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Tory duty on Ofwat protects profits over reducing sewage pollution, experts say

Campaigners fear growth duty will hamper water regulator’s ability to crack down on companies in poor financial stateThe Conservatives have pushed through a duty on the water regulator to prioritise growth, which experts have said will incentivise water companies to value their bottom lines over reducing sewage pollution.Campaigners fear this will weaken Ofwat’s ability to crack down on water companies as it may force the regulator to consider the company’s financial situation and the impact on growth if it is heavily fined for polluting. Continue reading...

The Conservatives have pushed through a duty on the water regulator to prioritise growth, which experts have said will incentivise water companies to value their bottom lines over reducing sewage pollution.Campaigners fear this will weaken Ofwat’s ability to crack down on water companies as it may force the regulator to consider the company’s financial situation and the impact on growth if it is heavily fined for polluting.The Liberal Democrats forced a vote in parliament on Wednesday on the government’s new “growth duty” for Ofwat, which requires the regulator to “have regard to the desirability of promoting economic growth” when cracking down on water companies. They lost, as 50 MPs voted against the statutory instrument and 395 in favour.The growth duty specifically mentions fining companies as a measure that could hamper their growth: ‘‘Certain enforcement actions, and other activities of the regulator, can be particularly damaging to growth.“These include, for example, enforcement actions that limit or prevent a business from operating; financial sanctions; and publicity, in relation to a compliance failure, that harms public confidence.’’Last year, water companies were ordered to cut more than £100m from bills after repeated failures to stop sewage pollution.Campaigners fear the growth duty could cause the regulator to be less stringent with penalties because it would have to consider the commercial impact of fines on the company. The financing of some water companies is already in a precarious state; Thames Water is currently at risk of collapse.Richard Benwell, CEO of Wildlife and Countryside Link, said: “The growth duty once again privileges business bottom lines over nature. Public demand and environmental need are totally clear – Ofwat should be promoting investment in nature and ensuring polluters pay.“A new duty that obliges the regulator to think twice before taking environmental action is headed entirely in the wrong direction. Parliamentarians are right to oppose this backward step.“The real economically responsible action is to protect the natural assets we depend on. Political parties should commit instead to a new green duty on regulators to ensure they take action to stop climate change and restore nature.”Labour MPs voted with the government, and it is understood this is because they did not want to be accused of being “anti-growth”.skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionThe Liberal Democrat environment spokesperson, Tim Farron MP, said: “Conservative MPs have just voted to help water firms get off the hook. Ofwat will now be fighting water companies with one hand tied behind their back.“This government is all talk and no action when it comes to the sewage crisis. Time and time again Conservative MPs have voted against taking tough action on polluting firms.“It is a scandalous vote by a government which is woefully out of touch with this environmental crisis. The public will be furious to hear the industry’s enforcer has been weakened even more. Conservative MPs should hang their heads in shame.”The Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs has been contacted for comment.

On the agenda this Earth Day: A global treaty to end plastic pollution

This week, delegates continue negotiations for a global plastics treaty. They have a lot to do.

The spotlight Hey there, Looking Forward fam. Happy Earth Day (and Earth Week, and Earth Month) — a time of year when sustainability is elevated in the global consciousness, and my inbox is full of vaguely greenwashy PR pitches. Each April, I (and every other climate journalist) revisit the same debate: whether to “cover Earth Day” in some way, or ignore it on account of the fact that we’re immersed in these issues every day. But it struck me that Earth Day 2024 has a particularly timely theme: Planet vs. Plastics. The official Earth Day organization has been assigning yearly themes since at least 1980, and Planet vs. Plastics is hitting in the year when U.N. members are supposed to be finalizing a global treaty to address plastic pollution. “We’ve had research for 30 years now saying that plastics are dangerous to our health,” said Aidon Charron, director of End Plastic Initiatives at EarthDay.org. But he and others at the organization chose plastics as this year’s focus because they saw a gap in public knowledge, both about the harm that plastics can cause and about the policy solutions that are currently being debated on an international stage. Discussions about plastic tend to focus on individuals doing their part by reducing, reusing, and recycling, Charron said — but “we’re not going to simply recycle our way or technology our way out of this problem.” Charron and other advocates have been pushing for ambitious targets in the global plastics treaty, and EarthDay.org is circulating a petition, which currently has over 22,000 signatures, for some of its key objectives, which include banning the export and incineration of plastic waste and a “polluter pays” principle. “What we don’t want to see is something similar to the Paris Climate Agreement,” said Charron. “While that was a great agreement, the issue is it’s voluntary, and so countries can opt in and opt out. And there’s also no punishment if somebody doesn’t meet the standards they set for themselves.” On Sunday, EarthDay.org and other campaigners organized a march in Ottawa, demanding a strong and ambitious global plastics treaty. EARTHDAY.ORG But the negotiations on the treaty have been fraught with competing interests — and even as the deadline nears, much remains to be sorted out. This week, delegates and advocates are gathering in Ottawa, Canada, for the fourth intergovernmental negotiating committee, or INC-4 — the second-to-last session on the books before the U.N.’s self-imposed deadline to finalize the agreement at the end of this year. As the parties have failed to make significant progress at the previous three meetings, the stakes at INC-4 are high. So, today, I’m turning the newsletter over to the capable hands of my colleague Joseph Winters, who covers the plastics industry and has been following the negotiations of the global plastics treaty for the past two years. Read on a primer on the history of the treaty, the solutions being proposed in it, and where things stand as negotiators head into another round of discussions this week. — Claire Elise Thompson To understand the global plastics treaty, it’s helpful to go back to the 2022 U.N. Environment Assembly meeting, where delegates agreed to write it. By then, plastics had long been considered an environmental scourge. The world was — and still is — producing more than 400 million metric tons of the material every year, almost entirely from fossil fuel feedstocks. Just five years prior, researchers had shown that 91 percent of the world’s plastics were not recycled due to high costs and technological barriers. Agreeing to write some kind of treaty was seen as a big success, but the icing on the cake was the promise to address not only plastic litter, but “the full life cycle” of plastics. This opened the door to discussions around limiting plastic production, which most experts consider to be a nonnegotiable part of an effective mitigation strategy for plastic pollution. They liken it to an overflowing bathtub: better to “turn off the tap” — i.e., stop making plastic — rather than try to mop up the floor while the water’s still running. Experts see the treaty as a critical opportunity to stop the fossil fuel industry’s pivot to plastic production, as the world begins to phase out oil and gas from transportation and electricity generation. None of the details are even close to being finalized — but observers have called the treaty the “most significant” international environmental deal since 2015, when countries agreed to limit global warming under the Paris Agreement. And advocates hope that this agreement will ultimately have even more teeth. Under a very optimistic scenario, it could include global, legally binding plastic production caps for all U.N. member states, plus some details on how rich countries should help poorer ones achieve their plastic reduction targets. The treaty might ban particular types of plastic, plastic products, and chemical additives used in plastics, and set legally binding targets for recycling and recycled content used in consumer goods. It could also chart a path for a just transition for waste pickers in the developing world who make a living from collecting and selling plastic trash. But such a far-reaching agreement is by no means guaranteed; some countries and industry groups are working hard to water down the treaty’s ambition, and have thus far limited negotiators’ progress. When delegates first met in Punta del Este, Uruguay, in November 2022, it became clear that a vocal minority of countries — mostly oil-producing states including Saudi Arabia and Russia, as well as the U.S., to some extent — wanted to bend the treaty away from plastic production limits by focusing instead on better recycling and cleanup efforts. Petrochemical companies are also pushing for a focus on recycling, despite their trade groups knowing since the 1980s that plastics recycling would be unable to keep up with booming production. This disagreement — production versus pollution — has been central to each meeting since then, stalling progress at every turn. Although delegates have held important discussions on plastic-related chemicals and the impact of the treaty on frontline communities, by the end of INC-3 last November, negotiators still hadn’t written anything beyond a so-called “zero draft,” basically a laundry list of options and suboptions for various parts of the treaty. They also failed to agree on an agenda for “intersessional” work between INC-3 and INC-4, meaning they could not use those intervening months to continue formal discussions, although several countries arranged unofficial meetings. In a provisional note released ahead of this week’s negotiations, INC chair Luis Vayas Valdivieso made paring down the revised zero draft a key priority for delegates at INC-4. The committee should “streamline” the document, he wrote, and set an agenda for intersessional work to be completed in the months between INC-4 and INC-5. “INC-4 is going to be likely the most important of all the INCs,” said Ana Rocha, global plastics program director for the nonprofit Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives. The march on Sunday began with a rally outside of Parliament Hill, where crowds heard from activists and Indigenous leaders who traveled from all over the world to join the demonstration. EARTHDAY.ORG One of the key priorities for advocates is some kind of quantitative production limit. “If the goal is to end plastic pollution, it’ll be really hard to do without a cap on virgin plastic production,” said Douglas McCauley, an associate professor of ecosystem ecology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Some of the most specific recommendations are based on plastic’s contribution to climate change. To limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit), the nonprofit Pacific Environment calculated last year that global plastic production should be cut by 75 percent by 2050, compared to a 2019 baseline. The Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives has proposed a 12 to 17 percent reduction every year starting in 2024. A so-called “high-ambition coalition” of countries — including Norway, Rwanda, Canada, Peru, and a host of small island and developing states — say they support production limits as part of the plastics treaty, although they have not yet rallied around a particular target. It’s also possible that the treaty will have to rely on indirect measures to restrict plastic production, like bans on single-use plastics or a tax on plastic packaging. Public health has emerged as another major, and surprisingly popular, priority for the treaty. Even in the two short years since world leaders first agreed to broker a treaty, lots of new evidence has emerged to highlight the human and environmental health risks associated with plastics. Last month, scientists raised the number of chemicals known to be used in plastics from 13,000 to 16,000. More than 3,000 of these substances are known to have hazardous properties, while a much larger fraction — about 10,000 — have never been assessed for toxicity. According to one recent analysis from the nonprofit Endocrine Society, plastic-related health problems cost the U.S. $250 million per year. As of last November, more than 130 countries supported incorporating human health into the treaty’s primary objective, and many explicitly said they wanted the agreement to somehow control problematic chemicals. This is currently reflected in the zero draft, in proposals to prioritize “chemicals and polymers of concern,” putting them first in line for bans and restrictions. Some substances that would likely be included on this list are polyvinyl chloride, or PVC — the plastic used to make water pipes and some toys — as well as endocrine-disrupting chemicals like phthalates, bisphenols, and PFAS. Bjorn Beeler, general manager and international coordinator for the nonprofit International Pollutants Elimination Network, said that chemicals are the most “matured” part of the treaty. Other sections, however — like the financial details of how countries will pay for the provisions of the agreement — have been largely unaddressed. With so much left to negotiate and so little time, questions are swirling around whether there will have to be an additional meeting after INC-5, or perhaps an INC-4.1 during the summer. For now, many environmental advocates say it’s important that negotiators stick to the original schedule, running INC-4 under the assumption that they can and will finish the treaty by 2025. Should they need an extension, they can consider how best to coordinate that at a later date. Rocha, with the Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives, said she’d rather extend the timeline than rush through a weak agreement. “More important than an ambitious timeline is an ambitious treaty,” she said. — Joseph Winters More exposure Read: some of Joseph’s previous reporting on the global plastics treaty negotiations (Grist) Watch: a short video summary of what’s being proposed in the treaty (Reuters) Read: how Indigenous peoples in the Arctic are advocating for strong protections in the treaty (Inside Climate News) Read: more about EarthDay.org’s plastics advocacy, tied to its 2024 theme (Forbes) Read: a recent report analyzing the deceptive promotion of recycling by Big Oil and plastic manufacturers (The Center for Climate Integrity) See for yourself Last call for the Looking Forward drabble contest! This is the final week to share your 100-word vision for a clean, green, just future, for a chance to win presents. To submit: Send your drabble to lookingforward@grist.org with “Drabble contest” in the subject line, by the end of Friday, April 26 (two days away)! Here’s the prompt: Choose ONE climate solution that excites you, and show us how you hope it will evolve over the next 100 years to contribute to building a clean, green, just future. We’ve covered a boatload of solutions you could draw from (100, in fact!) — so if you need some inspiration, peruse the Looking Forward archive here. Drabbles offer little glimpses of the future we dream about, so paint us a compelling picture of how you hope the world, and our lives on it, will evolve. Here’s what we’re looking for: Descriptive writing that makes us feel immersed in the scene and setting. A sense of time. You don’t have to put a specific timestamp on your piece, but give us some clue that we are in the future (not an alternate reality), approximately 100 years from now, and that certain things have changed. A sense of feeling. Is this vignette about joy? Frustration? Excitement? Nervousness? The mundane pleasure of living in a world where needs are met? Make us feel something! 100 words on the dot. The winning drabbles will be published in Looking Forward in May, and the winners will receive presents! Some Grist-y swag, and a book of your choice lovingly packaged and mailed to you by Claire. A parting shot On Monday (Earth Day), in collaboration with a conservation organization called Oceana Canada, EarthDay.org projected an illuminated message onto the Canadian Supreme Court building in Ottawa, reading “plastic is toxic.” Similar messages were also projected onto Parliament Hill and the Canadian National Arts Centre, sending a clear message to leaders ahead of the treaty negotiations this week. IMAGE CREDITS Vision: Grist Spotlight: EARTHDAY.ORG Parting shot: EARTHDAY.ORG and Oceana Canada This story was originally published by Grist with the headline On the agenda this Earth Day: A global treaty to end plastic pollution on Apr 24, 2024.

