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A court ordered Greenpeace to pay a pipeline company $660M. What happens next?

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Friday, March 21, 2025

A jury in North Dakota ordered Greenpeace to pay more than $660 million in damages to Energy Transfer, the company behind the Dakota Access Pipeline. Energy Transfer sued Greenpeace in 2019, alleging that it had orchestrated a vast conspiracy against the company by organizing historic protests on the Standing Rock Sioux reservation in 2016 and 2017.  In its lawsuit, Energy Transfer Partners accused three Greenpeace entities — two in the U.S. and one based in Amsterdam — of violating North Dakota trespassing and defamation laws, and of coordinating protests aimed to stop the 1,172-mile pipeline from transporting oil from North Dakota’s Bakken oil fields to a terminal in Illinois. Greenpeace maintained it played only a minor supporting role in the Indigenous-led movement.  “This was obviously a test case meant to scare others from exercising their First Amendment rights to free speech and peaceful protest,” said Deepa Padmanabha, a senior legal adviser for Greenpeace USA. “They’re trying to buy silence; that silence is not for sale.” Legal and Indigenous experts said the lawsuit was a“textbook” example of a “strategic lawsuit against public participation,” known colloquially as a SLAPP suit, a tactic used by corporations and wealthy individuals to drown their critics in legal fees. They also criticized Energy Transfer for using the lawsuit to undermine tribes’ treaty rights by exaggerating the role of out-of-state agitators. The three Greenpeace entities named in the lawsuit — Greenpeace Inc., a U.S.-based advocacy arm; Greenpeace Funds, which raises money and is also based in the U.S.; and Greenpeace International, based in the Netherlands — are now planning their next moves, including an appeal to the North Dakota Supreme Court and a separate countersuit in the European Union.  As part of a previous appeal to move the trial more impartial court, Greenpeace submitted a 33-page document to the state Supreme Court explaining that the jurors in Morton County, North Dakota — where the trial occurred — would likely be biased against the defendants, since they were drawn from the same area where the anti-pipeline protests had taken place and disrupted daily life. The request included results from a 2022 survey of 150 potential jurors in Morton County conducted by the National Jury Project, a litigation consulting company, which found 97 percent of residents said they could not be a fair or impartial juror in the lawsuit. Greenpeace also pointed out that nine of the 20 final jurors had either “direct personal experience” with the protests, or a friend or family member with direct personal experience. Deepa Padmanabha, a Greenpeace staff attorney, outside the Morton County Memorial Courthouse in North Dakota. Stephanie Keith / Greenpeace Pat Parenteau, an emeritus professor at the Vermont Law and Graduate School, said the chances that the North Dakota Supreme Court will overturn the lower court’s verdict are “probably less than 50 percent.” What may be more likely, he said, is that the Supreme Court will reduce the “outrageous” amount of money charged by the Morton County jury, which includes various penalties that doubled the $300 million in damages that Energy Transfer had originally claimed. “The court does have a lot of discretion in reducing the amount of damages,” he said. He called the Morton County verdict “beyond punitive. This is scorched Earth, what we’re seeing here.” Depending on what happens at the North Dakota Supreme Court, Parenteau also said there’s a basis for appealing the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, based on the First Amendment free speech issues involved. But, he added, the move could be “a really dangerous proposition,” with the court’s conservative supermajority and the precedent such a case could set. A federal decision in favor of Energy Transfer could limit any organizations’ ability to protest nationwide — and not just against pipelines.  Amsterdam-based Greenpeace International, which coordinates 24 independent Greenpeace chapters around the world but is legally separate from them, is also fighting back. It countersued Energy Partners in the Netherlands in February, making use of a new anti-SLAPP directive in the EU that went into effect in May 2024. Greenpeace International is only on the hook for a tiny fraction of the more than $600 million charged against the three Greenpeace bodies by the Morton County jury. Its countersuit in the EU wouldn’t change what has happened in U.S. courts. Instead, it seeks to recover costs incurred by the Amsterdam-based branch during its years-long fights against the Morton County lawsuit and an earlier, federal case in 2017 that was eventually dismissed.  Greenpeace International’s trial will begin in Dutch courts in July and is the first test of the EU’s anti-SLAPP directive. According to Kristen Casper, general counsel for Greenpeace International, the branch in the EU has a strong case because the only action it took in support of the anti-pipeline protests was to sign an open letter — what she described as a clear case of protected public participation. Eric Heinze, a free speech expert and professor of law and humanities at Queen Mary University of London, said the case appeared “black and white.”  “Normally I don’t like to predict,” he said, “but if I had to put money on this I would bet for Greenpeace to win.” While Greenpeace’s various entities may have to pay damages as ordered by U.S. courts, the result of the case in the EU, Casper said a victory would send an international message against “corporate bullying and weaponization of the law.” Padmanabha said that regardless of the damages that the Greenpeace USA incurs, the organization isn’t going away any time soon. “You can’t bankrupt the movement,” she said. “What we work on, our campaigns and our commitments — that is not going to change.” In response to request for comment, Energy Transfer said the Morton County jury’s decision was a victory for the people of Mandan and “for all law-abiding Americans who understand the difference between the right to free speech and breaking the law. That Greenpeace has been held responsible is a win for all of us.” Nick Estes, a professor of American Indian studies at the University of Minnesota and member of the Lower Brule Sioux Tribe who wrote a book about the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, said the case was about more than just punishing Greenpeace — it was a proxy attack on the water protectors at Standing Rock and the broader environmental justice movement. He said it showed what could happen “if you step outside the path of what they consider as an acceptable form of protest.”“They had to sidestep the actual context of the entire movement, around treaty rights, land rights, water rights, and tribal sovereignty because they couldn’t win that fight,” he said. “They had to go a circuitous route, and find a sympathetic court to attack the environmental movement.” Janet Alkire, the chair of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, said in a March 3 statement that the Morton County case was “frivolously alleging defamation and seeking money damages, designed to shut down all voices supporting Standing Rock.” She said the company also used propaganda to discredit the tribe during and after the protests.“Part of the attack on our tribe is to attack our allies,” Alkire wrote. “The Standing Rock Sioux Tribe will not be silenced.” This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A court ordered Greenpeace to pay a pipeline company $660M. What happens next? on Mar 21, 2025.

