, is what he calls “an adventure yacht” built for crossing oceans rather than hosting parties. “The boat is not fit for that many people,” says Peeters of the 27-meter (88-foot) yacht. “Normally we sail with 6 people and the crew, and here we were sometimes 12, 13, 14 people.” Bering Yachts organized a 13-person expedition to Silver Banks aboard the 30-meter Bering 92 Papillon. [Photo: Bering Yachts] The expedition quickly faced challenges. After two days off the Tunisian coast, military officials intercepted the craft, claiming the research team lacked proper permissions. What followed was a bureaucratic struggle that lasted two weeks, with permits granted then mysteriously revoked. At one point, the boat was even briefly confiscated. Despite complications costing Peeters between 10,000 and 20,000 euros (about $11,000 to $22,000) out of pocket, he has no regrets. “Would I do it again? Yes, I would do it again immediately,” he says. “I know they have to work on very small budgets, and we could help there.” The scientists eventually redirected their shark-tracking expedition to Italian waters near Lampedusa, where they continued their research. While the team didn’t directly observe white sharks, they detected white shark environmental DNA (eDNA) at multiple sites, confirming the species’ presence in the area. This helped identify one of the last strongholds of the Mediterranean white shark population and marked a key step in launching a multi-institutional conservation program. Peeters, who describes himself as “kind of retired” and sails Blue Titan with his wife about 16 weeks a year, now follows the researchers on Instagram, occasionally receiving video updates about their work. He was also acknowledged in the scientific paper that resulted from the expedition—a form of compensation he finds “definitely worthwhile.” A North Atlantic humpback whale breaching during the Bering Yachts expedition. [Photo: Max Bello] For researchers like Ferretti, these collaborations involve compromise. Scientists must adapt their methodologies for yacht environments, working carefully in spaces designed for luxury rather than research. But with U.K. research grant success rates dipping below 10% and U.S. government funding for the sciences increasingly uncertain, these adaptations reflect a persistent reality.  Beyond donating entire vessels for expeditions, yacht owners can contribute to science with minimal effort by installing simple data collection technology on their luxury vessels, which often venture into remote, understudied areas where scientific data is scarce. “A lot of these boats are going into data-poor regions where there isn’t a lot of information,” says Roman Chiporukha, who co-runs Roman & Erica, a travel company for ultra-wealthy clients. “They could be mapping ocean floors where it hasn’t been done in the past.” For yacht owners, these donations can also yield financial benefits. “When you’re donating the boat, it acts as a donation from a philanthropic institution,” says Chiporukha. “If I charter my boat for half a million dollars a week, I just wrote off half a million dollars [in taxes].” Yachts are, of course, not typically associated with ocean protection or environmental stewardship: A 2018 study found that the world’s top 20 billionaires emitted around 8,000 metric tons of CO2 annually, compared to the average citizen’s carbon footprint of around 4 tons, or 15 tons in the United States; and that a staggering two-thirds of these emissions were created by their superyachts. And not all ocean inhabitants welcome the presence of luxury vessels: See the Iberian orcas that have taken to ramming yachts off the Spanish coast since 2020. Researchers have used eyewitness reports to study these encounters—another way yacht owners can contribute to marine science—and have speculated that the behavior may be juvenile whales using boat rudders as target practice for bluefin tuna.) The luxury vessels participating in this scientific matchmaking vary widely. Turkey-based international company Bering Yachts found an opportunity not just in donating yacht time but in experiencing extraordinary research firsthand. “I felt very privileged to be there,” says Bering Yachts founder Alexei Mikhailov, who joined an expedition last year to Silver Banks in the Dominican Republic, a whale sanctuary that permits only about 500 visitors annually. “When you’re surrounded by thousands of whales and mothers with babies, action around you 360 degrees, 24/7, it’s insane.” The research trip utilized a customer’s 30-meter steel-and-aluminum yacht, positioning scientists 80 miles offshore in consistently rough seas. Despite 5- to 7-foot waves that would typically cause severe discomfort, the vessel’s dual stabilization systems created a comfortable platform for the researchers and their sensitive equipment. For Mikhailov, whose early career was dedicated to environmental protection, the expedition reconnected him with scientific pursuit in a profound way that he hopes he can help replicate with Yachts for Science again. “It was very interesting to talk to these people and share stories,” says Mikhailov. “I hope we’ll have another chance to visit a place like this in the future.”

Lawmakers Listen to Farmer Concerns During Two-Week Break

April 21, 2025 – Last week, Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-Maryland) met with farmers at Moon Valley Farm in Woodsboro, Maryland, where livestock, vegetable, and grain growers expressed concerns about frozen USDA programs, the impacts of tariffs, and other challenges. Van Hollen said that he set up the roundtable because farmers have been calling and […] The post Lawmakers Listen to Farmer Concerns During Two-Week Break appeared first on Civil Eats.

April 21, 2025 – Last week, Senator Chris Van Hollen (D-Maryland) met with farmers at Moon Valley Farm in Woodsboro, Maryland, where livestock, vegetable, and grain growers expressed concerns about frozen USDA programs, the impacts of tariffs, and other challenges. Van Hollen said that he set up the roundtable because farmers have been calling and writing to his office—especially about tariffs and the cancellation of funding for programs that connect small farms to schools and food banks—and his purpose was to hear more of their stories. “The freeze on payments under the farm-to-school program is outrageous,” he said at the event. “We will fight this in the courts. We will fight this in Congress.” Senator Chris Van Hollen (left) listens to farmer-brewer Tom Barse of Milkhouse Brewery (right) at Stillpoint Farm talk about “trying to find a way to continue to make a living as a small farm.” (Photo credit: Lisa Held) It was one of several agricultural roundtables and town halls that lawmakers are holding across the country during Congress’ two-week recess, which ends later this week. Politico reported that Senators Elissa Slotkin (D-Michigan), Cynthia Lummis (R-Wyoming), Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), and Adam Schiff (D-California) would all be gathering feedback from farmers over the break. One farmer told Civil Eats he attended an invite-only event that Senator Amy Klobuchar (D-Minnesota) held in her state, where representatives of both the Minnesota Farm Bureau and Minnesota Farmers’ Union were present. He attended to call her attention to the still-frozen Farm Labor Stabilization Program. In Maine, Representative Chellie Pingree (D-Maine) marched alongside farmers protesting USDA cuts to funding and staff. At Moon Valley, farmer-owner Emma Jagoz emphasized the loss of the Local Food for Schools funding, which had helped her get her organic fruits and vegetables into 12 Maryland school districts. In the past, she said, USDA programs also helped her access land and build high tunnels that allow her to grow and sell produce year-round. “These tools help us to stay in business, grow responsibly for the future, and feed a lot more people,” she said. Kelly Dudeck, the executive director of Cultivate & Craft, an organization that helps farmers turn their crops into higher-value products, said that the Mid-Atlantic’s craft wineries and breweries are already struggling in the face of tariffs, since most depend on global supply chains for bottles, barrels, and grain inputs. “Brewers specifically are saying that half of them will likely be out of business within a year,” she told Van Hollen. One farmer expressed concerns over solar development leading to a loss of farmland, a priority of the last administration under Democrats. On the flipside, farmer Elisa Lane, of Two Boots Farm, said she was worried about the USDA eliminating climate change and other environmental terms from its vocabulary and website. “I’m not sure how USDA can support us if we can’t even name the things we’re up against,” she said. (Link to this post.) The post Lawmakers Listen to Farmer Concerns During Two-Week Break appeared first on Civil Eats.

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