Ecologists Struggle to Get a Grip on ‘Keystone Species’

More than 50 years after Bob Paine’s experiment with starfish, hundreds of species have been pronounced “keystones” in their ecosystems. Has the powerful metaphor lost its mathematical meaning? The post Ecologists Struggle to Get a Grip on ‘Keystone Species’ first appeared on Quanta Magazine

ecologyEcologists Struggle to Get a Grip on ‘Keystone Species’By Lesley Evans OgdenApril 24, 2024More than 50 years after Bob Paine’s experiment with starfish, hundreds of species have been pronounced “keystones” in their ecosystems. Has the powerful metaphor lost its mathematical meaning?In the late 1960s, Bob Paine described the Pisaster sea star as a “keystone species” in Pacific Northwest tide pools. The concept has since taken on a life of its own. Julian Nieman/Alamy Stock Photo IntroductionAnne Salomon’s first week as a graduate student in 2001 was not what she had anticipated. While other new students headed to introductory lectures, Salomon was whisked away by van and then motorboat to Tatoosh Island, which sits just offshore of the northwestern tip of Washington’s Olympic Peninsula. Among the tide pools of this isolated island, Salomon peered at the web of life on the rocks: ochre sea stars, barnacles, mussels, snails and assorted algae that took forms reminiscent of lettuce, moss and bubble wrap. A visit to this wave-pummeled outcrop was a rite of passage for lab associates of Bob Paine. Decades earlier, Paine, armed with a crowbar, had first pried purple Pisaster starfish — the ecosystem’s top predator — from tide pools in nearby Makah Bay and flung them into the sea so he could learn what forces organized the community of rock-clinging creatures. The results would profoundly influence ecology, conservation and the public perception of nature. After three years without starfish, the 15 species originally present in the pools declined to eight. After 10 years, a mussel monoculture dominated the shore. The results of Paine’s experiment, published in The American Naturalist in 1966, showed that a single species can have an outsize influence on an ecological community. When Paine shared his findings with the paleoecologist and conservationist Estella Leopold, she suggested that a powerful concept deserved an evocative name. In a subsequent paper, he designated the Pisaster starfish a “keystone species,” referring to an architectural keystone: the wedge-shaped stone atop an arch that, once inserted, prevents the structure from collapsing. “Bob had a fairly poetic, narrative mind,” said Mary Power, an emeritus professor at the University of California, Berkeley who studied under Paine. (Paine died in 2016.) Salomon, Power and other Paine students dedicated their graduate work to refining the keystone concept and defining a species’ ecological “keystone-ness” mathematically. But like starfish glomming onto rocks, the metaphor took hold in the scientific and public imagination. Many ecologists and conservationists lost sight of the original significance Paine had given to the term and began branding seemingly every important species a keystone. Indeed, an analysis published last year found that over 200 species have been marked as keystones. Usage of the label has become so broad that some ecologists fear that it has lost all meaning. Bob Paine stands in the intertidal zone of the Pacific Northwest, where he studied how purple starfish structured tide pool communities. In one of his final papers, Paine suggested that humans are a “hyperkeystone” species that exerts ecological influence over all other keystones. Kevin Schafer/Alamy IntroductionEcologists today are working to refine what “keystone species” means and advocate for a more discerning application. With a more rigorous identification of keystone species, policymakers can better identify and safeguard species that have disproportionate impacts on ecosystems, they argue. And new applications in microbial medicine could help biologists more precisely quantify the influence of a keystone species, which could benefit not just ecosystems but human health too. Species Essentiality In the decades before Paine conducted his now-famous experiment, ecologists had converged on the theory that species sharing a habitat were connected in a pyramidal network of who eats whom. At the top were rare predators, which ate minor predators or herbivores, which themselves consumed abundant “producers” like plants or algae, which were nourished directly by sunlight and photosynthesis. The web’s stability, ecologists thought, was controlled from the bottom up by the availability of producers. But by the 1960s, that thinking was changing. Could communities also be strongly influenced by predators? Maybe vegetation dominated ecosystems not because producers limited other species, but because predators prevented herbivores from overgrazing. Paine’s experiment was one of the first to convincingly demonstrate such top-down control in real time. Then the ecologist James Estes documented how sea otters in California’s offshore kelp forests played a keystone role akin to that of starfish in Paine’s tide pools. In a 1974 paper published in Science, he described how the sea otter, a single predatory species, structured the diversity of the kelp-forest community. Sea otters kept herbivorous sea urchins in check; without the predators, urchins overgrazed and wiped out the entire suite of kelp-dependent species. These studies and the keystone idea came to prominence at the same moment that America’s environmental conscience was emerging. In 1973, Congress passed the Endangered Species Act, which took a species-focused approach to conserving wildlife. The idea that restoring the population of a single species — a keystone, perhaps — could ensure the biodiversity of an ecological community aligned with this new legal framework. As a result, the keystone-species concept took on a life of its own. Scientists and conservationists increasingly applied the term to any species considered important, mischaracterizing Paine’s original idea. Top predators like wolves and sharks whose absence had drastic trickle-down impacts were demonstrably keystones. So were habitat-altering ecosystem engineers like beavers, woodpeckers, bison and prairie dogs. But before long there were also scientific references to keystone herbivores, keystone plants, keystone pollinators, even keystone pathogens. Groups of species considered important were labeled “keystone guilds.” As the term’s mainstream popularity took off, ecologists quietly worked on a mathematical definition of relationships between the species nodes in an ecological network. On Tatoosh Island, Paine’s students continued to examine tide pools, adding or deleting species to see which ones mattered most to the community. Taking careful measurements over many years, they quantified the relative capacity of each grazer to influence baby kelp’s ability to take root — a measurement Paine called “per capita interaction strength,” and which later became known as “keystone-ness.” If an organism had high keystone-ness, each individual had a disproportionately large effect on its ecosystem. However, most people weren’t following this new ecological math. By the 1990s, some ecologists had become alarmed that overuse of “keystone species” was transforming and diminishing the concept’s meaning. It was time to hash it out. In December 1994, a small conference of ecologists — some self-identifying as “keystone cops” — was held in Hilo, Hawai‘i, to develop a consensus definition. Following Paine and Power’s math, they agreed that “a keystone species is a species whose impacts on its community or ecosystem are large, and much larger than would be expected from its abundance.” The ecologist Anne Salomon, who became  “father-daughter close” with Paine as academic collaborators, studied intertidal communities in Alaska and demonstrated that chiton mollusks are a keystone species there. Brandy Yanchyk IntroductionUnder this definition, salmon are not a keystone species even though they are ecologically important. “If you take one individual salmon out of a river, it’s not going to have a huge effect,” Salomon said. In contrast, if you take one sea star out of a chunk of an intertidal zone, “it’s going to have a big effect.” The Hilo convention was a worthy effort. But it didn’t stop researchers from naming new keystones in the decades that followed. “The problem is that there are no standards to which researchers are held in designating their study organism as a keystone,” said Bruce Menge, a community ecologist at Oregon State University and another former Paine graduate student. “Anyone is free to suggest, argue or speculate that their species is a keystone.” And indeed, a new analysis recently revealed just how far the concept has stretched. We’re All Keystones Here In 2021, Ishana Shukla was a graduate student