Experts called the verdict “beyond punitive.” The organization plans to appeal and has already filed a countersuit in Europe.

A jury in North Dakota ordered Greenpeace to pay more than $660 million in damages to Energy Transfer, the company behind the Dakota Access Pipeline. Energy Transfer sued Greenpeace in 2019, alleging that it had orchestrated a vast conspiracy against the company by organizing historic protests on the Standing Rock Sioux reservation in 2016 and 2017

In its lawsuit, Energy Transfer Partners accused three Greenpeace entities — two in the U.S. and one based in Amsterdam — of violating North Dakota trespassing and defamation laws, and of coordinating protests aimed to stop the 1,172-mile pipeline from transporting oil from North Dakota’s Bakken oil fields to a terminal in Illinois. Greenpeace maintained it played only a minor supporting role in the Indigenous-led movement. 

“This was obviously a test case meant to scare others from exercising their First Amendment rights to free speech and peaceful protest,” said Deepa Padmanabha, a senior legal adviser for Greenpeace USA. “They’re trying to buy silence; that silence is not for sale.”

Legal and Indigenous experts said the lawsuit was a“textbook” example of a “strategic lawsuit against public participation,” known colloquially as a SLAPP suit, a tactic used by corporations and wealthy individuals to drown their critics in legal fees. They also criticized Energy Transfer for using the lawsuit to undermine tribes’ treaty rights by exaggerating the role of out-of-state agitators.

The three Greenpeace entities named in the lawsuit — Greenpeace Inc., a U.S.-based advocacy arm; Greenpeace Funds, which raises money and is also based in the U.S.; and Greenpeace International, based in the Netherlands — are now planning their next moves, including an appeal to the North Dakota Supreme Court and a separate countersuit in the European Union. 

As part of a previous appeal to move the trial more impartial court, Greenpeace submitted a 33-page document to the state Supreme Court explaining that the jurors in Morton County, North Dakota — where the trial occurred — would likely be biased against the defendants, since they were drawn from the same area where the anti-pipeline protests had taken place and disrupted daily life.