at the University of Victoria looking to analyze traits of keystone species. “I quite naïvely thought you could just Google a list of keystone species and a lovely list would come up,” she said. When she couldn’t find one, she thought she’d create her own. She mined more than 50 years of published data, encompassing 157 studies, and identified 230 species considered keystones. She saw that as ecological knowledge advanced, “the function of the keystone started to expand wider and wider.” Using an analytical technique that organizes items into related clusters, she and her co-authors found five types of keystone species: large vertebrate carnivores like sharks and wolves; invertebrate munchers like the long-spined sea urchin and cabbage butterfly; middle-of-the-pack species that are both predatory and preyed on, such as bream and bullhead fish; invertebrates that perform vital roles in food webs like northern shrimp and honeybees; and small mammals that modify habitats like the ice rat and black-tailed prairie dog. “We’ve identified a whole swath of keystones that aren’t necessarily getting conservation action or conservation attention, but we can see that they are massively important to our ecosystem,” said Shukla, now a doctoral student at the University of California, Davis. “The most important message from this paper was that keystone species are not all the same,” said Diane Srivastava, a community ecologist at the University of British Columbia who, while working in Costa Rica, identified damselfly larvae as keystone species in water pooled inside bromeliad leaves. “The public perception of a keystone species is that they are the large terrestrial mammals … but actually, most of them are not. Most keystone species are aquatic. Many of them are not predators. There’s a good number of invertebrates.” However, the paper didn’t try to evaluate whether these species were true mathematical keystones or not. Instead, Menge said, Shukla and her collaborators merely summarized how the term has been used and misused. In that way the research emphasized, rather than complicated, “continued liberal use of the term ‘keystone species’ to refer to any strong interactor that has indirect consequences,” he said. None of Shukla’s categories included microbes. Indeed, Paine and others were not thinking about microorganisms at all in their experiments. And yet quantifying keystone-ness has become the subject of a novel line of research in medical microbiology. A new analysis showed the diversity of organisms that ecologists have named ‘keystones’ in their ecosystems. Top to bottom: Large, animal-eating vertebrates, such as the sea otter; invertebrates that shape their environments, such as the honey bee; midsize vertebrates that consume plant-eaters, such as bullhead fish; and smaller, plant-eating invertebrates, such as the cabbage butterfly. Top to bottom: GomezDavid/iStock; Dustin Humes; Andyworks/iStock; Wirestock/iStock A new analysis showed the diversity of organisms that ecologists have named ‘keystones’ in their ecosystems. Clockwise from upper left: Large, animal-eating vertebrates, such as the sea otter; invertebrates that shape their environments, such as the honey bee; midsize vertebrates that consume plant-eaters, such as bullhead fish; and smaller, plant-eating invertebrates, such as the cabbage butterfly. Clockwise from top left: GomezDavid/iStock; Dustin Humes; Andyworks/iStock; Wirestock/iStock IntroductionThe Keystone in Your Gut Microbiomes involve hundreds to thousands of microbial species interacting in a complex ecosystem. So why shouldn’t they have keystone species too? “Presumably, if there’s a keystone species, then the system might be quite fragile,” said Yang-Yu Liu, who studies the microbiome at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and Harvard Medical School. For example, if antibiotics killed off your gut’s keystone microbe, the microbial ecosystem might collapse and cause health complications. “That’s why I’m interested in identifying keystone species from microbial communities,” he said. It’s not technically or ethically possible to remove species in human microbiomes one by one, the way you might pluck starfish off rocks. Instead, Liu and his colleagues turned to AI in a paper published in November in Nature Ecology & Evolution. Using data from gut, oral, soil and coral microbiome databases, they trained a deep learning model to rank the importance of species in microbial communities by looking at what happened to the community after each species was removed from its model microbiome — essentially quantifying the keystone-ness of each microbe. In Liu’s analysis, “we didn’t find any species with very large keystone-ness,” he said. The highest calculated value was around 0.2. With their definition of keystone-ness ranging between zero and 1, “0.2 is really not a big number,” he said. That doesn’t mean there aren’t keystones in microbial communities. Liu believes that these communities have very high levels of functional redundancy — meaning that multiple species may perform similar ecological roles and could therefore be interchangeable. And some species may have high keystone-ness not in an absolute sense but relative to a given person’s microbiome, which is highly personalized. “Those species are quite important in the sense that if you remove them, the system might change a lot,” Liu said. Yang-Yu Liu and postdocs Zheng Sun and Xu-Wen Wang recently used AI to characterize keystone species in gut, oral, soil and coral microbiomes. “If there’s a keystone species, then the system might be quite fragile,” Liu said. Xiaole Yin IntroductionIn that sense, in microbial communities, the keystone species concept is context-dependent. A keystone in one microbiome might not be a keystone in another. “I feel that this aspect has not been highly appreciated by ecologists,” Liu said. Ecologists are now grappling with this contextual nature of keystone species beyond microbes and pondering whether, and how, the concept matters amid the reality of biodiversity loss. Reassessing the Metaphor Menge has dedicated his career to understanding ecological community structure, continuing the emphasis on rocky shores from his graduate work with Paine. He’s found that Paine’s iconic purple star isn’t a keystone species everywhere. It has stronger keystone-ness in some places, for example in tide pools more intensely beaten by waves. “In fact, in more sheltered places, the sea star isn’t really much of a keystone at all,” he said. Paine came to accept this too. Up in Alaska, where the mussel preferred by more southern purple stars is absent, the predator is “just another sea star,” Power recalled Paine saying. The fact that keystone species are context-dependent and that they vary in space and time is “missed in short-term studies,” Menge said. Still, Srivastava isn’t ready to discard the concept. While the focus on keystones and single species may have distracted policymakers and conservationists from more holistic approaches to conservation, protecting and restoring a single species can sometimes benefit many other species in an ecosystem. “It doesn’t mean we rush to save keystone species and ignore the diversity of the system as a whole,” she said. Srivastava also emphasized that keystones are not the only way systems are stabilized. “Ecologists now think that some of the most important interactions in terms of stability are actually relatively weak interactions,” she said. “If you have a high number of species that are weakly interacting, it’s kind of like having a lot of tent pegs tying down your tent in a windstorm. It dissipates some of the perturbations.” Menge largely agrees. Amid a global loss of species, the main focus should be protecting habitats and biodiversity, not individual species, he said. “If those two things were done in enough places, then I’m not sure that the keystone-species idea is all that critical.” Maybe one keystone matters more than the rest. In one of Paine’s final papers, published in 2016 on the day of his death, he and ecologist Boris Worm proposed that humans are a “hyperkeystone species” — one that exerts profound effects through exploitation of other keystones. Humans can’t be removed from the system like starfish to quantify our impact. But we can learn how to reduce our keystone-ness through effective conservation practice and policy, Salomon said. “We also have the ability to learn to steward ourselves.” That’s one reason why ecologists continue to redefine and reconsider keystone species. The powerful symbol isn’t going anywhere, but with an improved definition, people could learn how to apply it better. Paine knew this. Salomon likes to share his words with her students: “You can’t manage out of ignorance. You have to know what species do, whom they eat, what role these prey species play. When you know that, you can make some intelligent decisions.”