The request included results from a 2022 survey of 150 potential jurors in Morton County conducted by the National Jury Project, a litigation consulting company, which found 97 percent of residents said they could not be a fair or impartial juror in the lawsuit. Greenpeace also pointed out that nine of the 20 final jurors had either “direct personal experience” with the protests, or a friend or family member with direct personal experience.

Close-up of Greenpeace staff attorney Deepa Padmanabha wearing a suit, with lawyers in the background and a three-story building.
Deepa Padmanabha, a Greenpeace staff attorney, outside the Morton County Memorial Courthouse in North Dakota. Stephanie Keith / Greenpeace

Pat Parenteau, an emeritus professor at the Vermont Law and Graduate School, said the chances that the North Dakota Supreme Court will overturn the lower court’s verdict are “probably less than 50 percent.” What may be more likely, he said, is that the Supreme Court will reduce the “outrageous” amount of money charged by the Morton County jury, which includes various penalties that doubled the $300 million in damages that Energy Transfer had originally claimed.

“The court does have a lot of discretion in reducing the amount of damages,” he said. He called the Morton County verdict “beyond punitive. This is scorched Earth, what we’re seeing here.”

Depending on what happens at the North Dakota Supreme Court, Parenteau also said there’s a basis for appealing the case to the U.S. Supreme Court, based on the First Amendment free speech issues involved. But, he added, the move could be “a really dangerous proposition,” with the court’s conservative supermajority and the precedent such a case could set. A federal decision in favor of Energy Transfer could limit any organizations’ ability to protest nationwide — and not just against pipelines. 

Amsterdam-based Greenpeace International, which coordinates 24 independent Greenpeace chapters around the world but is legally separate from them, is also fighting back. It countersued Energy Partners in the Netherlands in February, making use of a new anti-SLAPP directive in the EU that went into effect in May 2024.

Greenpeace International is only on the hook for a tiny fraction of the more than $600 million charged against the three Greenpeace bodies by the Morton County jury. Its countersuit in the EU wouldn’t change what has happened in U.S. courts. Instead, it seeks to recover costs incurred by the Amsterdam-based branch during its years-long fights against the Morton County lawsuit and an earlier, federal case in 2017 that was eventually dismissed

Greenpeace International’s trial will begin in Dutch courts in July and is the first test of the EU’s anti-SLAPP directive. According to Kristen Casper, general counsel for Greenpeace International, the branch in the EU has a strong case because the only action it took in support of the anti-pipeline protests was to sign an open letter — what she described as a clear case of protected public participation. Eric Heinze, a free speech expert and professor of law and humanities at Queen Mary University of London, said the case appeared “black and white.” 

“Normally I don’t like to predict,” he said, “but if I had to put money on this I would bet for Greenpeace to win.”

While Greenpeace’s various entities may have to pay damages as ordered by U.S. courts, the result of the case in the EU, Casper said a victory would send an international message against “corporate bullying and weaponization of the law.” Padmanabha said that regardless of the damages that the Greenpeace USA incurs, the organization isn’t going away any time soon. “You can’t bankrupt the movement,” she said. “What we work on, our campaigns and our commitments — that is not going to change.”

In response to request for comment, Energy Transfer said the Morton County jury’s decision was a victory for the people of Mandan and “for all law-abiding Americans who understand the difference between the right to free speech and breaking the law. That Greenpeace has been held responsible is a win for all of us.”

Nick Estes, a professor of American Indian studies at the University of Minnesota and member of the Lower Brule Sioux Tribe who wrote a book about the Dakota Access Pipeline protests, said the case was about more than just punishing Greenpeace — it was a proxy attack on the water protectors at Standing Rock and the broader environmental justice movement. He said it showed what could happen “if you step outside the path of what they consider as an acceptable form of protest.”

“They had to sidestep the actual context of the entire movement, around treaty rights, land rights, water rights, and tribal sovereignty because they couldn’t win that fight,” he said. “They had to go a circuitous route, and find a sympathetic court to attack the environmental movement.”

Janet Alkire, the chair of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, said in a March 3 statement that the Morton County case was “frivolously alleging defamation and seeking money damages, designed to shut down all voices supporting Standing Rock.” She said the company also used propaganda to discredit the tribe during and after the protests.

“Part of the attack on our tribe is to attack our allies,” Alkire wrote. “The Standing Rock Sioux Tribe will not be silenced.”

This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A court ordered Greenpeace to pay a pipeline company $660M. What happens next? on Mar 21, 2025.

Read the full story here.
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Portland City Council demands mayor investigate violations of Zenith Energy franchise agreement

The Portland City Council passed a resolution demanding Mayor Keith Wilson investigate potential violations of Zenith Energy’s franchise agreement.

The Portland City Council passed a resolution demanding Mayor Keith Wilson investigate potential violations of Zenith Energy’s franchise agreement. The 11-1 vote Wednesday comes on the heels of city staff approving a controversial land-use credential for Zenith – a key step for the company to continue offloading and storing crude oil and renewable fuel at the Northwest Portland fuels hub.The resolution also urges City Auditor Simone Rede to investigate the city administrative staff’s handling of Zenith’s land-use applications and demands top bureau leaders to place all prior communications between the city and Zenith into the public record, among other directives. Wilson told councilors he will follow their will to set up an investigation. Rede said her office is still evaluating the idea.“The Ombudsman, which is in the Office of the Auditor, will assess Council’s request against established criteria for investigation, and whether it raises issues that could be more appropriately addressed through a lobbying investigation, a complaint to the City’s fraud hotline, or another entity,” Rede said via email. The Oregon Department of Environmental Quality had asked Zenith to obtain the new land-use compatibility statement from the city after it uncovered Zenith had installed a valve and pipes at a dock owned by another company and had used the dock for three years without telling state regulators. The agency also fined Zenith $372,600 for the unauthorized dock use. The February approval of the land-use document paves the way for Zenith to apply for a new state air quality permit to extend its Portland operations. Environmental activists and some residents have opposed Zenith’s presence in Portland for years and have pressured the new City Council to look into the company’s violations and the city’s handling of Zenith, including lack of public transparency and public input. City staff have maintained Zenith’s approval, like myriad other land-use decisions, should be purely administrative. The Houston-based Zenith is one of 11 companies with fuel terminals at the Critical Energy Infrastructure Hub on the Willamette River. It’s the only company at the hub that has become a target of concerns over earthquakes, fuel spills and fires, likely because it’s the only state-regulated facility that still stores crude oil. Zenith also stores renewable diesel, biodiesel and sustainable aviation fuel and has pledged to fully transition to renewable fuels by 2027.The city originally denied Zenith’s land-use credential in 2021. But a year later, after a lengthy legal battle, the city reversed course and gave Zenith its approval, touting the company’s pledge to fully transition to renewable fuel by 2027. Zenith critics then pushed state regulators to scrutinize the company, which led the Department of Environmental Quality to crack down on the rogue dock use.Councilors passed the resolution after first striking a provision that would require the mayor to use independent outside counsel as part of his investigation. A second amendment also removed a lengthy letter from advocates attached to the resolution that listed and categorized multiple comments made by bureau officials at a January city work session on Zenith as misleading, false or “a conscious lie.” Councilor Steve Novick, who cast the only no vote, said he supports the mayor’s investigation but voted against the amended resolution because he felt it unfairly condemned city employees. “I can’t possibly vote for this resolution… without effectively saying that I think city employees are knaves and liars. And, having looked at some of the allegations against them, I think in most cases it’s shaggy dog stories, rather than malfeasance,” Novick said before voting.Several other council members, including council President Elana Pirtle-Guiney, said they were concerned the investigations would turn into “a witch hunt” but ultimately voted to support the resolution.Angelita Morillo, one of four councilors who submitted the resolution, said that wasn’t the intent, but added that it’s critical to ensure powerful administrative leaders are ethical and competent.“They are the gatekeepers of information. They can make sure elected officials receive or not receive pieces of information before we make a vote on certain policies,” Morillo said. “And so we need to have the utmost trust in them … and need to know they are accountable to the public and to us.”Pirtle-Guiney called the investigations an opportunity for oversight and accountability.“At the end, we can restore trust with all communities across the city and then we can get to work looking at the future of our land-use system and ensuring one that allows us to make sustainable choices,” she said. Councilor Olivia Clark, who voted for the resolution, said the council must start thinking about how Zenith fits in with Portland’s future climate goals. City staff have described Zenith’s transition to renewable fuels as an integral part in the city reaching its greenhouse gas emission-reduction mandates.“Zenith is supposed to be a part of the solution to the transition away from fossil fuels,” Clark said. “So this means we’re living with an uncomfortable trade-off. We must invest in strategies to lower our use of fossil fuels … and at the same time do everything we can to mitigate the threats posed by both oil trains and the CEI fuel tanks in our midst.” Neither Zenith officials nor advocates spoke at the meeting because the council didn’t allow public comments. “Zenith has worked closely and transparently with city and state regulators to ensure our operations are fully understood and properly permitted,” Grady Reamer, the company’s chief commercial officer, said in a statement to The Oregonian/OregonLive. Reamer added that Zenith’s terminal “plays a critical role in making renewable fuel available across the region” and said the company would continue to work with city and state officials to ensure compliance with all relevant safety and environmental standards.In the end, Councilor Eric Zimmerman acknowledged the resolution does nothing to stop Zenith. Though activists have challenged the city’s newly issued land-use approval in court, the DEQ said it had already evaluated it and determined it’s sufficient to resume the state air quality permitting process. State regulators said they plan to launch the public comment period in the near future. — Gosia Wozniacka covers environmental justice, climate change, the clean energy transition and other environmental issues. Reach her at gwozniacka@oregonian.com or 971-421-3154.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