How divestment became a ‘clarion call’ in anti-fossil fuel and pro-ceasefire protests

The divestment movement has a long history among US student activists, including in the overlapping movements of todayCameron Jones first learned about fossil fuel divestment as a 15-year-old climate organizer. When he enrolled at Columbia University in 2022, he joined the campus’s chapter of the youth-led climate justice group the Sunrise Movement and began pushing the school in New York to sever financial ties with coal, oil and gas companies.“The time for institutions like Columbia to be in the pocket of fossil fuel corporations has passed,” Jones wrote in an October 2023 op-ed in the student newspaper directed toward Columbia president Minouche Shafik. Continue reading...

Cameron Jones first learned about fossil fuel divestment as a 15-year-old climate organizer. When he enrolled at Columbia University in 2022, he joined the campus’s chapter of the youth-led climate justice group the Sunrise Movement and began pushing the school in New York to sever financial ties with coal, oil and gas companies.“The time for institutions like Columbia to be in the pocket of fossil fuel corporations has passed,” Jones wrote in an October 2023 op-ed in the student newspaper directed toward Columbia president Minouche Shafik.Today, 19-year-old Jones, like many other student protesters and campus organizers, is just as focused on pushing the school to divest from another group of businesses: those profiting from Israel’s war in Gaza. He and others see the issues as firmly connected, with activists learning from tactics used in both of the often overlapping movements.“Once we see large institutions like universities taking the steps to sever ties with harmful institutions, we will then hopefully see corporations and countries and cities follow suit,” Jones said on Monday, speaking from the student encampment of demonstrators on Columbia’s campus who are protesting the war and the university’s ties to Israel.In particular, students are demanding the university drop its direct investments in companies doing business in or with Israel, including Amazon and Google, which are part of a $1.2bn cloud-computing contract with the state’s government; Microsoft, whose services are used by Israel’s Ministry of Defense and Israeli Civil Administration; and defense contractors profiting from the war such as Lockheed Martin, which on Tuesday reported its earnings were up 14%.Columbia did not respond to a request for comment on the call for divestment. Last week in a campus-wide email, Shafik said that the encampment “severely disrupts campus life, and creates a harassing and intimidating environment for many of our students”.She faced criticism for directing the NYPD to clear the encampment over the weekend. The student protesters have created a new encampment and say they will not clear the lawn until their divestment demands are met. Early on Wednesday Columbia University said it had extended a midnight Tuesday deadline by 48 hours for the encampment to disband after it reportedly said protesters had agreed to to dismantle some of the tents; student negotiators said university leaders had threatened to call in the national guard and NYPD.Divestment movements have a long history among US student activists.In 1965, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Students for a Democratic Society, and the Congress of Racial Equality held a New York City sit-in calling for Chase Bank to stop financing apartheid in South Africa. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, many campus organizers also successfully pressured their schools to cut financial ties with companies that supported the apartheid regime, including Columbia, which became the first Ivy League university to make such a change.“The work we’ve done on fossil fuel divestment for years definitely took a lot of cues from those organizers,” said Matt Leonard, director of the Oil and Gas Action Network and an early advocate for fossil fuel divestment in the US.The anti-apartheid campaign inspired another movement, too: the call for boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS). Co-founded by a Columbia University alum, BDS is a strategy aiming to end international support for Israel due to its treatment of Palestinians – a relationship many scholars and officials describe as another apartheid. Today, Leonard is pressuring institutions to cut ties with the oil giant Chevron because it is extracting gas claimed by Israel in the eastern Mediterranean.Fossil fuel divestment campaigners have in recent years seen major wins on US campuses, with about 250 US educational institutions committing to pull investments in polluting companies, according to data from Stand.earth and 350.org.Calls to divest from Israel, meanwhile, have seen more muted success. While numerous campus groups have called for their institutions to take up the BDS framework, no US universities have made such a commitment. But Phyllis Bennis, a fellow at the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS), noted that some institutions such as Hampshire College re-examined their investments with Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in mind.Protesters calling for divestment from the war in Gaza have chosen divergent targets. Some groups, such as Yale University’s Endowment Justice Coalition, are pushing administrators to drop investments in weapons manufacturers specifically.Other campus activists’ demands are broader. Students with Columbia University Apartheid Divest – a coalition of dozens of campus groups including the Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapter – for instance, are broadly calling for a divestment from holdings with companies doing business with Israel, as have groups at other colleges.Bennis, of IPS, said this kind of variance has always existed in Palestinian solidarity campus movements. When it comes to selecting targets, she said, “there is no one best kind”.For years, she said, some groups placed focus on companies like the common Israeli hummus brand Sabra. Though the economic impact of putting Sabra out of business would not have had much effect on Israel overall if it had been successful, the campaign was useful because consumers have a direct relationship with the brand. “It was great for educational reasons,” she said.She advised anyone picking targets, however, to keep political goals in mind. “Try to answer to the question: if it succeeds, what is this action going to do to build the movement to stop the genocide? What’s it going to do to change Biden’s policy?” she said.In many cases, she said, that means efforts that can appeal to the largest number of people will be most successful.Many campus organizers, Bennis said, are fusing the demands for fossil fuel divestment and divestment from the war in Gaza. On Monday, Sunrise’s Columbia chapter held an Earth Day event at the Columbia encampment to call attention to the relationship between the climate crisis and the war in Gaza. That includes the emissions from the aircraft and tanks Israel is using for the war as well as those generated by making and launching bombs, artillery and rockets, not to mention the environmental devastation.“Israel is committing ecocide,” said Jones, who also works with Columbia’s SJP chapter.Yale’s Endowment Justice Coalition, which is leading the push for divestment from weapons manufacturers, is also calling for fossil fuel divestment.“Divestment is an important tactic because it aims to retract social license from industries that profit from extraction and exploitation,” said Naina Agrawal, 21, a history major at Yale. “What business does a school have profiting from the same fossil fuel companies and war profiteers that are killing its students’ communities?”Innovations in each divestment movement could spur further action in the other. Over the past five years, for instance, students have filed legal complaints claiming their universities’ investments in fossil fuels break an obscure law that requires non-profits to consider their “charitable purposes” when investing. On Monday, students at Columbia University, Tulane University and the University of Virginia submitted such filings.Activists say the same tactic could potentially be used by campus Palestinian solidarity campaigners. Nicole Xiao, 19, a second-year Columbia student, said on Monday: “My efforts focus on fossil fuels, but this principle can include investments in Israel.”Leonard said the campaigns against polluters had made it more difficult for oil majors to recruit young talent. He hopes to see the same dynamic play out for profiteers of the war in Gaza, including Lockheed Martin and Raytheon, which makes the Israeli missile defense system known as the Iron Dome.As the movements have inspired one another, backlash has inspired backlash. In 2021, for instance, Texas passed a law forbidding the state from doing business with entities that “boycott energy companies”.That law, which has sparked copycat legislation in several other states, was inspired by a 2017 law designed to prevent the state from doing business with entities who support BDS for Palestine.And conservative lawmakers could argue that divestment from Israel runs afoul of some of the anti-BDS laws that have passed in dozens of states in recent years.Both divestment movements have faced uphill battles. American University, for instance, only publicly announced fossil fuel divestment in 2020 though it had faced pressure to do so since 2012.American’s student government passed a resolution Sunday calling for the university to divest support from Israel. But university president Sylvia Burwell has said the school will not comply with their demand.Noel Healy, a geography and sustainability professor at Salem State University who got involved in fossil fuel divestment campaigns in 2012, said the upsurge of advocacy for divestment is in both cases a sign that young people are demanding accountability.“Climate justice isn’t isolated from other forms of justice,” said Healy, who authored two studies analyzing the fossil fuel divestment movement. “Every bullet manufactured, every tank deployed, and every plane launched in a conflict zone has a carbon footprint that accelerates climate change. Divestment is a clarion call for peace and sustainability.”

Rock and Roll Botany: An Endangered Plant Named After Legendary Guitarist Jimi Hendrix

With a habitat of just 2-3 acres, the entire Hendrix’s liveforever species could be wiped out by a single tractor. The post Rock and Roll Botany: An Endangered Plant Named After Legendary Guitarist Jimi Hendrix appeared first on The Revelator.

Author’s note: My “Extinction Countdown” column will mark its 20th anniversary this summer. As that milestone approaches, it’s time to look back at some previous entries and update them for the world we find ourselves in today. A shorter version of this article was published in 2017 in Scientific American, but a lot has changed since then. Will a tiny, endangered flower named after musician Jimi Hendrix fade into the purple haze of memory? Not if the researchers who discovered it have anything to say about it. They announced the discovery of the endangered plant in hopes of mobilizing efforts to protect and conserve the remote region of Baja, Mexico where it and other rare plants are found. The researchers — who dubbed the tiny new plant Hendrix’s liveforever or Dudleya hendrixii — said it is in desperate need of conservation. “We estimated there were 5,000-10,000 plants on a few acres, perhaps 2-3 acres total,” botanist Stephen McCabe, one of the authors of a paper describing the new species in the journal Madroño, told me in 2017. McCabe and his co-authors said the site, part of the “botanists’ paradise” known as Colonet Mesa, faces threats from farming, livestock grazing and possible development. Dudleya species in general are hardy plants — they don’t “live forever” as their name would imply, although they can survive uprooted without water for a year or more — but the new species’ restricted range makes it particularly vulnerable, McCabe said. The researchers warned that the site could easily be damaged or even destroyed, like castles made of sand, by an off-road vehicle or tractor. The tiny, two-inch flower itself doesn’t immediately bring Jimi Hendrix to mind, but it’s not all about appearances. It turns out that the researcher who first encountered the plant at Colonet Mesa, Mark Dodero of RECON Environmental, was listening to Hendrix’s song “Voodoo Child” when he made the discovery. That experience led McCabe, who saw Hendrix perform at the Santa Clara County Folk Rock Festival in 1969, to suggest the name, something he hoped would bring this rare flower — and maybe other plants along with it — some much-needed attention. “Jimi Hendrix was one of a number of musicians concerned about what people were doing to the environment,” he said. “This was at least a small part in embracing the choice of the name. I also liked the common name we could give, Hendrix’s liveforever, because when a poet, writer, painter or musician shares something that inspires people, I hope those inspirational creations or insights can live on after the artist passes.” McCabe admitted the naming angle was PR-worthy, but said it was an important aspect of attracting notice for this rare plant. “Cute animals easily get publicity, but it’s trickier for plants,” he told me. “We have to be clever to get attention about plants. Getting people to even register that they exist is the first step in getting people to appreciate the liveforevers and some of our other rare plant species.” In this case, it worked: The plant’s discovery made headlines around the world. Heck, it even has its own Wikipedia page. But publicity only lasts so long. Now that the initial attention has died down, the question remains: Will Dudleya hendrixii continue to exist as long as its namesake’s memory? As with any endangered species, there “ain’t no telling” what the future brings, but McCabe told me in 2017 he hoped that the plant will persist, and so far it has. Let Me Grow Next to Your Fire Flash forward to 2024, and McCabe himself has persisted in identifying new plants. He’s helped describe three more Dudleya species in the past two years, the most recent in Orange County, California. That discovery, announced in March, confirms a species that another researcher first observed in the 1950s without collecting scientific specimens. It wasn’t an easy rediscovery. The species grows on cliffs, and McCabe and his colleagues needed permission from a private landowner to access the site. They “bushwhacked their way through dense foliage and poison oak to find the plant’s steep habitat,” according to a report from the American Public Gardens Association. “We got permission from this landowner to come up from the bottom, and there had been a fire there,” said McCabe. “The vegetation had recovered from the fire and included Ceanothus, which has really sharp thorns on it, so it was really unpleasant.” They named this one Dudleya chasmophyta, or the crevice-loving Dudleya, a shift in taxonomic strategy that reflects the times. “There’s a movement to not name things after people but to try and name them after some feature of the plant, and in this case ‘crevice-loving’ seemed like a good moniker.” And if that moniker helps spread some love or appreciation for rare flowers with unique characteristics, that’s all the better. Previously in The Revelator: You Can’t Save a Species If It Doesn’t Have a Name   The post Rock and Roll Botany: An Endangered Plant Named After Legendary Guitarist Jimi Hendrix appeared first on The Revelator.