Nuclear fusion fuel could be made greener with new chemical process

Lithium-6 is a crucial material for nuclear fusion reactors, but isolating it is challenging – now researchers have found a way to do this without using toxic mercury

Illustration of a nuclear fusion reactorScience Photo Library / Alamy Limitless power from nuclear fusion may be a step closer following the accidental discovery of a new process to supply the isotope lithium-6, which is vital to providing fuel for a sustainable fusion reactor. The least challenging fusion process involves combining two isotopes of hydrogen, deuterium and tritium, to yield helium, a neutron and a lot of energy. Tritium, a rare, radioactive isotope of hydrogen, is difficult and expensive to source. “Breeder” reactors seek to manufacture tritium by bombarding lithium with neutrons. Lithium atoms exist as two stable isotopes: lithium-7 makes up 92.5 per cent of the element in nature and the rest is lithium-6. The rarer isotope reacts much more efficiently with neutrons to produce tritium in a fusion reaction. However, the two lithium isotopes are extremely difficult to separate. Until now, this has only been achieved at a large scale using a highly toxic process reliant on mercury. Due to the environmental impact, this process has not been employed in Western countries since the 1960s and researchers are forced to rely on dwindling stockpiles of lithium-6 produced before the ban. Sarbajit Banerjee at ETH Zurich in Switzerland and his colleagues have now discovered an alternative method serendipitously, while they were looking at ways to clean water contaminated by oil drilling. The researchers noticed that the cement membranes they employed, containing a lab-made compound called zeta vanadium oxide, collected large quantities of lithium and seemed to disproportionately isolate lithium-6. Zeta vanadium oxide contains tunnels surrounded by oxygen atoms, says Banerjee. “Lithium ions move through these tunnels, which happen to be just the right size [to bind lithium-6],” he says. “We found that lithium-6 ions are bound more strongly and are retained within the tunnels.” The researchers don’t fully understand why lithium-6 is preferentially retained, but based on simulations, they believe it has to do with the interactions between the ions and the atoms at the edges of the tunnels, says Banerjee. He says they have only isolated less than a gram of lithium-6 so far, but they hope to scale up the process so it can produce tens of kilograms of the isotope. A commercial fusion reactor is expected to need tonnes of the element every day. “However, these challenges pale in comparison to the bigger challenges with plasma reactors and laser ignition for fusion,” says Banerjee.

If NZ wants to decarbonise energy, we need to know which renewables deliver the best payback

The energy return on investment for wind and solar technologies in New Zealand is becoming comparable to hydropower.