How our treatment of animals has changed — and hasn’t — in 150 years

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It was a “revolution in kindness,” we read in “Our Kindred Creatures: How Americans Came to Feel the Way They Do About Animals.” That’s how Bill Wasik, the editorial director of the New York Times Magazine, and his wife, the veterinarian Monica Murphy, describe the animal welfare movement, launched in 1866 after the Civil War when Henry Bergh, an American diplomat, founded the ASPCA, the first animal protection organization in the United States.This well-researched book is an enlightening if somewhat rambling survey of how our treatment of animals has changed over the past century and a half. It is also, frustratingly, a testament to how much has stayed the same.The story Wasik and Murphy tell begins on the streets of New York, where workhorses forced to haul overloaded carts were routinely whipped by their owners, and dog and cock fights were staged for gambling and entertainment. Such public displays of cruelty offended the new urban elite, who were increasingly taking dogs and cats into their homes as pets. Those who had fought slavery now found other objects for their liberating zeal. The crusade for animal welfare, the authors tell us, was a small part of a larger ethical awakening that swept the nation after its fratricidal bloodbath. Within a year of the founding of the ASPCA, New York state had enacted an anti-cruelty law, and the organization was given the jurisdiction to enforce it. By 1871, Wasik and Murphy write, eight of the nation’s 10 largest cities had their own SPCAs, all of them granted legal powers by their respective states.No one surpassed Bergh in sheer zeal and theatricality. Daily, the rail-thin son of a German shipping magnate took to the streets of Manhattan to command coach drivers to stop beating their horses, and to haul abusive butchers off to court. The Daily Herald compared Bergh to the inquisitor Torquemada, and cartoonists lampooned the sallow-faced activist with a drooping mustache as a sanctimonious sniveler. By contrast, the New-York Tribune (owned by the vegetarian and reformer Horace Greeley) editorialized that Bergh’s crusade deserved “the approval of all right thinking people.”The authors dedicate an entertaining chapter to Bergh’s clash with circus magnate P.T. Barnum, who displayed a menagerie of exotic creatures in his American Museum, a five-story emporium in downtown Manhattan, which included hippos and electric eels, assorted snakes, and “the Learned Seals, ‘Ned’ and ‘Fanny.’”While “Bergh had not ranked animal exhibitions highly, if at all, in his tallies of the worst offenders,” we read, he did draw a line at Barnum’s feeding boa constrictors live rabbits, a display of nature’s innate cruelty that he feared would erode the moral character of the young people who witnessed it. When Barnum went into the circus business after his museum burned down in 1865, Bergh focused on circuses’ mistreatment of animals, objecting to the use of sharpened bullhooks to train elephants. The Barnum and Bailey Circus, he declared, “should not be patronized by respectable and humane citizens.”Instead of resisting Bergh and his irksome crusade, Barnum shrewdly forged an unlikely friendship with his nemesis and eventually joined the board of his local SPCA chapter in Bridgeport, Conn. Whether this marked a sincere late-life conversion or a publicity stunt is hard to say. But Barnum’s public embrace of Bergh and animal rights helped to sway opinion at a critical moment.Meanwhile, bison were being slaughtered to the edge of extinction on the Great Plains; passenger pigeons, whose massive flocks once darkened American skies, were wiped out in a matter of decades by hunters, as were Carolina parakeets and other birds decimated for feathers to adorn women’s hats. The Audubon Society was established in 1886 to help safeguard imperiled species.Fashion could be cruel to animals, but so too could science. The authors introduce Caroline Earle White, a Philadelphia Quaker converted to Catholicism. White channeled her religious belief in the sanctity of life to the founding of the American Anti-Vivisection Society, an organization that opposed the testing of animals in laboratories.The medical establishment of the day fought back. Animal experimentation had produced remarkable benefits, including several lifesaving vaccines developed by the French microbiologist Louis Pasteur in the 1870s and ’80s. However, in less-able hands, the authors point out, millions of animal lives had been needlessly wasted — and continue to be wasted — “to no good end.”Like so many of the debates initiated by animal activists in the late 19th century, this controversy continues today. Medical experiments, now regulated, are still performed on countless creatures. But a still greater source of mass suffering is the treatment of livestock. Rudyard Kipling, who visited Chicago in 1889, described scenes in the packinghouses where pigs, “still kicking,” were dropped into boiling vats and cattle “were slain at the rate of five a minute.”The Illinois Humane Society, we read, was co-opted by the burgeoning meat industry. (Beef baron Philip D. Armour was a major contributor and a member of the society’s board of directors.) And while Upton Sinclair’s muckraking novel “The Jungle” brought public attention to the abuses of the meatpacking industry, the Federal Meat Inspection Act, passed soon after it was published, would regulate sanitary conditions in plants but not animal suffering.Serious efforts to improve the treatment of livestock would have to wait for the animal rights movement spurred by the writings of the Australian moral philosopher Peter Singer during the 1970s and beyond. But the authors remind us that progress has been slow. Sows are still imprisoned in metal gestation crates; chickens are raised so tightly packed together that they can barely turn around. America has more cows and pigs than cats and dogs, we read, but their welfare garners far less attention. And, while we remain focused on charismatic species like polar bears and whales, thousands of others teeter on the edge of extinction.Yet Wasik and Murphy are finally optimistic that the “circle of our care” is slowly expanding. The question is whether this gradual blossoming of compassion will come fast enough in an era of climate change to save our kindred creatures — and ourselves.Richard Schiffman is an environmental journalist.How Americans Came to Feel the Way They Do About AnimalsBy Bill Wasik and Monica Murphy

New Multnomah Falls parking fees spark debate, federal review

A private shuttle company is charging up to $20 to park in spots that used to be free.

Multnomah Falls visitors have already had to contend with traffic jams, new timed entry permits and occasional closures. Now some are staring at new parking fees.A small private parking lot across the street from the waterfall on the Historic Columbia River Highway has become a flashpoint for debate after new parking meters went up last weekend charging visitors up to $20 for what had previously been free spots.Sasquatch Shuttle — the company that operates the lot, runs a seasonal shuttle service to the falls and offers guided tours of the historic highway – implemented the new parking fees Thursday to alleviate congestion in the Columbia Gorge, the Salem Statesman Journal first reported Friday.The fees do not affect the main Multnomah Falls parking lot off Interstate 84, which remains free. Sasquatch Shuttle said it has leased the small lot on the historic highway from Union Pacific Railroad and will charge between $5 and $20 based on the day and season.The fees are reportedly rankling some visitors and have raised concerns within the U.S. Forest Service, which manages Multnomah Falls and is reviewing the situation.“While the Forest Service is interested in new approaches to reduce congestion and increase traffic safety around Multnomah Falls, we need to ensure it’s done in way that balances public access needs through an equity lens with our responsibilities to protect and preserve this landscape,” the federal agency said in an emailed statement.“We typically do that by requiring projects or changes like this to undergo a detailed approval process, including coordination with our partners, to ensure compliance with the Columbia River Gorge National Scenic Area Act,” the statement said.Nic Granum, deputy forest supervisor for the Columbia River Gorge National Scenic Area, said although new parking fees have been under discussion for years, it isn’t clear whether Sasquatch Shuttle is permitted to implement them. The ownership of that parking lot is also currently in question, despite the arrangement struck between the railroad company and shuttle service, Granum said.The national scenic area is a confusing patchwork of federal, state, county, city and private lands, where small parcels can lead to major headaches whenever land ownership is called into question.Granum said there’s currently no timeline for sorting out the issue at Multnomah Falls, but emphasized the agency’s sense of urgency.“It’s a high priority for us to get this resolved,” Granum said. “I think the more clarity we have the better.”People visit Multnomah Falls in the Columbia River Gorge on Tuesday, April 23, 2024.Jamie Hale/The OregonianFee signs are set up in the Sasquatch Shuttle pay lot at Multnomah Falls.Jamie Hale/The OregonianMeanwhile, Sasquatch Shuttle owners said they are simply implementing a crowd control measure that has been a long time coming, using their status as a private company to enact change much more quickly than the various government agencies that operate in the Columbia Gorge.“We’re doing what the government was unable to do,” co-owner Kent Krumpschmidt said.Sasquatch Shuttle also owns a 250-space parking lot in nearby Bridal Veil, where people can pay $5 for parking and a shuttle ride to Multnomah Falls. The company said those who don’t want to pay up to $20 to park in the roughly 48-space lot in front of the falls are encouraged to use their shuttle instead.On Tuesday afternoon, the company’s small pay lot near Multnomah Falls was nearly full, even though plenty of parking spaces were open in the free lot off Interstate 84. A parking attendant, who was busy collecting $10 payments, said the company would be charging $20 once its shuttle was up and running in May.The Sasquatch Shuttle parking, located steps away from the Multnomah Falls Lodge, offers premium access for those who want it, the company said. They also happen to be the only parking spots for those visiting the waterfall via the Historic Columbia River Highway, which runs parallel to the interstate.There is no convenient way to get from the historic highway to the main Multnomah Falls parking lot, forcing visitors to either bypass the main attraction of the famed “waterfall corridor” or jockey for spots in the small pay lot. That design has led to the infamous traffic congestion issues, which all parties in the Columbia River Gorge have been working to correct.“It’s a massive safety issue, and it’s also an environmental concern,” said Krumpschmidt, who is a former deputy with the Multnomah County Sheriff’s Office. “There were many instances where emergency response was delayed sometimes drastically.”Krumpschmidt and fellow co-owner Alan Dayley said they are not motivated by profit, but by a desire to alleviate that congestion. Money from the parking spots goes toward supporting their shuttle service, they said, as well as employees who monitor the parking lots.“Nobody likes change,” Dayley said. “No one’s going to like having to pay for something that’s historically been free.”As for the U.S. Forest Service review, the Sasquatch Shuttle owners said their understanding is that the government agency is not challenging the fees themselves but the installation of a fee machine in the parking lot. They also said the question of who owns the lot has been bouncing around for nearly two years, with no resolution and no evidence presented to them either way.Until it all gets resolved, the new parking fees will remain with peak tourism season set to begin in May.Visitors who park in the main lot off Interstate 84 will continue to be able to park there for free, though $2 timed entry permits will once again be required between May 24 and Sept. 2, from 9 a.m. to 6 p.m. daily. Those permits will not be required for cars parking in the new Sasquatch Shuttle pay lot.Granum urged the public not to frame the parking issue as a conflict between Sasquatch Shuttle and the U.S. Forest Service. Both entities share the same vision for Multnomah Falls and the Historic Columbia River Highway, he said.“We have different authorities and different objectives just by our nature, but we’re all users of the gorge and stewards of all the responsibilities we have,” including recreational access, environmental considerations and economic development, Granum said. “All of those things are important and sometimes finding the balance in those doesn’t happen overnight.”The owners of Sasquatch Shuttle agreed, citing their continued good relationship with the agency.“We like the forest service, we’re all going the same direction and we all have the same end goal in mind,” Dayley said. “We have no beef with them whatsoever.”--Jamie Hale covers travel and the outdoors and co-hosts the Peak Northwest podcast. Reach him at 503-294-4077, jhale@oregonian.com or @HaleJamesB.Our journalism needs your support. Subscribe today to OregonLive.com.