Getty ImagesA national energy strategy for Aotearoa New Zealand was meant to be ready at the end of last year. As it stands, we’re still waiting for a cohesive, all-encompassing plan to meet the country’s energy demand today and in the future. One would expect such a plan to first focus on reducing energy demand through improved energy efficiency across all sectors. The next step should be greater renewable electrification of all sectors. However, questions remain about the cradle-to-grave implications of investments in these renewable resources. We have conducted life-cycle assessments of several renewable electricity generation technologies, including wind and solar, that the country is investing in now. We found the carbon and energy footprints are quite small and favourably complement our current portfolio of renewable electricity generation assets. Meeting future demand The latest assessments provided by the Ministry of Business, Employment and Innovation echo earlier work by the grid operator Transpower. Both indicate that overall demand for electricity could nearly double by 2050. Many researchers believe these scenarios are an underestimate. One study suggests the power generation capacity will potentially need to increase threefold over this period. Other modelling efforts project current capacity will need to increase 13 times, especially if we want to decarbonise all sectors and export energy carriers such as hydrogen. This is, of course, because we want all new generation to come from renewable resources, with much lower capacity factors (the percentage of the year they deliver power) associated with their variability. Additional storage requirements will also be enormous. Following the termination of work on a proposed pumped hydro project, other options need investigating. Wind and solar are becoming the primary renewable technologies. Shutterstock/Kyohei Miyazaki Building renewable generation The latest World Energy Outlook published by the International Energy Agency (IEA) shows that wind and solar, primarily photovoltaic panels, are quickly taking over as the primary renewable technologies. This is also true in Aotearoa New Zealand. An updated version of the generation investment survey, commissioned by the Electricity Authority, shows most of the committed and actively pursued projects (to be commissioned by 2030) are solar photovoltaic and onshore wind farms. Offshore wind projects are on the horizon, too, but have been facing challenges such as proposed seabed mining in the same area and a lack of price stabilisation measures typical in other jurisdictions. New legislation aims to address some of these challenges. Distributed solar power (small-scale systems to power homes, buildings and communities) has seen near-exponential growth. Our analysis indicates wind (onshore and offshore) and distributed solar will make an almost equal contribution to power generation by 2050, with a slightly larger share by utility-scale solar. Cradle-to-grave analyses The main goal is to maintain a stable grid with secure and affordable electricity supply. But there are other sustainability considerations associated with what happens at the end of renewable technologies’ use and where their components come from. The IEA’s Global Critical Minerals Outlook shows the fast-growing global demand for a suite of materials with complex supply chains. We have also investigated the materials intensity of taking up these technologies in Aotearoa New Zealand, and discussed the greater dependence on those supply chains. The challenges in securing these metals in a sustainable manner include environmental and social impacts associated with the mining and processing of the materials and the manufacturing of different components that need to be transported for implementation here. There are also operating and maintenance requirements, including the replacement of components, and the dismantling of the assets in a responsible manner. We have undertaken comprehensive life-cycle assessments, based on international standards, of the recently commissioned onshore Harapaki wind farm, a proposed offshore wind farm in the South Taranaki Bight, a utility-scale solar farm in Waikato and distributed solar photovoltaic systems, with and without batteries, across the country. The usual metrics are energy inputs and carbon emissions because they describe the efficiency of these technologies. They are considered a first proxy of whether a technology is appropriate for a given context. Beyond that, we used the following specific metrics, as summarised in the table below: GWP: global warming potential (carbon emissions during a technology’s life cycle per energy unit delivered). CPBT: carbon payback time (how long a technology needs to be operational before its life cycle emissions equal the avoided emissions, either using the grid and its associated emissions or conventional natural gas turbines). CED: cumulative energy demand over the life cycle of a technology. EPBT: energy payback time (how long a technology needs to be operational before the electricity it generates equals the CED). EROI: energy return on investment (the amount of usable energy delivered from an energy source compared to the energy required to extract, process and distribute that source, essentially quantifying the “profit” from energy production). There is much debate about the minimum energy return on investment that makes an energy source acceptable. A value of more than ten is generally viewed as positive. Life cycle assessment metrics of wind and solar power in Aotearoa New Zealand. Te Herenga Waka Victoria University of Wellington, CC BY-SA For all technologies we assessed, the overall greenhouse gas emissions are lower than the grid emissions factor. Because of New Zealand’s already low-emissions grid, the carbon payback time is around three to seven years for utility-scale generation. But for small-scale, distributed generation it can be up to 13 years. If the displacement of gas turbines is considered, the payback is halved. Energy return on investment is above ten for all technologies, but utility-scale generation is better than distributed solar, with values of between 30 and 75. To put this into perspective, the energy return on investment for hydropower, if operated for 100 years, is reported to be 110. Utility-scale wind and solar being commissioned now have an operational life of 30 years but are typically expected to be refurbished. This means their energy return on investment is becoming comparable to hydropower. The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Former Sen. Alan Simpson, Known For Quick Wit That Bridged Partisan Divide, Dies