Doctors condemn suspension of retired GP over UK climate protests

British Medical Association says decision to take Dr Sarah Benn off medical register for five months ‘sends worrying message’Doctors groups are calling for urgent consideration of the rules for medical professionals who take peaceful direct action on the climate crisis, which they say is the “greatest threat to global health”, after a GP was suspended from the register for non-violent protest.Dr Sarah Benn, a GP from Birmingham, was taken off the medical register for five months on Tuesday, by the Medical Practitioners Tribunal Service (MPTS), the disciplinary arm of the General Medical Council (GMC), over her climate protests. Continue reading...

Doctors groups are calling for urgent consideration of the rules for medical professionals who take peaceful direct action on the climate crisis, which they say is the “greatest threat to global health”, after a GP was suspended from the register for non-violent protest.Dr Sarah Benn, a GP from Birmingham, was taken off the medical register for five months on Tuesday, by the Medical Practitioners Tribunal Service (MPTS), the disciplinary arm of the General Medical Council (GMC), over her climate protests.The tribunal said Benn’s fitness to practise as a doctor had been impaired by reason of misconduct. Benn, who is retired, has taken part in a number of peaceful protests since 2019.Benn received conditional discharges after being convicted for taking part in peaceful protests, including two offences of obstructing a highway. In 2022 she was jailed for 32 days for breaching a civil injunction at Kingsbury oil terminal as part of a Just Stop Oil campaign.Doctors groups were united in condemning the suspension from the medical register. The Doctors’ Association said: “Not all doctors subject to a custodial sentence having broken the law have been sanctioned by the MPTS. The MPTS can use its discretion,” the association said.The suspension of Benn showed that the GMC would impose sanctions on doctors for raising serious concerns about the risk to public health from the greatest threat to global health the world had seen, the association said.“Climate change, its effect on the planet, weather patterns, future health and even the survival of the human race is evidence based,” the association said.“The profession has not been undermined by her actions, and the public is not concerned about one doctor trying to protect them and the planet but more by the inadequate response of the government and organisations, including the GMC, to our overwhelming and unprecedented climate crisis.”The British Medical Association (BMA) said many people would find it very difficult to understand that a doctor’s ability to practise medicine could be suspended because of peaceful actions they take in protest of the climate crisis.They called for urgent consideration of the rules which meant a doctor was suspended for a punishment they had already received for taking part in a legitimately peaceful protest.“This ruling sends a worrying message to other doctors about the regulation of matters not directly related to patient care or their clinical skills, and raises serious questions about the rules behind the handling of such cases,” the BMA said.“The climate crisis is also a health crisis and as such doctors are understandably concerned.”Benn’s case will be reviewed before the five month suspension ends, when she could be struck off. In her submission to the tribunal, Benn included a statement by the UN special rapporteur on environmental defenders, Michel Forst, who earlier this year condemned the UK’s crackdown on environmental protest.In his most recent statement Forst said the professional tribunals of medical doctors taking part in peaceful direct action, suggested the situation in the UK was deteriorating. “It is important for me to stress that professional sanctions can definitely be considered as a form of penalisation, persecution or harassment,” he said.Benn told the tribunal that as a doctor she had a “moral duty to take action”.skip past newsletter promotionThe planet's most important stories. Get all the week's environment news - the good, the bad and the essentialPrivacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.after newsletter promotionShe said: “The climate emergency is a health emergency; not a potential future one, but here and now. If I know all this and I choose to stay quiet, I am failing in my obligations. I am breaching the guidance in good medical practice to make my patients’ health my first concern.”But the tribunal found the “overwhelming majority of the public would not condone breaking the law in the repeated way in which Dr Benn did, especially given the impact, on the final occasion, to the wider public resources involved”.Benn was the first of three GPs facing disciplinary action by the GMC for peaceful protest on the climate crisis.In a letter to the GMC this week, the UK Health Alliance on Climate Change, which includes the royal colleges of medicine and medical journals, said there was widespread dismay among doctors at Benn’s suspension from the medical register for Just Stop Oil protests.“Doctors cannot understand how a doctor can be punished for taking action to mitigate the damage to nature and climate, the major threat to global health,” the letter states.“There is also dismay that Dr Benn is among the first doctors to appear before a tribunal after protesting and that the finding will set a precedent for other doctors who will be following. Many in the GMC must recognise that they are finding themselves on the wrong side of history.”The GMC has been contacted for comment.

The meat industry’s war on wildlife

A coyote in the El Capitan meadow area at sunrise in Yosemite National Park. | Mark Boster/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images Your taxes fund an obscure government program that kills millions of wild animals to benefit Big Ag. A red fox killed with a cyanide bomb. A gray wolf gunned down from an airplane. A jackrabbit caught in a neck snare. These are just a few of the 1.45 million animals poisoned, shot, and trapped last year by the euphemistically named Wildlife Services, a little-known but particularly brutal program of the US Department of Agriculture. The program kills wildlife for many reasons, including poisoning birds to prevent them from striking airplanes and destroying beavers that sneak onto golf courses. But one of the primary purposes of the mostly taxpayer-funded $286 million program is to serve as the meat and dairy industries’ on-call pest control service. “We were the hired gun of the livestock industry,” said Carter Niemeyer, who worked in Wildlife Services and related programs from 1975 to 2006. Niemeyer specialized in killing and trapping predators like coyotes and wolves that were suspected of killing farmed cattle and sheep. Wildlife Services has also killed hundreds of endangered gray wolves, threatened grizzly bears, and highly endangered Mexican gray wolves, often at the behest of the livestock industry and enabled by exemptions from the Endangered Species Act. The top three species Wildlife Services killed in 2023 were European starlings, feral pigs, and coyotes, according to data released last month. How these animals were targeted — from shooting coyotes to poisoning birds — has prompted Congress to fund nonlethal initiatives within the program and conservation groups to call for sweeping changes to how Wildlife Services operates. The USDA didn’t respond to several questions sent via email. “God was our only witness out there,” Niemeyer said about agents killing animals in the field. “You just hope that everybody makes [choices] morally and ethically acceptable and as humane as possible.” To Wildlife Services’ credit, the vast majority of its work entails nonlethally scaring animals off. Controversy, though, has dogged the program for decades, as critics like Niemeyer and other former employees say much of its predator killing is unnecessary, imprecise, and inhumane. Conservation groups say it’s ecologically destructive, as such predators are crucial to ecosystem health and biodiversity. Predator hysteria, explained Adrian Treves, an environmental science professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, said the origins of today’s rampant predator killing can be found in America’s early European settlers, who brought with them the mentality that wolves were “superpredators,” posing a dangerous threat to humans. “We’ve been fed this story that the eradication of wolves was necessary for livestock production,” he said. Today, Wildlife Services’ most controversial work is its killings of coyotes and other predators for the supposed threat they pose to American ranchers and the food supply. But according to a USDA estimate, predation accounted for just 4.7 percent of cattle mortality in 2015. Conservation groups say that figure is exaggerated because it’s based on self-reported data from ranchers and shoddy methodology. According to an analysis of USDA data by the Humane Society of the United States, predation accounts for only 0.3 percent of cattle mortality. (Disclosure: I worked at the Humane Society of the United States from 2012 to 2017 on unrelated agricultural issues.) The Humane Society points to several flaws in the USDA data, including the fact that ranchers reported livestock predation from grizzly bears in six states that don’t have any grizzly bears. In the Northern Rocky Mountains region, the rate of livestock predation reported by ranchers was 27 times higher than data provided by the US Fish and Wildlife Service, which had actually confirmed livestock deaths by predators. “When I first went to work, there was just sort of this acceptance that if a rancher called and he said he had a coyote problem, we assumed that [he] had a coyote problem,” Niemeyer said. “We didn’t question it. I didn’t see a lot of meticulous necropsy work done” to investigate the cause of death. The numbers reported to the USDA by ranchers, he now believes, are “exaggerated and embellished.” USDA-APHIS A coyote caught in a foothold trap. The USDA financially compensates ranchers for livestock killed by wolves and some other species, which can create an incentive to attribute farm animal deaths to predators. Robert Gosnell, a former director of New Mexico’s USDA Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service who administered the state’s Wildlife Services program, told the Intercept in 2022 that the agency’s field inspectors had been ordered to report livestock deaths as “wolf kills” for ranchers. “My guys in the field were going and rubber-stamping anything those people asked them to,” Gosnell said. Niemeyer is not opposed to killing individual coyotes or wolves suspected of killing a particular cow or sheep. But much of Wildlife Services’ predator control, he said (and another former employee has alleged), is done preventively in an attempt to reduce coyote populations. “Every coyote is suspected of potentially being a killer,” Niemeyer said, which he characterizes as coyote or wolf “hysteria.” Last year, 68,000 coyotes were taken down by a variety of means, including ingestion of Compound 1080, a poison that causes acute pain in the form of heart blockage, respiratory failure, hallucinations, and convulsions. Thousands more animals are killed as collateral damage. Last year, over 2,000 were killed unintentionally, a consequence of setting out untold numbers of traps and baited cyanide bombs. These devices have also injured a small number of humans and, between 2000 and 2012, killed more than 1,100 dogs. Some employees have died on the job, and there have even been allegations of orders within the agency to cover up unintentional kills of pets and a federally protected golden eagle. USDA-APHIS A hawk caught in a trap. An irrational bias against predators has made it hard for Americans, and its regulators, to recognize predators’ many ecological and social benefits. One study in Wisconsin, for example, found that wild wolf populations keep deer away from roadways, which in turn reduces costly, and sometimes deadly, car crashes. And killing predators may, counterintuitively, lead to more livestock deaths, Treves said. Some predator species that experience mass killing events may compensate by having more babies at younger ages. That could partly explain why, when wolf killings increased in some Western states, livestock predation went up, too. And when you wipe out some animals, others may fill the void. Coyotes significantly expanded their range in the 1900s after America’s centuries-long wolf extermination campaign. Finally, Treves said, killing suspected predators from one ranch may simply drive the remaining population into neighboring ranches. One study he co-authored on wolf kills in Michigan found “a three times elevation of risk to livestock on neighboring properties after a farm received lethal control of wolves from Wildlife Services.” Agricultural sprawl and the war on “invasive” species Wildlife Services represents yet another example of the USDA’s seeming indifference to animal welfare, but it also highlights a little-known fact of human-wildlife conflict: Most of it stems from agriculture. Almost half of the contiguous United States is now used for meat, dairy, and egg production — most of it cattle-grazing — which has crowded out wildlife and reduced biodiversity. And whenever wild animals end up on farmland that was once their habitat, they run the risk of being poisoned, shot, or trapped by Wildlife Services. That’s true for animals that find their way onto fruit, vegetable, and nut orchards for a snack, too. But Wildlife Services’ primary goal is to protect the interests of livestock producers, USDA public affairs specialist Tanya Espinosa told me in an email — yet another subsidy for an already highly subsidized industry. While much of the criticism lobbed at Wildlife Services pertains to its treatment of charismatic megafauna like coyotes, bears, and wolves, little attention is paid to the European starling, Wildlife Services’ most targeted species. Starlings accounted for a little over half of all animals killed by Wildlife Services, at 814,310 birds. Starlings, which are targeted because they like to feast on grain at dairy farms and cattle feedlots, are mostly mass-poisoned with DRC-1339, also known as Starlicide, which destroys their heart and kidney function, slowly and excruciatingly killing them over the course of three to 80 hours. It’s not uncommon for towns across the US to suddenly find thousands of starlings dropping dead out of trees or raining from the sky. Despite these deaths, starlings receive little sympathy — even from bird enthusiasts — given its status as an “invasive” species, a term often invoked to justify excluding a species from moral consideration, according to Australian ecologist Arian Wallach. Here too, as with predators, we may be in need of a reframe, or at least a broadening of our often one-track conversation about nonnative species like feral pigs and starlings. “In no way does the starling imagine itself as an invasive species — that is a human construction,” said Natalie Hofmeister, an assistant professor of ecology at the University of Michigan and author of the forthcoming book Citizen Starling. Rethinking mass killing Despite Wildlife Services’ high kill counts, it has expanded its use of nonlethal methods in recent years, including guard dogs, electric fencing, audio/visual deterrents, bird repellent research, and fladry — tying flags along fences, which can scare off some predator species. “The last three years have shown a little bit of a turning of the tide for Wildlife Services,” said Collette Adkins, carnivore conservation director of the advocacy group Center for Biological Diversity. “There’s been more focus on preventing conflicts versus the Band-Aid of killing animals.” Matt Moyer/Getty Images A range rider in Montana hangs fladry — long red flags attached to fencing — to scare away livestock predators. Treves agrees, but is skeptical there will be meaningful change. Most importantly, he wants to see Wildlife Services experimentally test its lethal methods to see if they actually prevent livestock predation. “I am cynical,” he said. “I am frustrated that this is 20 years of arguing with this agency that’s entrenched, stubborn, and will not listen to the people who disagree with them.” There are no easy answers here. While much of Wildlife Services’ work is ecologically ruinous and unjustifiably cruel, wild animals do inflict real damage on our food supply. Better management on the part of farmers and ranchers and further USDA investment into nonlethal methods could help. Even better would be to rethink the USDA’s — and the meat industry’s — license to wage war on wildlife. A version of this story originally appeared in the Future Perfect newsletter. Sign up here!

Opinion: European court's climate ruling holds lessons for action on plastic pollution

A recent landmark decision by the European Court of Human Rights held Switzerland accountable for inadequate climate policies, specifically highlighting the increased risk of heatwave-related deaths among older women. Plastic production is another case where governments have failed to protect vulnerable groups.Sian Sutherland writes for Euronews.In short:The climate case focused on collective rights to a healthy environment.The ruling opens avenues for future legal actions against governments for failing to protect public health against environmental hazards.Plastic production, involving hazardous chemicals, represents a similar negligence, affecting reproductive health and increasing disease risks.Key quote: "This...decision is about the right of groups of people to enjoy a 'healthy environment'." — Sian Sutherland, co-founder of A Plastic Planet Why this matters: The climate case underscores the legal leverage that groups can use against governments that neglect environmental health policies. As negotiators meet in Ottawa this week to move toward agreement on a binding agreement to control plastic pollution, it's a timely message. Here's what to know about the fourth round of plastic treaty talks.

A recent landmark decision by the European Court of Human Rights held Switzerland accountable for inadequate climate policies, specifically highlighting the increased risk of heatwave-related deaths among older women. Plastic production is another case where governments have failed to protect vulnerable groups.Sian Sutherland writes for Euronews.In short:The climate case focused on collective rights to a healthy environment.The ruling opens avenues for future legal actions against governments for failing to protect public health against environmental hazards.Plastic production, involving hazardous chemicals, represents a similar negligence, affecting reproductive health and increasing disease risks.Key quote: "This...decision is about the right of groups of people to enjoy a 'healthy environment'." — Sian Sutherland, co-founder of A Plastic Planet Why this matters: The climate case underscores the legal leverage that groups can use against governments that neglect environmental health policies. As negotiators meet in Ottawa this week to move toward agreement on a binding agreement to control plastic pollution, it's a timely message. Here's what to know about the fourth round of plastic treaty talks.

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