Simpson, 93, died early Friday after struggling to recover from a broken hip in December.

CHEYENNE, Wyo. (AP) — Former U.S. Sen. Alan Simpson, a political legend whose quick wit bridged partisan gaps in the years before today’s political acrimony, has died. He was 93.Simpson died early Friday after struggling to recover from a broken hip in December, according to a statement from his family and the Buffalo Bill Center of the West, a group of museums where he was a board member for 56 years.“He was an uncommonly generous man,” Pete Simpson, his older brother, said in the statement. “And I mean generous in an absolutely unconditional way. Giving of his time, giving of his energy — and he did it in politics and he did it in the family, forever.”Former President George W. Bush called Simpson “one of the finest public servants ever to have graced our nation’s capital.”“My family will remember him best not for his many accomplishments, but for his loyal friendship — and sharp sense of humor,” Bush said in a statement.President Joe Biden awards the nation's highest civilian honor, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, to former Wyoming Sen. Alan Simpson at the White House in Washington, July 7, 2022. Simpson has died at age 93.AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite, FileAlong with former Vice President Dick Cheney, Simpson was a towering Republican figure from Wyoming, the least-populated state. Unlike Cheney, Simpson was famous for his humor.“We have two political parties in this country, the Stupid Party and the Evil Party. I belong to the Stupid Party,” was among Simpson’s many well-known quips.A political moderate by current standards, Simpson’s three terms as senator from 1979 to 1997 covered the Republican Party’s rejuvenation under President Ronald Reagan. Simpson played a key role rallying GOP senators around the party’s legislative agenda as a top Senate leader during that time.Simpson was better known for holding his own views, though, with sometimes caustic certainty. A deficit hawk with sharp descriptions of people who relied on government assistance, Simpson supported abortion rights — an example of moderation that contributed to his fade in the GOP.His Democratic friends included Robert Reich, labor secretary under President Bill Clinton, and Norman Mineta, transportation secretary under President George W. Bush.Simpson and Mineta met as Boy Scouts when Mineta and his family were imprisoned as Japanese-Americans in the Heart Mountain War Relocation Center near Simpson’s hometown of Cody, Wyoming, during World War II.Sens. Al Gore, D-Tenn., left, and Alan Simpson, R-Wyo., prepare to appear on NBC-TV’s “Meet the Press” in Washington, Sunday, Oct. 9, 1988.After leaving politics, both promoted awareness of the incarceration of some 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry in camps during the war. Mineta, who died in 2022, recalled that Simpson once was asked what was the biggest difference between them as a Republican and a Democrat.“Alan thought about it and he said, ‘Well, I wear size 15 shoes and he wears a size 8 and a half,’” Mineta replied, according to the Heart Mountain Wyoming Foundation.Simpson was “gifted in crossing party lines and building bipartisan consensus,” Colin Simpson, one of his three children and a former Wyoming House speaker, said in the statement.“Dad and Pete have anchored the extended Simpson family for decades with the same love, humor, compassion and dedication their parents did before them,” he said. “Dad was a mighty force and with Mom’s steady hand by his side we are so blessed and proud to have been along for the ride of a lifetime.”In 2010, President Barack Obama tasked Simpson with co-leading a debt-reduction commission that developed a plan to save $4 trillion through tax hikes and spending cuts. The plan lacked support for serious consideration by Congress.At 6-foot-7, Simpson was literally a towering figure — tallest on record in the Senate until Alabama Sen. Luther Strange, who is 6-foot-9, took office in 2017.Big as Simpson’s shoes were, he had huge ones to fill politically.His father, Milward Simpson, was a governor, U.S. senator and state legislator. His mother, Lorna Kooi Simpson, was president of the Red Cross in Cody and on the local planning commission.“I saw Dad loved politics and the law, and I wanted to do that,” Simpson once said.House Senate conferees meet at the start of their first session on the immigration reform bill on Capitol Hill, Washington, Sept. 13, 1984. From left are, Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass.; Alan Simpson, R-Wyoming, Rep. Romano Mazzoli, D-Ky; Rep. Hamilton Fish, R-N.Y.; Rep. Peter Rodino, D-N.J. Simpson has died at age 93. AP Photo/Ira Schwarz, FileSimpson was born in Denver in 1931. After a childhood of reckless gun-shooting and vandalism in Cody that put him in danger and in trouble with the law, he graduated from Cody High School in 1949 and the University of Wyoming in 1954.Also that year he married Ann Schroll, of Greybull, Wyoming, and joined the U.S. Army, where he served in the Fifth Infantry Division and the Second Armored “Hell on Wheels” Division in Germany.Alan and Ann Simpson celebrated their 70th wedding anniversary with a community ice cream social attended by relatives and hundreds of others in a Cody park last summer.After leaving the Army, Simpson got a law degree from the University of Wyoming in 1958 and joined his father’s law practice, where he worked for the next 19 years. He was elected to the Wyoming House in 1964 and served there until his election to the U.S. Senate in 1976.A football and basketball athlete at the University of Wyoming, Simpson fondly described politics as a “contact sport.”“I’ve been called everything,” he said in 2003. “What the hell. If you don’t like the combat, get out.”Simpson’s candor made him popular with voters. He also was known as a well-read, hardworking and sometimes hard-nosed politician involved in immigration, veterans’ affairs and environmental issues.He served on the Immigration Subcommittee and the Veterans Affairs Committee, among others.Simpson opposed sentences of life without parole for juveniles and said he supported review of criminal sentences after a period of time.“When they get to be 30 or 40 and they been in the clink for 20 years, or 30 or 40, and they have learned how to read and how to do things, why not?” he told The Associated Press in 2009.By 1995, he’d had enough of the Senate and decided not to run again.“Part of me said I could do this for another three or four years but not six,” he said at the time. “The old fire in the belly is out. The edge is off.”In this March 8, 2011 file photo, National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, Co-Chairmen Alan Simpson, right, and Erskine Bowles, testify on Capitol Hill in Washington.AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite, FileOthers of his family in politics and government included his older brother, Pete, a University of Wyoming historian who served in the Wyoming House and was the unsuccessful Republican nominee for governor in 1986. Alan Simpson’s son Colin was speaker of the Wyoming House, and his nephew Milward Simpson directed the state parks department.After leaving the Senate, Simpson taught about politics and the media at Harvard University and the University of Wyoming. In speeches he often urged college students to be politically involved.Go Ad-Free — And Protect The Free PressThe next four years will change America forever. But HuffPost won't back down when it comes to providing free and impartial journalism.For the first time, we're offering an ad-free experience to qualifying contributors who support our fearless newsroom. We hope you'll join us.You've supported HuffPost before, and we'll be honest — we could use your help again. We won't back down from our mission of providing free, fair news during this critical moment. But we can't do it without you.For the first time, we're offering an ad-free experience to qualifying contributors who support our fearless journalism. We hope you'll join us.You've supported HuffPost before, and we'll be honest — we could use your help again. We won't back down from our mission of providing free, fair news during this critical moment. But we can't do it without you.For the first time, we're offering an ad-free experience to qualifying contributors who support our fearless journalism. We hope you'll join us.Support HuffPostAlready contributed? Log in to hide these messages.Simpson is survived by his wife, Ann; his brother Pete Simpson; sons Colin Simpson and William Simpson; and daughter Susan Simpson Gallagher.

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